Francoist Spain, known in Spain as the Francoist dictatorship known as the Spanish State from 1936 to 1947 and the Kingdom of Spain from 1947 to 1975, is the period of Spanish history between 1936 and 1975, when Francisco Franco ruled Spain as dictator with the title Caudillo. The nature of the regime changed during its existence. Months after the start of the Spanish Civil War in July 1936, Franco emerged as the single rebel military leader and was proclaimed Head of State on 1 October 1936, ruling a dictatorship over the territory controlled by the Nationalist faction; the 1937 Unification Decree merging all parties supporting the rebel side led to Nationalist Spain becoming a single-party regime. The end of the war in 1939 brought the extension of the Franco rule to the whole country and the exile of Republican institutions; the Francoist dictatorship took a form described as "fascistized dictatorship", or "semi-fascist regime", bringing a clear influence from German and Italian totalitarianisms in fields such as labor relations, the autarkic economic policy, the particular use of symbols, or the single-party, the FET y de las JONS.
In its years the regime opened up and became closer to developmental dictatorships, although it always preserved residual fascist trappings. During the Second World War, Spain's entry in to the Axis alongside its supporters from the civil war and Italy, never came to be after Franco's demands for the war-torn country to join proved too much for the other members to accept. Spain helped Germany and Italy in various ways while maintaining its neutrality. However, Spain was isolated by many other countries for nearly a decade after World War II and its autocratic economy, still trying to recover from the civil war, suffered from chronic depression. Reforms were implemented in the 1950s and Spain abandoned autarky, delegating authority to liberal ministers; this led to massive economic growth that lasted until the mid-1970s, second only to Japan, known as the "Spanish miracle". During the 1950s the regime changed from being totalitarian and using severe repression to an authoritarian system with limited pluralism.
Spain joined the United Nations in 1955 and during the Cold War, Franco was one of the world's foremost anti-Communist figures: his regime was assisted by the West, it was asked to join NATO. Franco died in 1975 at the age of 82, he restored the monarchy before his death, which made his successor King Juan Carlos I, who led the Spanish transition to democracy. On 1 October 1936, Franco was formally recognised as Caudillo of Spain—the Spanish equivalent of the Italian Duce and the German Führer—by the Junta de Defensa Nacional, which governed the territories occupied by the Nationalists. In April 1937, Franco assumed control of the Falange Española de las JONS led by Manuel Hedilla, who had succeeded José Antonio Primo de Rivera, executed in November 1936 by the Republican government, he merged it with the Carlist Comunión Tradicionalista to form the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las JONS, the sole legal party of Francoist Spain, it was the main component of the Movimiento Nacional. The Falangists were concentrated at local government and grassroot level, entrusted with harnessing the Civil War's momentum of mass mobilisation through their auxiliaries and trade unions by collecting denunciations of enemy residents and recruiting workers into the trade unions.
While there were prominent Falangists at a senior government level before the late 1940s, there were higher concentrations of monarchists, military officials and other traditional conservative factions at those levels. However, the Falange remained the sole party; the Francoists took control of Spain through a comprehensive and methodical war of attrition which involved the imprisonment and executions of Spaniards found guilty of supporting the values promoted by the Republic: regional autonomy, liberal or social democracy, free elections and women's rights, including the vote. The right-wing considered these "enemy elements" to comprise an "anti-Spain", the product of Bolsheviks and a "Judeo-Masonic conspiracy", which had evolved after the Reconquista of the Iberian Peninsula from the Islamic Moors, a Reconquista, declared formally over with the Alhambra Decree of 1492 expelling the Jews from Spain. At the end of the Spanish Civil War, according to the regime's own figures there were more than 270,000 men and women held in prisons and some 500,000 had fled into exile.
Large numbers of those captured were returned to Spain or interned in Nazi concentration camps as stateless enemies. Between six and seven thousand exiles from Spain died in Mauthausen, it has been estimated that more than 200,000 Spaniards died in the first years of the dictatorship from 1940–1942 as a result of political persecution and disease related to the conflict. Spain's strong ties with the Axis resulted in its international ostracism in the early years following World War II as Spain was not a founding member of the United Nations and did not become a member until 1955; this changed with the Cold War that soon followed the end of hostilities in 1945, in the face of which Franco's strong anti-communism tilted its regime to ally with the United States. Independent political parties and trade unions were banned throughout the duration of the dictatorship. Once decrees for economic stabilisation were put forth by the late 1950s, the way was opened for massive foreign investment – "a watershed in post-war economic and ideological normalisation leading to extraordinarily rapid e
Senate of Spain
The Senate is the upper house of Spain's parliament, the Cortes Generales. It is made up of 266 members: 208 elected by popular vote, 58 appointed by the regional legislatures. All senators serve four-year terms, though regional legislatures may recall their appointees at any time; the Senate was first established under the constitution of 1837 under the regency of Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies. It remained under the regimes of the constitutions of 1845, 1856, 1869 and 1876, it was composed, at that latter time, of three main categories: senators by their own right, senators for life and senators elected. This chamber, along with the Congress of Deputies, was suppressed after the coup of General Miguel Primo de Rivera in 1923. Only after the Spanish transition to democracy in 1978 was it reestablished. Senators form groups along party lines. Parties with fewer than ten senators form the Mixed Group. If the membership of an existing group falls below six during a session, it is merged into the Mixed Group at the next session.
