The Acoli spelled Acholi, are a Nilo-Shemetic Luo ethnic group who migrated from Bhar el Ghazal South Sudan Magwi County and Northern Uganda, including the districts of Agago, Gulu, Nwoya and Pader. 1.17 million Acoli were counted in the Uganda census of 2002, 45,000 more were living in South Sudan in 2000. The Acholi dialect is a Western Nilotic language, classified as Luo, it is mutually intelligible with Lango and other Luo languages. The Luo language and dialect is spoken by the Luo groups who are settled in various locations including western Kenya, Eastern Uganda, West Nile in Uganda, South Sudan; the Song of Lawino, one of the most successful African literary works, was written by Okot p'Bitek in Acholi, translated to English. Acholiland or "Acoli-land" is a inexact ethnolinguistic taxonomy that refers to the region traditionally inhabited by the Acoli. In the administrative structure of Uganda, Acoli is composed of the districts of: Agago Amuru Gulu Kitgum Lamwo Nwoya Pader Under the decentralisation policy of the government, creation of another district, Omoro, is in the offing.
It encompasses about 28,500 km2 near the Uganda-Sudan border. Its current population is estimated to be around 600,000 individuals, or four per cent of the total national population. While Acoli live north of the South Sudanese border, the Sudanese Acoli are excluded from the political meaning of the term "Acoliland"; the word ` Acoli' is a misnomer. It refers to people known locally as Luo Gang; that is. The presumed nominal forebears of the present day Acoli group migrated South to Northern Uganda from the area now known as Bahr el Ghazal in South Sudan by about 1,000 AD. Starting in the late seventeenth century, a new sociopolitical order developed among the Luo of Northern Uganda characterized by the formation of chiefdoms headed by Rwodi; the chiefs traditionally came from one clan, each chiefdom had several villages made up of different patrilineal clans. By the mid-nineteenth century, about 60 small chiefdoms existed in eastern Acoliland. During the second half of the nineteenth century, Arabic-speaking traders from the north started to call them Shooli, a term, transformed into'Acholi'.
Their traditional communities were organised hamlets of circular huts with high peaked rooves, furnished with a mud sleeping-platform, jars of grain and a sunken fireplace. Women daubed the walls with mud, decorating them with geometrical or conventional designs in red, white or grey; the men were skilled hunters, using spears. They kept goats and cattle; the women were accomplished agriculturists and processing a variety of food crops, including millet, groundnuts, peas and vegetables. In war, the men used long, narrow shields of giraffe or ox hide. During Uganda's colonial period, the British encouraged political and economic development in the south of the country, in particular among the Baganda. In contrast, the Acoli and other northern ethnic groups supplied much of the national manual labour and came to comprise a majority of the military, creating what some have called a "military ethnocracy". Many of the Acoli soldiers who joined the Kings African Rifles, the British colonial army, were deployed to the frontlines in central Asia in Singapore and Burma during the World War II where they held British positions against an intense Japanese offensive.
Notable among the Acoli soldiers who made the ranks were Gen. Tito Okello-Lutwa, Brig. Pyerino Okoya and Lt. Gen Bazilio Olara-Okello. Due to a changing economy, after the 1950s, fewer Acoli were recruited to the armed forces, but continued to be associated with them in popular mythology and stereotypes. In the 2000s, James Ojent Latigo described some of Uganda's social problems as based on the way the political elites have used ethnicities to divide the country, he has noted that the emphasis on distinction among ethnic groups has been part of the internal government dialogue." He wrote, "Part of the structural causes of the conflict in Uganda has been explained as rooted in the ‘diversity of ethnic groups which were at different levels of socio-economic development and political organisation.’ He has written further, "Since independence in 1962, Uganda has been plagued by ethnically driven, politically manipulated violence referred to by some as a history of ‘cycles of revenge and mistrust’.
