Li Keqiang Government
The Li Keqiang Government is the Central People's Government of China from 2013. Premier Li Keqiang took office on 15 March 2013, it succeeded the Wen Jiabao government. Premier Li is ranked only second to Party general secretary Xi Jinping among 7 members of the 18th and 19th Politburo Standing Committee, top decision-making body of the Communist Party of China. During the 1st Session of the 12th National People's Congress in March 2013, Li Keqiang was appointed by new President Xi Jinping to replace Wen Jiabao as Premier of the State Council, China's head of government, according to the approval of the National People's Congress. During the 1st Session of the 13th National People's Congress in March 2018, Li Keqiang was appointed by President Xi according to the approval of the National People's Congress to re-serve as the Premier. According to the Constitution of the People's Republic of China, the President nominates the Premier of the State Council, the Premier nominates the Vice-Premiers, State Councilors and Ministers.
The nominations were approved by National People's Congress voting. Ministry-level Ministry-levelSub-ministry-level Ministry-level Ministry-levelSub-ministry-level Sub-ministry-level Generations of Chinese leadership Hu–Wen Administration Xi–Li Administration Xi Jinping Core Administration
Hanyu Pinyin abbreviated to pinyin, is the official romanization system for Standard Chinese in mainland China and to some extent in Taiwan. It is used to teach Standard Mandarin Chinese, written using Chinese characters; the system includes four diacritics denoting tones. Pinyin without tone marks is used to spell Chinese names and words in languages written with the Latin alphabet, in certain computer input methods to enter Chinese characters; the pinyin system was developed in the 1950s by many linguists, including Zhou Youguang, based on earlier forms of romanizations of Chinese. It was published by revised several times; the International Organization for Standardization adopted pinyin as an international standard in 1982, was followed by the United Nations in 1986. The system was adopted as the official standard in Taiwan in 2009, where it is used for international events rather than for educational or computer-input purposes, but "some cities and organizations, notably in the south of Taiwan, did not accept this", so it remains one of several rival romanization systems in use.
The word Hànyǔ means'the spoken language of the Han people', while Pīnyīn means'spelled sounds'. In 1605, the Jesuit missionary Matteo Ricci published Xizi Qiji in Beijing; this was the first book to use the Roman alphabet to write the Chinese language. Twenty years another Jesuit in China, Nicolas Trigault, issued his Xi Ru Ermu Zi at Hangzhou. Neither book had much immediate impact on the way in which Chinese thought about their writing system, the romanizations they described were intended more for Westerners than for the Chinese. One of the earliest Chinese thinkers to relate Western alphabets to Chinese was late Ming to early Qing dynasty scholar-official, Fang Yizhi; the first late Qing reformer to propose that China adopt a system of spelling was Song Shu. A student of the great scholars Yu Yue and Zhang Taiyan, Song had been to Japan and observed the stunning effect of the kana syllabaries and Western learning there; this galvanized him into activity on a number of fronts, one of the most important being reform of the script.
While Song did not himself create a system for spelling Sinitic languages, his discussion proved fertile and led to a proliferation of schemes for phonetic scripts. The Wade–Giles system was produced by Thomas Wade in 1859, further improved by Herbert Giles in the Chinese–English Dictionary of 1892, it was popular and used in English-language publications outside China until 1979. In the early 1930s, Communist Party of China leaders trained in Moscow introduced a phonetic alphabet using Roman letters, developed in the Soviet Oriental Institute of Leningrad and was intended to improve literacy in the Russian Far East; this Sin Wenz or "New Writing" was much more linguistically sophisticated than earlier alphabets, but with the major exception that it did not indicate tones of Chinese. In 1940, several thousand members attended a Border Region Sin Wenz Society convention. Mao Zedong and Zhu De, head of the army, both contributed their calligraphy for the masthead of the Sin Wenz Society's new journal.
Outside the CCP, other prominent supporters included Sun Fo. Over thirty journals soon appeared written in Sin Wenz, plus large numbers of translations, some contemporary Chinese literature, a spectrum of textbooks. In 1940, the movement reached an apex when Mao's Border Region Government declared that the Sin Wenz had the same legal status as traditional characters in government and public documents. Many educators and political leaders looked forward to the day when they would be universally accepted and replace Chinese characters. Opposition arose, because the system was less well adapted to writing regional languages, therefore would require learning Mandarin. Sin Wenz fell into relative disuse during the following years. In 1943, the U. S. military engaged Yale University to develop a romanization of Mandarin Chinese for its pilots flying over China. The resulting system is close to pinyin, but does not use English letters in unfamiliar ways. Medial semivowels are written with y and w, apical vowels with r or z.
