Far-right politics are politics further on the right of the left-right spectrum than the standard political right in terms of extreme nationalism, nativist ideologies, authoritarian tendencies. The term is used to describe Nazism, neo-Nazism, neo-fascism and other ideologies or organizations that feature ultranationalist, xenophobic, anti-communist, or reactionary views; these can lead to oppression and violence against groups of people based on their supposed inferiority, or their perceived threat to the native ethnic group, state or ultraconservative traditional social institutions. Far-right politics includes but is not limited to aspects of authoritarianism, anti-communism and nativism. Claims that superior people should have greater rights than inferior people are associated with the far-right; the far-right has favored an elitist society based on its belief in the legitimacy of the rule of a supposed superior minority over the inferior masses. Some aspects of fascist ideology have been identified with right-wing political parties: in particular, the fascist idea that superior persons should dominate society while undesirable elements should be purged, which in the case of Nazism resulted in genocide.
Charles Grant, director of the Centre for European Reform in London, has distinguished between right-wing nationalist parties—which are described as far-right such as the National Front in France—and fascism. One issue is whether parties should be labelled radical or extreme, a distinction, made by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany when determining whether or not a party should be banned. Another question is what the label "right" implies when it is applied to the extreme right, given the fact that many parties that were labeled right-wing extremist tended to advance neoliberal and free market agendas as late as the 1980s, but now advocate economic policies which are more traditionally associated with the left, such as anti-globalisation and protectionism. One approach, drawing on the writings of Norberto Bobbio, argues that attitudes towards political equality are what distinguish the left from the right and they therefore allow these parties to be positioned on the right of the political spectrum.
There is debate about how appropriate the labels fascist or neo-Fascist are. According to Cas Mudde, "the labels Neo-Nazi and to a lesser extent neo-Fascism are now used for parties and groups that explicitly state a desire to restore the Third Reich or quote historical National Socialism as their ideological influence". Right-wing populism, a political ideology that combines laissez-faire capitalism, nationalism and anti-elitism, is sometimes described as far-right. Right-wing populism involves appeals to the "common man" and opposition to immigration. Far-right politics sometimes involves anti-immigration and anti-integration stances towards groups that are deemed inferior and undesirable. Concerning the socio-cultural dimension of nationality and migration, one far-right position is the view that certain ethnic, racial or religious groups should stay separate and it is based on the belief that the interests of one's own group should be prioritised. Proponents of the horseshoe theory interpretation of the left-right spectrum identify the far-left and the far-right as having more in common with each other as extremists than each of them has with moderate centrists.
In the United States, the term hard right has been used to describe groups such as the Tea Party movement and the Patriot movement. The term has been used to describe ideologies such as paleoconservatism, Dominion Theology and white nationalism; the German political scientist Klaus von Beyme describes three historical phases in the development of far-right parties in Western Europe after World War II. From 1945 to the mid-1950s, far-right parties were marginalised and their ideologies were discredited due to the recent existence and defeat of Nazism, thus in the years following World War II, the main objective of far-right parties was survival and achieving any political impact at all was not expected. From the mid-1950s to the 1970s, the so-called "populist protest phase" emerged with sporadic electoral success. During this period, far-right parties drew to them charismatic leaders whose profound mistrust of the political establishment led to an "us-versus-them" mind set: "us" being the nation's citizenry, "them" being the politicians and bureaucrats who were in office.
Beginning in the 1980s, the electoral successes of far-right political candidates made it possible for far-right political parties to revitalize anti-immigration as a mainstream issue. Jens Rydgren describes a number of theories as to why individuals support far-right political parties and the academic literature on this topic distinguishes between demand-side theories that have changed the "interests, emotions and preferences of voters" and supply-side theories which focus on the programmes of parties, their organisation and the opportunity structures within individual political systems; the most common demand-side theories are the social breakdown thesis, the relative deprivation thesis, the modernisation losers thesis and the ethnic competition thesis. The rise of far-right political parties has been viewed as a rejection of post-materialist values on the part of some voters; this theory, known as the reverse post-material thesis blames both left-wing and progressive parties for embracing a post-material agenda that alienates traditional working class voters.