Deep-rooted divisions and polarization remain between different ethnic groups, these have been exacerbated by the way in which the country’s leadership has developed since independence." Milton Obote, the first leader after independence, relied on Acoli and Langi Luo people in government. Idi Amin was from north Uganda, but was of the Kakwa people, he overthrew Obote's government and established a dictatorship suppressing and killing 300,000 persons, including many Acoli. General Tito Okello was an Acoli, came to power in a military coup, he was defeated in January 1986. Despite the years of leadership by men from the North, that region continued to be marginalized economically after independence, has suffered higher rates of poverty than other areas of the country. After defeating Okello and his Acoli-dominated Uganda National Liberation Army, now-President Yoweri Museveni and his National Resistance Army conducted revenge killings in the north. Museveni has held absolute power since
Tito Lutwa Okello was a Ugandan military officer and politician. He was the President of Uganda from 29 July 1985 until 26 January 1986. Tito Okello was born into an ethnic Acholi family in circa 1914 in Kitgum District, he joined the King's African Rifles in 1940 and served in the East African Campaign of World War II. As a career military officer, he had a variety of assignments. Okello was one of the commanders in the coalition between the Tanzania People's Defence Force and the Uganda National Liberation Army, who removed Idi Amin from power in 1979, he was selected to be the Commander of the Ugandan National Liberation Army from 1980 to 1985. In July 1985, together with Bazilio Olara-Okello, Tito Lutwa Okello staged the coup d'état that ousted president Milton Obote, he ruled as president for six months until he was overthrown by the National Resistance Army operating under the leadership of the current president, Yoweri Museveni. He went into exile in Kenya. Tito Okello's son Henry Oryem Okello is the current State Minister for Foreign Affairs responsible for International Affairs.
In 2002, Tito Okello's younger brother, Erisanweri Opira, was abducted from his home in Kitgum District by the rebel group, the Lord's Resistance Army. His abduction was considered unusual as the LRA kidnapped teenagers and young people to use as prospective soldiers or sex slaves. Opira was in his late seventies. Okello remained in exile until 1993, when he was granted amnesty by President Museveni and returned to Kampala, he died three years of an undisclosed illness, on 3 June 1996. He was 82 years old at the time of his death, his remains were buried at his ancestral home in Kitgum District. In January 2010, Okello was posthumously awarded the Kagera National Medal of Honor for fighting against the Idi Amin dictatorship in the 1970s. Uganda since 1979, part of the History of Uganda series. President of Uganda Politics of Uganda Okello Oryem Analysis of Uganda's Political and Military Turmoil in the 1970s and 1980s
Library of Congress
The Library of Congress is the research library that serves the United States Congress and is the de facto national library of the United States. It is the oldest federal cultural institution in the United States; the Library is housed in three buildings on Capitol Hill in Washington, D. C.. The Library's functions are overseen by the Librarian of Congress, its buildings are maintained by the Architect of the Capitol; the Library of Congress has claimed to be the largest library in the world. Its "collections are universal, not limited by subject, format, or national boundary, include research materials from all parts of the world and in more than 450 languages."The Library of Congress moved to Washington in 1800 after sitting for 11 years in the temporary national capitals in New York City and Philadelphia. The small Congressional Library was housed in the United States Capitol for most of the 19th century until the early 1890s. Most of the original collection had been destroyed by the British in 1814 during the War of 1812, the library sought to restore its collection in 1815.
They bought Thomas Jefferson's entire personal collection of 6,487 books. After a period of slow growth, another fire struck the Library in its Capitol chambers in 1851, again destroying a large amount of the collection, including many of Jefferson's books. After the American Civil War, the Library of Congress grew in both size and importance, which sparked a campaign to purchase replacement copies for volumes, burned; the Library received the right of transference of all copyrighted works to deposit two copies of books, maps and diagrams printed in the United States. It began to build its collections, its development culminated between 1888 and 1894 with the construction of a separate, extensive library building across the street from the Capitol; the Library's primary mission is to research inquiries made by members of Congress, carried out through the Congressional Research Service. The Library is open to the public, although only high-ranking government officials and Library employees may check out books and materials.