Accent marks are used to indicate tone. Pinyin was created by Chinese linguists, including Zhou Youguang, as part of a Chinese government project in the 1950s. Zhou is called "the father of pinyin," Zhou worked as a banker in New York when he decided to return to China to help rebuild the country after the establishment of the People's Republic of China in 1949, he became an economics professor in Shanghai, in 1955, when China's Ministry of Education created a Committee for the Reform of the Chinese Written Language, Premier Zhou Enlai assigned Zhou Youguang the task of developing a new romanization system, despite the fact that he was not a professional linguist. Hanyu Pinyin was based on several existing systems: Gwoyeu Romatzyh of 1928, Latinxua Sin Wenz of 1931, the diacritic markings from zhuyin. "I'm not the father of pinyin," Zhou said years later. It's a lo
Elections in China
Elections in China are based on a hierarchical electoral system, whereby local People's Congresses are directly elected, all higher levels of People's Congresses up to the National People's Congress, the national legislature, are indirectly elected by the People's Congress of the level below. Governors and heads of counties, districts and towns are in turn elected by the respective local People's Congresses. Presidents of people's courts and chief procurators of people's procuratorates are elected by the respective local People's Congresses above the county level; the President and the State Council are elected by the National People's Congress, made of 2980 people. People's Congresses of cities that are not divided into districts, city districts, towns and lastly ethnic townships, are directly elected. Additionally, village committee members and chairpersons are directly elected. Local People's Congresses have the constitutional authority to recall the heads and deputy heads of government at the provincial level and below.
Under the electoral law of 1 July 1979, nomination of candidates for direct elections can be made by the Communist Party of China, the various other political parties, mass organizations, or any voter seconded by at least 3 others. The final list of electoral candidates must be worked out through "discussion and consultation" or primary elections, but in practice is determined by the election committee in consultation with small groups of voters, through a process known as the "three ups and three downs". According to the Chinese government, the "three ups and three downs" process is supposed to operate as follows: the election committee collates all of the nominations, checks them, publishes the list of nominees and their basic details; the published list is given to groups of electors, comprising the voters in each geographical or institutional electorate for discussion. The views of different elector groups and the discussions at the committee meeting are conveyed to voters, their views are sought.
The list of names and basic details is published by electorate. The number of candidates for an election should be 50% to 100% larger than the number of seats, voting is to be done by secret ballot, voters are theoretically entitled to recall elections. Eligible voters, their electoral districts, are chosen from the family or work unit registers for rural and urban voters which are submitted to the election committees after cross-examination by electoral district leaders. Electoral districts at the basic level are composed of 200–300 voters but sometimes up to 1000, while larger levels are composed of 3000 to 4000 voters Heads of People's Governments are formally elected by the People's Congress of that level pursuant to the Organic Law on Local People's Congresses and Governments, but the heads of township governments have been experimentally elected by the people through various mechanisms. There are several models used: direct nomination and election direction election two ballots in three rounds competition based on mass recommendation nomination and election by the masses public recommendation and public election vote of confidence Since taking power in 1978, Deng Xiaoping experimented with direct democracy at the local level.
Villages have been traditionally the lowest level of government in China's complicated hierarchy of governance. Many have criticized the locally elected representatives as serving as "rubber stamps", though during some eras the Communists have flirted with the idea of allowing some competition. In the early 1980s, a few southern villages began implementing "Vote for your Chief" policies, in which free elections are intended to be held for the election of a village chief, who holds a lot of power and influence traditionally in rural society. Many of these multi-candidate elections were successful, involving candidate debates, formal platforms, the initiation of secret ballot boxes; the suffrage was not universal, with eligible citizens above age 18 having the right to vote and be elected. Such an election comprises over no more than 2000 voters, the first-past-the-post system is used in determining the winner, with no restriction on political affiliation; the elections, held every three years, are always supervised by a higher level of government by a County Government.