Another study argues that individuals who join far-right parties determine whether those parties develop into major political players
Joaquín Antonio Balaguer Ricardo was the President of the Dominican Republic who served three non-consecutive terms for that office from 1960 to 1962, 1966 to 1978, 1986 to 1996. His enigmatic, secretive personality inherited from the Trujillo era, as well as his desire to perpetuate himself in power through dubious elections and state terrorism, earned him the nickname of caudillo, his regime of terror damaged 11,000 victims who were either tortured or forcibly disappeared and killed. Balaguer was born on 1 September 1906 in Villa Bisonó, Santiago Province in the northwestern corner of the Dominican Republic, his father was Joaquín Jesús Balaguer Lespier, a Puerto Rican native of Catalan and French ancestry, his mother was Carmen Celia Ricardo Heureaux, daughter of Manuel de Jesus Ricardo and Rosa Amelia Heureaux, a half-cousin of President Ulises Heureaux. Balaguer was the only son in a family of several daughters. From a early age, Balaguer felt an attraction to literature, composing verses that were published in local magazines when he was young.
After graduating from school, Balaguer earned a law degree from the University of Santo Domingo and studied for a brief period at the University of Paris I Pantheon-Sorbonne As a youth, Balaguer wrote of the awe with which he was struck by his father’s fellow countryman, the Harvard graduate and political leader from Puerto Rico, Pedro Albizu. Despite the profound differences regarding their ethical and world visions, Albizu’s fiery and charismatic rhetoric captured Balaguer’s imagination and his recollection of this occasion was a harbinger of his passion for politics and intellectual debate. Balaguer's political career began in 1930. In years, he served as Secretary of the Dominican Legation in Madrid, Undersecretary of the Presidency, Undersecretary of Foreign Relations, Extraordinary Ambassador to Colombia and Ecuador, Ambassador to Mexico, Secretary of Education, Secretary of State of Foreign Relations; when Trujillo arranged to have his brother Héctor re-elected to the presidency in 1957, he chose Balaguer as vice-president.
Three years when pressure from the Organization of American States convinced the dictator that it was inappropriate to have a member of his family as president, Trujillo forced his brother to resign, Balaguer succeeded to the post. The situation was altered, when Trujillo was assassinated in May 1961. Trujillo's son, Ramfis inherited power with Balaguer as his puppet, they took steps to liberalize the regime, granting some civil liberties and easing Trujillo's tight censorship of the press. Meanwhile, he revoked the nonaggression pact made with Cuba in January 1961; these measures did not go nearly far enough for a populace who had no memory of the instability and poverty that preceded Trujillo, wanted more freedom and a more equitable distribution of wealth. At the same time, Ramfis' reforms went too far for the hard-line trujillistas led by his own uncles, Héctor and José Arismendi Trujillo; as the OAS continued economic sanctions imposed for Trujillo's attempted murder of Venezuelan President Romulo Betancourt, Ramfis warned that the country could descend into civil war between left and right.
Although official and unofficial repression of the opposition parties continued, Balaguer publicly condemned this repression and in September he pledged to form a coalition government. Hector and Jose Trujillo left the country in October but the opposition parties demanded Ramfis withdraw from the government as well. At the end of October, Ramfis announced that he would resign if the OAS agreed to lift the economic sanctions; the OAS agreed on November 14 but Ramfis’ uncles returned to the country the following day, hoping to lead a military coup. Ramfis resigned and went into exile on November 17 and rumours circulated that Air Force general Fernando Arturo Sánchez Otero would support pro-Castro revolutionaries; the United States now sent a small fleet of 1,800 marines to patrol Dominican waters. The US consul informed Balaguer that these forces stood ready to intervene at his request, would be supported by forces from Venezuela and Colombia. Air Force general Pedro Rafael Ramón Rodríguez Echavarría announced his support for Balaguer and bombed pro-Trujillo forces.