James Madison is credited with the idea of creating a congressional library, first making such a proposition in 1783. The Library of Congress was subsequently established April 24, 1800 when President John Adams signed an act of Congress providing for the transfer of the seat of government from Philadelphia to the new capital city of Washington. Part of the legislation appropriated $5,000 "for the purchase of such books as may be necessary for the use of Congress... and for fitting up a suitable apartment for containing them." Books were ordered from London, the collection consisted of 740 books and three maps which were housed in the new United States Capitol. President Thomas Jefferson played an important role in establishing the structure of the Library of Congress. On January 26, 1802, he signed a bill that allowed the president to appoint the Librarian of Congress and establishing a Joint Committee on the Library to regulate and oversee it; the new law extended borrowing privileges to the President and Vice President.
The invading British army burned Washington in August 1814 during the War of 1812 and destroyed the Library of Congress and its collection of 3,000 volumes. These volumes had been left in the Senate wing of the Capitol. One of the few congressional volumes to survive was a government account book of receipts and expenditures for 1810, it was taken as a souvenir by British Admiral George Cockburn, whose family returned it to the United States government in 1940. Within a month, Thomas Jefferson offered to sell his personal library as a replacement. Congress accepted his offer in January 1815; some members of the House of Representatives opposed the outright purchase, including New Hampshire Representative Daniel Webster who wanted to return "all books of an atheistical and immoral tendency." Jefferson had spent 50 years accumulating a wide variety of books in several languages and on subjects such as philosophy, law, architecture, natural sciences, studies of classical Greece and Rome, modern inventions, hot air balloons, submarines, fossils and meteorology.
He had collected books on topics not viewed as part of a legislative library, such as cookbooks. However, he believed, he remarked: I do not know that it contains any branch of science which Congress would wish to exclude from their collection. Jefferson's collection was unique in that it was the working collection of a scholar, not a gentleman's collection for display. With the addition of his collection, the Library of Congress was transformed from a specialist's library to a more general one, his original collection was organized into a scheme based on Francis Bacon's organization of knowledge. He grouped his books into Memory and Imagination, which broke down into 44 more subdivisions; the Library followed Jefferson's organization scheme until the late 19th century, when librarian Herbert Putnam began work on a more flexible Library of Congress Classification structure that now applies to more than 138 million items. In 1851, a fire destroyed two thirds of the Jefferson collection, with only 2,000 books remaining.
By 2008, the Librarians of Congress had found replacements for all but 300 of the works that were in Jefferson's original collection. On December 22, 1851 the largest fire in the Library's history destroyed 35,000 books, about two–thi
Yoweri Kaguta Museveni is a Ugandan politician, President of Uganda since 1986. Museveni was involved in rebellions that toppled notorious Ugandan leaders Idi Amin and Milton Obote before capturing power in the 80s. In the mid to late 1990s, Museveni was celebrated by the West as part of a new generation of African leaders. During Museveni's presidency, Uganda has experienced relative peace and significant success in battling HIV/AIDS. At the same time, Uganda remains a country suffering from high levels of corruption and poverty. Museveni's presidency has been marred by involvement in the civil war in the Democratic Republic of the Congo and other Great Lakes region conflicts; these have been a concern to foreign commentators. Museveni was born on 15 September 1944 in Ntungamo, Uganda Protectorate, to parents Mzee Amos Kaguta, a cattle herder, Esteri Kokundeka Nganzi, a housewife, he is a Muhororo by tribe Museveni gets his middle name from Mzee Amos Kaguta. Kaguta is the father of Museveni's brother Caleb Akandwanaho, popularly known in Uganda as Salim Saleh, sister Violet Kajubiri.
Museveni attended Kyamate Elementary School, Mbarara High School, Ntare School. In 1967, he went to the University of Dar es Salaam in Tanzania. There, he studied economics and political science and became a Marxist, involving himself in radical pan-African politics. While at university, he formed the University Students' African Revolutionary Front activist group and led a student delegation to FRELIMO territory in Portuguese Mozambique, where he received guerrilla training. Studying under the leftist Walter Rodney, among others, Museveni wrote a university thesis on the applicability of Frantz Fanon's ideas on revolutionary violence to post-colonial Africa; the exile forces opposed to Amin invaded Uganda from Tanzania in September 1972 and were repelled, suffering heavy losses. In October and Uganda signed the Mogadishu Agreement that denied the rebels the use of Tanzanian soil for aggression against Uganda. Museveni broke away from the mainstream opposition and formed the Front for National Salvation in 1973.