Part of the reason for these early elections was to shift the responsibility of ensuring good performance and reduced corruption of local leaders from the Chinese bureaucracy to the local villagers. Under the Organic Law of Village Committees, all of China's 1 million villages are expected to hold competitive, direct elections for sub-governmental village committees. A 1998 revision to the law called for improvements in the nominating process and enhanced transparency in village committee administration; the revised law explicitly transferred the power
In modern Chinese politics, the paramount leader of the Communist Party of China and the government of China is an informal term for the most prominent political leader in the People's Republic of China. The paramount leader is not a formal position nor an office unto itself and the term gained prominence during the era of Deng Xiaoping, able to wield power without holding any official or formally significant party or government positions at any given time. There has been significant overlap between paramount leader status and leadership core status, with a majority but not all of paramount leaders being leadership cores, though they are separate concepts; the term has been used less to describe Deng's successors, Jiang Zemin, Hu Jintao and Xi Jinping, who have all formally held the offices of General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, President of the People's Republic of China and Chairman of the Central Military Commission. Jiang, Hu and Xi are therefore referred to as President in the international scene, the title used by most other republican heads of state.
However, Deng's successors derive their real power from the post of General Secretary, the primary position in the Chinese power structure and regarded by scholars as the post whose holder can be considered paramount leader. The President is a ceremonial office according to the Constitution. Xi Jinping is considered to have become paramount leader in November 2012 upon his becoming General Secretary, rather than in March 2013 when he succeeded Hu Jintao as President. Chairman Mao Zedong was the undisputed ruler of Communist China from its beginning in 1949 and at once held three Chairman offices: Chairman of the Communist Party of China, Chairman of the Central Military Commission and Chairman of the People's Republic of China, making him the leader of the party and state, respectively. Following the Cultural Revolution, a rough consensus emerged within the party that the worst excesses were caused by the lack of checks and balances in the exercise of political power and the resulting "rule of personality" by Mao.
Beginning in the 1980s, the leadership experimented with a quasi-separation of powers, whereby the offices of general secretary and premier were held by different people. In 1985, for example, the General Secretary was Hu Yaobang, the President was Li Xiannian and the Premier was Zhao Ziyang. However, Deng Xiaoping was still recognized as the core of the leadership during this period. Both Hu and Zhao fell out of favour in the late 1980s, but Deng was able to retain ultimate political control; the paramount leader label has been applied to Deng's successors, Jiang Zemin and Hu Jintao, though it is recognized that they did not wield as much power as Deng despite their having held more offices of leadership. There has been a greater emphasis on collective leadership, whereby the top leader is a first among equals style figure, exercising power with the consensus of the Politburo Standing Committee; this was apparent during the tenure of Hu Jintao. Beginning in 1993, Jiang formally held the three offices that made him the head of the party and military: General Secretary of the Communist Party of China: the party leader and the primary position of the state.
Chairman of the Central Military Commission: Supreme Military Command of the People's Liberation Army. President of the People's Republic of China: the ceremonial head of state under the 1982 Constitution; when Jiang left the offices of General Secretary and President in 2002 and 2003 he held onto the position of Chairman of the Central Military Commission. Military power had always been an important facet in the exercise of political power in Communist-ruled China and as such holding the top military post meant that Jiang retained some formal power; when Jiang stepped down from his last formal post between 2002 and 2004, it was ambiguous who the paramount leader was at the time. Hu Jintao held the same trio of positions during his years in power. Hu transitioned all three positions onto his successor Xi Jinping between November 2012, when Xi became General Secretary of the Communist Party and Chairman of the Central Military Commission. Since Xi's ascendance to power, two new bodies, the National Security Commission and Central Leading Group for Comprehensively Deepening Reforms, have been established, ostensibly concentrating political power in the paramount leader to a greater degree than anyone since Deng.