The Trujillo brothers again fled the country on November 20 and Echavarría became Secretary of Armed Forces. The Union Civica Nacional called a national strike and demanded the formation of a provisional government under their leader, Viriato Fiallo, with elections to be delayed until 1964; the military were vehemently against the UCN taking power and Echaverría proposed a continuation of the Balaguer regime until the elections. The American consul mediated between the two sides and in January 1962 final agreement led to the creation of a seven-member Council of State, led by Balaguer but including members of the UCN, to replace both the Dominican Congress and the President and his cabinet until the election; the OAS lifted sanctions against the country upon the formation of the council. However, popular unrest against Balaguer continued and many saw Echaverría as positioning himself to seize power. Military forces opened fire on demonstrators on 14 January. On 16 January, Balaguer resigned and Echaverría staged a military coup d'état and arrested the other member of the council.
With the US supporting
2008 Dominican Republic presidential election
Presidential elections were held in the Dominican Republic on 16 May 2008. The result was a victory for incumbent President Leonel Fernández of the Dominican Liberation Party
Civic Renovation Party
The Civic Renovation Party is an emerging party in Dominican Republic, founded in 2006 as a political movement called Civic Renovation Movement, by Jorge Radhamés Zorrilla Ozuna and a group of Dominican citizens with social democratic orientation. On December 16, 2009 the Civic Renovation Party is recognized by Junta Central Electoral and in 2012 participated in the presidential elections, supporting the candidate of the Dominican Liberation Party, Danilo Medina, through the Purple Alliance; the Civic Renovation Party is a political organization built by Dominican men and women with freedom of action and alliances, with a strategic vision towards the consolidation of true democracy. This party conceives democracy as equality in social, political and educational opportunities, its main objective is to turn Dominican Republic in more democratic and just country, where social justice prevails. The General Status dictates the organization parameters of the political party; the National Assembly is the executive organism of the National Direction and is integrated by the President of the party.
Is the maximum organism of the party, integrated by: Members of the National Direction President and Secretary of each municipality President of each Municipal District President, Secretary-General, Secretary of Organization, Electoral Secretary, Women’s Secretary, the Secretary of Youth of provincial committees, except the National District. The provinces of Santo Domingo and Santiago are represented by: Ten delegates of the National District, chosen by its direction. Ten delegates of Santo Domingo province, chose by its direction. Ten delegates of Santiago province, chosen by its direction. Presidents and Secretary-Generals of the exterior sectionals; the National Assembly will have an ordinary meeting every two years and will have an extraordinary meeting every time the President and Secretary-General, the Executive Commission, or two-thirds of the members of the National Direction requires so. The attributions of the National Assembly are: Approve and/or modify the general guidelines of the party Approve and/or modify the General Statutes Elect the National Direction Elect the President and Secretary-General of the party The National Direction is composed by every member of the Executive Commission, the Political Commission, the Presidents, the Secretary-Generals of Provincial Committees, the presidents of the Municipal Committees and Municipal Districts.
The National Direction is in charge of: Electing every member of the Executive Commission, with the exception of the President of the party and the Secretary General Electing the National Secretaries Electing the Regional Directors Applying the politics approved by the National Assembly Knowing the reports of the Executive Commission The National Direction will meet ordinarily every six months and extraordinarily any time the President and Secretary-General or the two thirds of its members decide to convoke The Executive Commission is the organism in charge of executing and supervising the politics that are approved by the National Assembly and National Direction of the party. The Executive Commission is composed by the President, Vice-Presidents, the Secretary-General, the Under-Secretary-General, the National Secretaries, the Regional Directors, the Presidents of the National District and the provinces of Santo Domingo and Santiago; the Executive Commission is in charge of: Implementing the politics designed by the National Direction, the resolutions and politics approved by the National Assembly.
Direct the relationships with other national and international organizations Recommend and modify the regulations that rule the statutes Propose to the National Assembly the names of aspiring members of the National Direction The Executive Commission will meet every three months The Politic Commission is the strategic organism of the party in charge of directing and supervising the politics and resolutions approved by the National Assembly and the National Direction. It’s composed by nine members: the President, the first Vice-President, the Secretary-General, the Secretary of Finances, the Organization Secretary, the Presidents of the National Districts and the provinces of Santo Domingo and Santiago, a 9th member designated by the President of the Party; the Politic Commission is in charge of: Designating how many commissions are necessary to perform specific tasks Give follow-up on the politics and resolutions approved by the National Direction and the Executive Commission. Elaborate regulations and procedures to regulate specific topics regarding the structure of the different organisms of the party The flag of the Civic Renovation Party is made up of 5 horizontal stripes: green symbolizes hope.