In August of the same year, he married Janet Kataha. With the overthrow of Idi Amin in 1979 in the Uganda-Tanzania War and the contested election that returned Uganda's earlier president Milton Obote to power in 1980, Museveni returned to Uganda with his supporters to gather strength in their rural strongholds in the Bantu-dominated south and south-west to form the Popular Resistance Army, they planned a rebellion against the second Obote regime and its armed forces, the Uganda National Liberation Army. The insurgency began with an attack on an army installation in the central Mubende district on 6 February 1981; the PRA merged with former president Yusufu Lule's fighting group, the Uganda Freedom Fighters, to create the National Resistance Army with its political wing, the National Resistance Movement. Two other rebel groups, the Uganda National Rescue Front and the Former Uganda National Army, engaged Obote's forces; the FUNA was formed in the West Nile sub-region from the remnants of Amin's supporters.
The NRA/NRM developed a "Ten-point Programme" for an eventual covering: democracy. The Central Intelligence Agency's World Factbook estimates that the Obote regime was responsible for more 100,000 civilian deaths across Uganda. On 27 July 1985, subfactionalism within the Uganda People's Congress government led to a successful military coup against Obote by his former army commander, Lieutenant-General Tito Okello, an Acholi. Museveni and the NRM/NRA were angry that the revolution for which they had fought for four years had been "hijacked" by the UNLA, which they viewed as having been discredited by gross human rights violations during Obote II. Despite these reservations, the NRM/NRA agreed to peace talks presided over by a Kenyan delegation headed by President Daniel arap Moi; the talks, which lasted from 26 August to 17 December, were notoriously acrimonious and the resultant ceasefire broke down immediately. The final agreement, signed in Nairobi, called for a ceasefire, demilitarisation of Kampala, integration of the NRA and government forces, absorption of the NRA leadership into the Military Council.
These conditions were never met. While involved in the peace negotiations, Museveni was courting General Mobutu Sésé Seko of Zaire to forestall the involvement of Zairean forces in support of Okello's military junta. On 20 January 1986, several hundred troops loyal to Amin were accompanied into Ugandan territory by the Zairean military; the forces intervened following secret training in Zaire and an appeal from Okello ten days previously. By 22 January, government troops in Kampala had begun to quit their posts en masse as the rebels gained ground from the south and south-west. Museveni was sworn in as president on 29 January. "This is not a mere change of guard, it is a fundamental change," said Museveni, after a ceremony conducted by British-born Chief Justice Peter Allen. Speaking to crowds of thousands outside the Ugandan
Idi Amin Dada Oumee (. He served as the President of Uganda from 1971 to 1979. Amin was born either in Kampala to a Kakwa father and Lugbara mother. In 1946, he joined the King's African Rifles of the British Colonial Army as a cook, he rose to the rank of lieutenant, taking part in British actions against Somali rebels in the Shifta War and the Mau Mau rebels in Kenya. Uganda gained independence from the United Kingdom in 1962, Amin remained in the armed forces, rising to the position of major and being appointed Commander of the Army in 1965, he became aware that Ugandan President Milton Obote was planning to arrest him for misappropriating army funds, so he launched a military coup in 1971 and declared himself President. During his years in power, Amin shifted from being a pro-western ruler enjoying considerable support from Israel to being backed by Libya's Muammar Gaddafi, Zaire's Mobutu Sese Seko, the Soviet Union, East Germany. In 1975, Amin became the chairman of the Organisation of African Unity, a Pan-Africanist group designed to promote solidarity among African states.
Uganda was a member of the United Nations Commission on Human Rights from 1977 to 1979. The UK broke diplomatic relations with Uganda in 1977, Amin declared that he had defeated the British and added "CBE" to his title for "Conqueror of the British Empire". Radio Uganda announced his entire title: "His Excellency President for Life, Field Marshal Alhaji Dr. Idi Amin Dada, VC, DSO, MC, CBE"; as Amin's rule progressed into the late 1970s, there was increased unrest against his persecution of certain ethnic groups and political dissidents, along with Uganda's poor international standing due to Amin's support for the terrorist hijackers in Operation Entebbe. He attempted to annex Tanzania's Kagera Region in 1978, so Tanzanian president Julius Nyerere had his troops invade Uganda. Amin went into exile, first in Libya and in Saudi Arabia, where he lived until his death on 16 August 2003. Amin's rule was characterized by rampant human rights abuses, political repression, ethnic persecution, extrajudicial killings, nepotism and gross economic mismanagement.