These bodies were tasked with establishing the general policy direction for national security as well as the agenda for economic reform. Both groups are headed by the General Secretary. First administration Second administration Third administration Hu–Wen Administration Xi–Li Administration Bold offices refer to the highest position in the Communist Party of China Chairman of the Central Military Commission Generations of Chinese leadership Leadership core List of Chinese leaders List of leaders of the Communist Party of China Chairman of the Communist Party of China General Secretary of the Communist Party of China Maximum Leader Primus inter pares Orders of precedence in the People's Republic of China Supreme leader
The Hu–Wen Administration, or Hu–Wen New Administration is the name given to the Chinese leadership that succeeded Jiang Zemin, Li Peng and Zhu Rongji in 2003. Using the two leaders' surnames, it is abbreviated as Hu–Wen; this phrase is named after the new Party General Secretary and President Hu Jintao and Government Premier Wen Jiabao, who are considered the 4th generation Chinese leaders and are viewed as, at least ostensibly, more reform-oriented and more open-minded and have been praised by political observers. Their dominant political ideology is termed the Scientific Development Concept. Generations of Chinese leadership Xi–Li Administration
Traditional Chinese characters
Traditional Chinese characters are Chinese characters in any character set that does not contain newly created characters or character substitutions performed after 1946. They are most the characters in the standardized character sets of Taiwan, of Hong Kong and Macau, in the Kangxi Dictionary; the modern shapes of traditional Chinese characters first appeared with the emergence of the clerical script during the Han Dynasty, have been more or less stable since the 5th century. The retronym "traditional Chinese" is used to contrast traditional characters with Simplified Chinese characters, a standardized character set introduced by the government of the People's Republic of China on Mainland China in the 1950s. Traditional Chinese characters are used in Taiwan, Hong Kong, Macau. In contrast, Simplified Chinese characters are used in mainland China and Malaysia in official publications. However, several countries – such as Australia, the US and Canada – are increasing their number of printed materials in Simplified Chinese, to better accommodate citizens from mainland China.
The debate on traditional and simplified Chinese characters has been a long-running issue among Chinese communities. A large number of overseas Chinese online newspapers allow users to switch between both character sets. Although simplified characters are taught and endorsed by the government of China, there is no prohibition against the use of traditional characters. Traditional characters are used informally in regions in China in handwriting and used for inscriptions and religious text, they are retained in logos or graphics to evoke yesteryear. Nonetheless, the vast majority of media and communications in China is dominated by simplified characters. In Hong Kong and Macau, Traditional Chinese has been the legal written form since colonial times. In recent years, simplified Chinese characters in Hong Kong and Macau has appeared to accommodate Mainland Chinese tourists and immigrants; this has led to concerns by many residents to protect their local heritage. Taiwan has never adopted simplified characters.
The use of simplified characters in official documents is prohibited by the government of Taiwan. Simplified characters are understood to a certain extent by any educated Taiwanese, learning to read them takes little effort; some stroke simplifications that have been incorporated into Simplified Chinese are in common use in handwriting. For example, while the name of Taiwan is written as 臺灣, the semi-simplified name 台灣 is acceptable to write in official documents. In Southeast Asia, the Chinese Filipino community continues to be one of the most conservative regarding simplification. While major public universities are teaching simplified characters, many well-established Chinese schools still use traditional characters. Publications like the Chinese Commercial News, World News, United Daily News still use traditional characters. On the other hand, the Philippine Chinese Daily uses simplified. Aside from local newspapers, magazines from Hong Kong, such as the Yazhou Zhoukan, are found in some bookstores.
In case of film or television subtitles on DVD, the Chinese dub, used in Philippines is the same as the one used in Taiwan. This is because the DVDs belongs to DVD Region Code 3. Hence, most of the subtitles are in Traditional Characters. Overseas Chinese in the United States have long used traditional characters. A major influx of Chinese immigrants to the United States occurred during the latter half of the 19th century, before the standardization of simplified characters. Therefore, United States public notices and signage in Chinese are in Traditional Chinese. Traditional Chinese characters are called several different names within the Chinese-speaking world; the government of Taiwan calls traditional Chinese characters standard characters or orthodox characters. However, the same term is used outside Taiwan to distinguish standard and traditional characters from variant and idiomatic characters. In contrast, users of traditional characters outside Taiwan, such as those in Hong Kong and overseas Chinese communities, users of simplified Chinese characters, call them complex characters.