In the center is located the coat of arms which consists on a white hand holding a red flame, symbolizing the solidarity with the Dominican Nation. In the upper part of coat of arms are written the acronym of the Civic Renovation Party in navy blue. Underneath the coat of arms is the party’s motto: "Democracia, Justicia y Solidaridad"; the anthem of the PCR were written by its President, Jorge Radhamés Zorrilla Ozuna, with the purpose of achieving society’s development and well-being regardless of the each person’s religion or beliefs. The President is the spokesman and official representative of the party, presides the National Assembly, the National Direction, the Executive Commission; the President is in charge of convoking the National Direction, Executive Commission, Political Commission anytime he considers necessary to
Liberal conservatism is a political ideology combining conservative policies with liberal stances on economic and ethical issues, or a brand of political conservatism influenced by liberalism. Liberal conservatism incorporates the classical liberal view of minimal government intervention in the economy, according to which individuals should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without government interference. However, individuals cannot be depended on to act responsibly in other spheres of life, therefore liberal conservatives believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order and social institutions are needed to nurture a sense of duty and responsibility to the nation, they support civil liberties, along with some social conservative positions. In Europe liberal conservatism is the dominant form of contemporary conservatism and centre-right politics; as both "conservatism" and "liberalism" have had different meanings over time and across countries, the term "liberal conservatism" has been used in quite different ways.
It contrasts with "aristocratic conservatism", which deems the principle of equality as something discordant with human nature and emphasizes instead the idea of natural inequality. As conservatives in democratic countries have embraced typical liberal institutions such as the rule of law, private property, the market economy and constitutional representative government, the liberal element of liberal conservatism became consensual among conservatives. In some countries, the term "liberal conservatism" came to be understood as "conservatism" in popular culture, prompting some conservatives who embraced more classical liberal values to call themselves "libertarians" instead. In the United States conservatives combine the economic individualism of classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism that emphasizes the natural inequalities between men, the irrationality of human behavior as the basis for the human drive for order and stability and the rejection of natural rights as the basis for government.
However, from a different perspective, American conservatism has exalted three tenets of Burkean conservatism, namely the diffidence toward the power of the state, the preference of liberty over equality, patriotism while rejecting the three remaining tenets, namely loyalty to traditional institutions and hierarchies, scepticism regarding progress and elitism. In the United States the term "liberal conservatism" is not used. American "modern liberalism" happens to be quite different from European liberalism and occupies the centre-left of the political spectrum, in contrast to many European countries where liberalism is more associated with the centre-right and social democracy makes up a substantial part of the centre-left; the opposite is true in Latin America, where economically liberal conservatism is labelled under the rubric of neoliberalism both in popular culture and academic discourse. For their part, in their embracement of liberal and free market principles, European liberal conservatives are distinguishable from those holding national conservative social-conservative and/or outright populist views, let alone a right-wing populist posture.
Being liberal involves stressing free market economics and the belief in individual responsibility together with the defense of civil rights and support for a limited welfare state. Compared to other centre-right political traditions, such as Christian democracy, liberal conservatives are less traditionalist and more economically liberal, favouring low taxes and minimal state intervention in the economy; some regional varieties and peculiarities can be observed: In much of central and northwestern Europe in Germanic and traditionally Protestant countries, as well as the United Kingdom and Belgium, a divide persists between liberal conservatives and liberals. In most Nordic countries, liberal conservatives, Christian democrats and liberals form distinct political families and have each their own party. In most countries where Romance languages are spoken and where Catholicism is or has been dominant, as well as in Greece, liberal conservative movements encompassing Christian democrats and liberals, have more gained traction and the terms "conservative" and "liberal" may be understood as synonymous.