International observers and human rights groups estimate that between 100,000 and 500,000 people were killed under his regime. Amin did not write an autobiography, he did not authorize an official written account of his life. There are discrepancies regarding where he was born. Most biographical sources claim that he was born in either Koboko or Kampala around 1925. Other unconfirmed sources state Amin's year of birth from as early as 1923 to as late as 1928. Amin's son Hussein has stated that his father was born in Kampala in 1928. According to Fred Guweddeko, a researcher at Makerere University, Amin was the son of Andreas Nyabire. Nyabire, a member of the Kakwa ethnic group, converted from Roman Catholicism to Islam in 1910 and changed his name to Amin Dada, he named his first-born son after himself. Abandoned by his father at a young age, Idi Amin grew up with his mother's family in a rural farming town in north-western Uganda. Guweddeko states that Amin's mother was Assa Aatte, an ethnic Lugbara and a traditional herbalist who treated members of Buganda royalty, among others.
Amin joined an Islamic school in Bombo in 1941. After a few years, he left school with only a fourth-grade English-language education, did odd jobs before being recruited to the army by a British colonial army officer. Amin joined the King's African Rifles of the British Colonial Army in 1946 as an assistant cook. In life, he falsely claimed he was forced to join the armies during World War II and that he served in the Burma Campaign, he was transferred to Kenya for infantry service as a private in 1947, served in the 21st KAR infantry battalion in Gilgil, Kenya until 1949. That year, his unit was deployed to northern Kenya to fight against Somali rebels in the Shifta War. In 1952, his brigade was deployed against the Mau Mau rebels in Kenya, he was promoted to corporal the same year to sergeant in 1953. In 1959, Amin was made Afande, the highest rank possible for a black African in the colonial British Army of that time. Amin returned to Uganda the same year and, in 1961, he was promoted to lieutenant, becoming one of the first two Ugandans to become commissioned officers.
He was assigned to quell the cattle rustling between Kenya's Turkana nomads. In 1962, following Uganda's independence from the United Kingdom, Amin was promoted to captain and in 1963, to major, he was appointed Deputy Commander of the Army in 1964 and, the following year, to Commander of the Army. In 1970, he was promoted to commander of all the armed forces. Amin was an athlete during his time in both the Ugandan army. At 193 cm tall and powerfully built, he was the Ugandan light heavyweight boxing champion from 1951 to 1960, as well as a swimmer. Amin was a formidable rugby forward, although one officer said of him: "Idi Amin is a splendid type and a good player, but bone from the neck up, needs things explained in words of one letter". In the 1950s, he played for Nile RFC. There is a repeated urban myth that he was selected as a replacement by the East Africa rugby union team for their 1955 match against the British Lions. Amin, does not appear in the team photograph or on the official team list.
Following conversations with a colleague in the British Army, Amin became a keen fan of Hayes Football Club – an affection that remained for the rest of his life. In 1965, Prime Minister Milton Obote and Amin were implicated in a deal to smuggle ivor
Uganda People's Defence Force
The Uganda Peoples' Defence Force known as the National Resistance Army, is the armed forces of Uganda. From 2007 to 2011, the International Institute for Strategic Studies estimated the UPDF had a total strength of 40,000–45,000 and consisted of land forces and an air wing. After Uganda achieved independence in October 1962, British officers retained most high-level military commands. Ugandans in the rank and file claimed this policy blocked promotions and kept their salaries disproportionately low; these complaints destabilized the armed forces weakened by ethnic divisions. Each post-independence regime expanded the size of the army by recruiting from among people of one region or ethnic group, each government employed military force to subdue political unrest; the origins of the present Ugandan armed forces can be traced back to 1902, when the Uganda Battalion of the King's African Rifles was formed. Ugandan soldiers fought as part of the King's African Rifles during the First World War and Second World War.