An informal name sometimes used by users of simplified characters is "old characters". Users of traditional characters sometimes refer them as "Full Chinese characters" to distinguish them from simplified Chinese characters; some traditional character users argue that traditional characters are the original form of the Chinese characters and cannot be called "complex". Simplified characters cannot be "standard" because they are not used in all Chinese-speaking regions. Conversely, supporters of simplified Chinese characters object to the description of traditional characters as "standard," since they view the new simplified characters as the contemporary standard used by the vast majority of Chinese speakers, they point out that traditional characters are not traditional as many Chinese characters have been made more elaborate over time. Some people refer to traditional characters as "proper characters" and modernized characters as "simplified-stroke characters" (sim
Politics of China
The politics of the People's Republic of China takes place in a framework of a socialist republic run by a single party, the Communist Party of China, headed by General Secretary. State power within the People's Republic of China is exercised through the Communist Party, the Central People's Government and their provincial and local representation; the Communist Party of China uses Internal Reference to manage and monitor internal disagreements among the citizens of People's Republic of China. Document Number Nine was circulated among the Chinese Communist Party in 2013 by Xi–Li Administration to tighten control of the ideological sphere in China to ensure the supreme leadership of the Communist Party will not be challenged by Western influences; the PRC controls mainland China, Hainan island, Hong Kong and some South China Sea islands. Each local Bureau or office is under the coequal authority of the local leader and the leader of the corresponding office, bureau or ministry at the next higher level.
People's Congress members at the county level are elected by voters. These county level People's Congresses have the responsibility of oversight of local government, elect members to the Provincial People's Congress; the Provincial People's Congress in turn elects members to the National People's Congress that meets each year in March in Beijing. The ruling Communist Party committee at each level plays a large role in the selection of appropriate candidates for election to the local congress and to the higher levels; the President of China is the titular head of state, serving as the ceremonial figurehead under National People's Congress. The Premier of China is the head of government, presiding over the State Council composed of four vice premiers and the heads of ministries and commissions; as a one-party state, the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China holds ultimate power and authority over state and government. The offices of President, General Secretary, Chairman of the Central Military Commission have been held by one individual since 1993, granting the individual de jure and de facto power over the country.
China's population, geographical vastness, social diversity frustrate attempts to rule from Beijing. Economic reform during the 1980s and the devolution of much central government decision making, combined with the strong interest of local Communist Party officials in enriching themselves, has made it difficult for the central government to assert its authority. Political power has become much less personal and more institutionally based than it was during the first forty years of the PRC. For example, Deng Xiaoping was never the General Secretary of the Communist Party of China, President, or Premier of China, but was the leader of China for a decade. Today the authority of China's leaders is much more tied to their institutional base; the incident of Hong Kong’s Missing Booksellers had alarmed the public that political confrontation of different political cadre in the senior level of the Chinese Communist Party still dominates China's politics. Central government leaders must build consensus for new policies among party members and regional leaders, influential non-party members, the population at large.
However, control is maintained over the larger group through control of information. The Chinese Communist Party considers China to be in the initial stages of socialism. Many Chinese and foreign observers see the PRC as in transition from a system of public ownership to one in which private ownership plays an important role. Privatization of housing and increasing freedom to make choices about education and employment weakened the work unit system, once the basic cell of Communist Party control over society. China's complex political and ideological mosaic, much less uniform beneath the surface than in the idealized story of the Publicity Department of the Communist Party of China, resists simple categorization; as the social and political as well as economic consequences of market reform become manifest, tensions between the old—the way of the comrade—and the new—the way of the citizen—are sharpening. Some Chinese scholars such as Zhou Tianyong, the vice director of research of the Central Party School, argue that gradual political reform as well as repression of those pushing for overly rapid change over the next twenty years will be essential if China is to avoid an overly turbulent transition to a middle class dominated polity.
Some Chinese look back to the Cultural Revolution and fear chaos if the Communist Party should lose control due to domestic upheavals and so a robust system of monitoring and control is in place to counter the growing pressure for political change. China practices a form of democracy. Socialist Consultative Democracy is the form of democracy that exists in the People's Republic of China, though at least one source says that this form of democracy was created by the Communist Party of China. According to an article on Qiushi Journal, "Consultative democracy was created by the CPC and the Chinese people as a form of socialist democracy. In this sense, consultative democracy represents the grand product of our efforts to enrich and develop Marxist theories on democracy. Socialist consultative democracy exhibits distinctive features as well as unique advantages. Not only representing a commitment to socialism, it carries forward China’s fine political and cultural traditions. Not only representing a commitment to the organizational principles and leadership mode of democratic centralism, it affirms the role of the general public in democracy.
Not only representing a commitment