At the European level, Christian democrats and most liberal conservatives are affiliated to the European People's Party, while liberals to the Alliance of Liberals and Democrats for Europe Party. In this context, some traditionally Christian-democratic parties have become undistinguishable from other liberal-conservative parties. On the other hand, newer liberal-conservative parties have not adopted traditional labels, but their ideologies are a mixture of conservatism, Christian democracy and liberalism. In the modern European discourse, "liberal conservatism" encompasses centre-right political outlooks that reject at least to
Liberalism is a political and moral philosophy based on liberty and equal rights. Liberals espouse a wide array of views depending on their understanding of these principles, but they support limited government, individual rights, democracy, gender equality, racial equality, freedom of speech, freedom of the press and freedom of religion. Liberalism became a distinct movement in the Age of Enlightenment, when it became popular among Western philosophers and economists. Liberalism sought to replace the norms of hereditary privilege, state religion, absolute monarchy, the divine right of kings and traditional conservatism with representative democracy and the rule of law. Liberals ended mercantilist policies, royal monopolies and other barriers to trade, instead promoting free markets. Philosopher John Locke is credited with founding liberalism as a distinct tradition, arguing that each man has a natural right to life and property, adding that governments must not violate these rights based on the social contract.
While the British liberal tradition has emphasised expanding democracy, French liberalism has emphasised rejecting authoritarianism and is linked to nation-building. Leaders in the Glorious Revolution of 1688, the American Revolution of 1776 and the French Revolution of 1789 used liberal philosophy to justify the armed overthrow of royal tyranny. Liberalism started to spread especially after the French Revolution; the 19th century saw liberal governments established in nations across Europe and South America, whereas it was well-established alongside republicanism in the United States. In Victorian Britain, it was used to critique the political establishment, appealing to science and reason on behalf of the people. During 19th and early 20th century, liberalism in the Ottoman Empire and Middle East influenced periods of reform such as the Tanzimat and Al-Nahda as well as the rise of secularism, constitutionalism and nationalism; these changes, along with other factors, helped to create a sense of crisis within Islam, which continues to this day, leading to Islamic revivalism.
Before 1920, the main ideological opponent of classical liberalism was conservatism, but liberalism faced major ideological challenges from new opponents: fascism and communism. However, during the 20th century liberal ideas spread further—especially in Western Europe—as liberal democracies found themselves on the winning side in both world wars. In Europe and North America, the establishment of social liberalism became a key component in the expansion of the welfare state. Today, liberal parties continue to wield influence throughout the world. However, liberalism still has challenges to overcome in Asia; the fundamental elements of contemporary society have liberal roots. The early waves of liberalism popularised economic individualism while expanding constitutional government and parliamentary authority. Liberals sought and established a constitutional order that prized important individual freedoms, such as freedom of speech and freedom of association. Waves of modern liberal thought and struggle were influenced by the need to expand civil rights.
Liberals have advocated gender and racial equality in their drive to promote civil rights and a global civil rights movement in the 20th century achieved several objectives towards both goals. Continental European liberalism is divided between moderates and progressives, with the moderates tending to elitism and the progressives supporting the universalisation of fundamental institutions, such as universal suffrage, universal education and the expansion of property rights. Over time, the moderates displaced the progressives as the main guardians of continental European liberalism. Words such as liberal, liberty and libertine all trace their history to the Latin liber, which means "free". One of the first recorded instances of the word liberal occurs in 1375, when it was used to describe the liberal arts in the context of an education desirable for a free-born man; the word's early connection with the classical education of a medieval university soon gave way to a proliferation of different denotations and connotations.
Liberal could refer to "free in bestowing" as early as 1387, "made without stint" in 1433, "freely permitted" in 1530 and "free from restraint"—often as a pejorative remark—in the 16th and the 17th centuries. In 16th century England, liberal could have positive or negative attributes in referring to someone's generosity or indiscretion. In Much Ado About Nothing, William Shakespeare wrote of "a liberal villaine" who "hath confest his vile encounters". With the rise of the Enlightenment, the word acquired decisively more positive undertones, being defined as "free from narrow prejudice" in 1781 and "free from bigotry" in 1823. In 1815, the first use of the word "liberalism" appeared in English. In Spain, the liberales, the first group to use the liberal label in a political context, fought for decades for the implementation of the 1812 Constitution. From 1820 to 1823 during the Trienio Liberal, King Ferdinand VII was compelled by the liberales to swear to uphold the Constitution. By the middle of the 19th century, liberal was used as a politicised term for parties and movements worldwide.