As Uganda moved toward independence, the army stepped up recruitment, the government increased the use of the army to quell domestic unrest. The army was becoming more involved in politics, setting a pattern that continued after independence. In January 1960, for example, troops were deployed to Bugisu and Bukedi districts in the east to quell political violence. In the process, the soldiers killed twelve people, injured several hundred, arrested more than 1,000. A series of similar clashes occurred between troops and demonstrators, in March 1962 the government recognized the army's growing domestic importance by transferring control of the military to the Ministry of Home Affairs. On 9 October 1962, Uganda became independent from the United Kingdom, with 4th Battalion, King's African Rifles, based at Jinja, becoming the Uganda Rifles; the traditional leader of the Baganda, Edward Mutesa, became president of Uganda. Milton Obote, a northerner and longtime opponent of autonomy for the southern kingdoms including Buganda, was prime minister.
Mutesa recognized the seriousness of the rank-and-file demands for Africanising the officer corps, but he was more concerned about potential northern domination of the military, a concern that reflected the power struggle between Mutesa and Obote. Mutesa used his political power to protect the interests of his Baganda constituency, he refused to support demands for Africanization of the officer ranks. On 1 August 1962, the Uganda Rifles became the Uganda Army; the armed forces more than doubled, from 700 to 1,500, the government created the 2nd Battalion stationed at the north-eastern town of Moroto on 14 November 1963. Omara-Otunnu wrote in 1987 that "a large number of men had been recruited into the Army to form this new battalion, and... the new recruits were not given proper training" because the Army was heavily committed in its various operations. In January 1964, following a mutiny by Tanganyikan soldiers in protest over their own Africanisation crisis, unrest spread throughout the Uganda Army.
On 22 January 1964, soldiers of the 1st Battalion in Jinja mutinied to press their demands for a pay raise and a Ugandan officer corps. They detained their British officers, several noncommissioned officers, Minister of Interior Felix Onama, who had arrived in Jinja to represent the government's views to the rank and file. Obote appealed for British military support, hoping to prevent the mutiny from spreading to other parts of the country. About 450 British soldiers from the 2nd Battalion, The Scots Guards and Staffordshire Regiment responded, they surrounded the First Battalion barracks at Jinja, seized the armory, quelled the mutiny. The government responded two days by dismissing several hundred soldiers from the army, several of whom were subsequently detained. Although the authorities released many of the detained soldiers and reinstated some in the army, the mutiny marked a turning point in civil-military relations; the mutiny reinforced the army's political strength. Within weeks of the mutiny, the president's cabinet approved a military pay raise retroactive to 1 January 1964, more than doubling the salaries of those in private to staff-sergeant ranks.
Additionally, the government raised defense allocations by 400 percent. The number of Ugandan officers increased from 18 to 55. Two northerners, Shaban Opolot and Idi Amin, assumed command positions in the Uganda Rifles and received promotions to Brigadier and commander in chief, army chief of staff, respectively. Following the 1964 mutiny, the government remained fearful of internal opposition. Obote moved the army headquarters 87 kilometres from Jinja to Kampala, he created a secret police force, the General Service Unit to bolster security. Most GSU employees guarded government offices in and around Kampala, but some served in overseas embassies and other locations throughout Uganda; when British training programs ended, Israel started training Uganda's army, air force, GSU personnel. Several other countries provided military assistance to Uganda. Decalo writes that:... using classic'divide and rule' tactics, he appointed different foreign military missions to each battalion, scrambled operational chains of command, played the police off against the army, encouraged personal infighting between his main military'proteges' and removed from operational command of troops officers who appeared unreliable or too authoritative."
When Congolese aircraft bombed the West Nile villages of Paidha and Goli on 13 February 1965, President Obote again increased military recruitment and doubled the army's size to more than 4,500. Units established included a third battalion at Mubende
The Mozambique Liberation Front, from the Portuguese Frente de Libertação de Moçambique is the dominant political party in Mozambique. Founded in 1962, FRELIMO began as a nationalist movement fighting for the independence of the Portuguese Overseas Province of Mozambique. Independence was achieved in June 1975 after the Carnation Revolution in Lisbon the previous year. At the party's 3rd Congress in February 1977, it became an Marxist–Leninist political party, it identified as the Frelimo Party. The Frelimo Party has ruled Mozambique since first as a one-party state, it struggled through a long civil war against an anti-Communist faction known as Mozambican National Resistance or RENAMO. The insurgents from RENAMO received support from the white-minority governments of Rhodesia and South Africa; the Frelimo Party approved a new constitution in 1990. Since democratic elections in 1994 and subsequent cycles, it has been elected as the majority party in the parliament of Mozambique. After World War II, while many European nations were granting independence to their colonies, under the Estado Novo regime, maintained that Mozambique and other Portuguese possessions were overseas territories of the metropole.
Emigration to the colonies soared. Calls for Mozambican independence developed and in 1962 several anti-colonial political groups formed FRELIMO. In September 1964, it initiated an armed campaign against Portuguese colonial rule. Portugal had ruled Mozambique for more than four hundred years. FRELIMO was founded in Dar es Salaam, Tanzania on 25 June 1962, when three regionally based nationalist organizations: the Mozambican African National Union, National Democratic Union of Mozambique, the National African Union of Independent Mozambique merged into one broad-based guerrilla movement. Under the leadership of Eduardo Mondlane, elected president of the newly formed Mozambican Liberation Front, FRELIMO settled its headquarters in 1963 in Dar es Salaam. Uria Simango was its first vice-president; the movement could not be based in Mozambique as the Portuguese opposed nationalist movements and the colony was controlled by the police. Tanzania and its president, Julius Nyerere, were sympathetic to the Mozambican nationalist groups.
Convinced by recent events, such as the Mueda massacre, that peaceful agitation would not bring about independence, FRELIMO contemplated the possibility of armed struggle from the outset. It launched its first offensive in September 1964. During the ensuing war of independence, FRELIMO received support from China, the Soviet Union, the Scandinavian countries, some non-governmental organisations in the West, its initial military operations were in the North of the country. In administering these zones, FRELIMO worked to improve the lot of the peasantry in order to receive their support, it freed them from subjugation to landlords and Portuguese-appointed "chiefs", established cooperative forms of agriculture. It greatly increased peasant access to education and health care. FRELIMO soldiers were assigned to medical assistance projects, its members' practical experiences in the liberated zones resulted in the FRELIMO leadership moving toward a Marxist policy. FRELIMO came to regard economic exploitation by Western capital as the principal enemy of the common Mozambican people, not the Portuguese as such, not Europeans in general.
Although it was an African nationalist party, it adopted a non-racial stance. Numerous whites and mulattoes were members; the early years of the party, during which its Marxist direction evolved, were times of internal turmoil. Mondlane, along with Marcelino dos Santos, Samora Machel, Joaquim Chissano and a majority of the Party's Central Committee promoted the struggle not just for independence but to create a socialist society; the Second Party Congress, held in July 1968, approved the socialist goals. Mondlane was reelected party President and Uria Simango was re-elected vice-president. After Mondlane's assassination in February 1969, Uria Simango took over the leadership, but his presidency was disputed. In April 1969, leadership was assumed by a triumvirate, with Machel and Marcelino dos Santos supplementing Simango. After several months, in November 1969, Machel and dos Santos ousted Simango from FRELIMO. Simango joined the small Revolutionary Committee of Mozambique liberation movement. FRELIMO established some "liberated" zones in Northern Mozambique.
The movement grew in strength during the ensuing decade. As FRELIMO's political campaign gained coherence, its forces advanced militarily, controlling one-third of the area of Mozambique by 1969 in the northern and central provinces, it was not able to gain control of the cities located inside the "liberated" zones but established itself in the rural regions. In 1970 the guerrilla movement suffered heavy losses as Portugal launched its ambitious Gordian Knot Operation, masterminded by General Kaúlza de Arriaga of the Portuguese Army. By the early 1970s, FRELIMO's 7,000-strong guerrilla force had opened new fronts in central and northern Mozambique, it was engaging a Portuguese force of 60,000 soldiers in over 4 provinces. The April 1974 "Carnation Revolution" in Portugal overthr