Over time, the meaning of the word liberalism began to diverge in different parts of the world. According to the Encyclopædia Britannica: "In the United States, liberalism is associated with the welfare-state policies of the New Deal programme of the Democratic administration of Pres. Franklin D. Roosevelt, where
The Distrito Nacional is a subdivision of the Dominican Republic enclosing the capital Santo Domingo. It is not in any of the provinces. Before October 16, 2001, the Distrito Nacional was much larger, including what is now known as Santo Domingo Province. Published statistics and maps show the former, Distrito Nacional; the Distrito Nacional has no undeveloped areas. The Poligono Central is the central area of Santo Domingo. Upscale neighborhoods of Naco and Paraiso are located within this central poligon. Most of the financial activity in Santo Domingo is located in the Poligono; the Distrito Nacional houses the central government's executive branch Presidential Office, the national congressional building and the top judicial court building. It houses all the nationwide public office's main buildings, called Ministerios. For the main article, please select Ciudad Colonial; the Ciudad Colonial is the oldest continually occupied European settlement in the Western hemisphere, established by Bartholomew Columbus and the Spanish explorers in the New World.
It has several historic landmarks and is declared as World Heritage Site by the UNESCO. There are various nightlife activities available inside the Distrito Nacional. Upscale nightclubs, hotels, restaurants with international bars are available. Discothèque DJs and live performances caters both local sounds and dance music Most nightclubs alternate between the two main genres. Several chain restaurants are available serving dinner up to midnight. Most restaurants within hotels don't close at all, the majority of casinos serve complimentary snacks all night. Most restaurants are specialized on the following cuisines: Local, French, Mexican, Seafood and Japanese). There are several movie cinemas that are on par with worldwide premiers. Jazz music outlets, live theater, live concerts and sports events are available throghtout the whole week. Distrito Nacional has several urban parks, the largest one, Parque Mirador Sur, overlooking the Caribbean Sea from a high cliff from the Avenida Mirador Sur, it has several miles of open road designed for picnic and cycling.
Roller skating and Kendo are practiced in areas of the park. Other places in the area include: Plaza de la Cultura Juan Pablo Duarte - which houses several national museums and is host of the International Book Fair, it houses the Teatro Nacional. The Orquesta Sinfónica Nacional holds concerts under the direction of Maestro José Antonio Molina. Centro Olímpico Juan Pablo Duarte - Olympic facility in the center of the city, it includes the Estadio Olímpico Félix Sánchez. Estadio Quisqueya - baseball stadium, home of two national teams: Tigres del Licey and Leones del Escogido; the former is the winningest team of the Caribbean Series. There are several shopping malls that represent international brands of clothing, electronic goods and the like. Banks, barber shops, internet cafés, travel agencies, dental offices and supermarkets can all be found under a single roof. There are plenty of private schools that offer teaching in both Spanish and English. Among the public universities is the first university of the Americas, Universidad Autónoma de Santo Domingo, located near the center-south of the city.
The first private university, Pontificia Universidad Católica Madre y Maestra, has a campus nearby. The Distrito Nacional boasts the first and only underground public transportation system in the country; the first line connects the Distrito Nacional with Santo Domingo Norte. Other means of public transportation include: taxi services, public bus routes, urban transportation by bus, local airports and rent cars. International flights are handled by the near Las Américas International Airport, it can be reached from the city center through some 20 miles of expanded expressway and new suspension bridge. The Distrito Nacional is represented in the Senate and the Chamber of Deputies on the same scale as a Province, its local government is the same as the provincial municipios, without the equivalent of a provincial tier of government. The Distrito Nacional is subdivided in incorporated areas called sectores which could be considered as small urban towns. All sectores are serviced directly by the municipal mayor's office.
Some sectores prefixes: Ciudad - applies to the original older parts of town, some dating back to colonial times. Villa - the urban outskirts of both the old city of Santo Domingo and the current Distrito Nacional. Oficina Nacional de Estadística, Statistics Portal of the Dominican Republic Oficina Nacional de Estadística, Maps with administrative division of the provinces of the Dominican Republic, downloadable in PDF format "Barrios y sub-barrios del Distrito Nacional", City Council of the National District