For example, Coalición Canaria lost its senate caucus in 2008 after electoral losses reduced its group from six to two. The Basque Nationalist Party, falling from seven to four, "borrowed" senators from the ruling Socialist Party to form their group; the PNV group is again under threshold after returning the borrowed Socialists, it faces dissolution after the current session. 133 seats are required for an absolute majority, vacant seats notwithstanding. To date, senate elections have coincided with elections to the lower house, but the President of the Government may advise the king to call elections for one chamber only, under article 115 of the Spanish Constitution. While the Congress of Deputies is chosen by party list proportional representation, the members of the senate are chosen in two distinct ways: popular election by limited voting and appointment from regional legislatures. Most members of the senate are directly elected by the people; each province elects four senators without regard to population.
Insular provinces are treated specially. The larger islands of the Balearics and Canaries —Mallorca, Gran Canaria, Tenerife—are assigned three seats each, the smaller islands—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Gomera, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each; this allocation is weighted in favor of small provinces. In non-insular constituencies, each party nominates three candidates. Candidates' names are organized in columns by party on a large ochre-colored ballot called a sábana or bedsheet; each voter may mark up from any party. This is the only occasion. Panachage is allowed, but voters cast all three votes for candidates of a single party; as a result, the four Senators are the three candidates from the most popular party and the first placed candidate from the next most popular. Before 2011, a party could not choose the order of its candidates on the ballot paper; when a party did not get all three of its candidates elected, this arrangement favored candidates with surnames early in the alphabet. This was the case for 2nd placed parties in every province and for both parties in tight races when voters did not vote for three candidates of the same party.
Article 69.5 of the Spanish Constitution empowers the legislative assembly of each autonomous community of Spain to appoint a senate delegation from its own ranks, with one Senator per one million citizens, rounded up. Demographic growth increased the combined size of the regional delegations from 51 to 56 in 2008 for the 9th term. Conventionally, the proportions of the regional delegations mimic their legislative assemblies, as required in principle by Article 69.5 of the constitution. However, Autonomous Communities have considerable leeway, a motion to appoint the delegation requires no more than a plurality. Two anomalous examples are: After the 2007 election, the single senator from the Balearic Islands was from neither the largest bloc, nor the second-largest, but in fact from the fourth-largest bloc, the Socialist Party of Majorca, which held only four of 59 seats; this arrangement was part of a five-party coalition agreement. This anomaly was resolved in 2008, when the Balearic Islands gained a second senate seat, filled by the PP.
Since 2003, the PSOE has ruled Aragon with support from regionalist parties. In the 2007 election, it won 30 of 67 seats. Aragon's two appointed senators came from the opposition People's Party and the regionalist Aragonese Party. Due to population growth, the Balearic and Canary Islands and Madrid each gained a new senator in 2008. Andalusia was the last Autonomous Community; the distribution after the 2015 election was: The last election was held on 26 June 2016. The composition of the 12th Senate is: The Spanish parliamentary system is bicameral but asymmetric; the Congress of Deputies has more independent functions, it can override most Senate measures. Only the Congress can revoke confidence to a Prime Minister. In the ordinary lawmaking process, either house may be the initiator, the Senate can amend hostilely or veto, the propos
Falangism was the political ideology of the Falange Española de las JONS and afterwards of the Falange Española Tradicionalista y de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista as well as derivatives of it in other countries. Under the leadership of Francisco Franco, it became an authoritarian, conservative ideology connected with Francoist Spain. Opponents of Franco's changes to the party include former Falange leader Manuel Hedilla. Falangism places a strong emphasis on Catholic religious identity, though it has held some secular views on the Church's direct influence in society as it believed that the state should have the supreme authority over the nation. Falangism emphasized the need for authority and order in society. Falangism is anti-democratic and anti-liberal; the Falange's original manifesto, the "Twenty-Seven Points", declared Falangism to support the unity of Spain and the elimination of regional separatism, the establishment of a dictatorship led by the Falange, utilizing violence to regenerate Spain, promoting the revival and development of the Spanish Empire.
The manifesto supported a social revolution to create a national syndicalist economy that creates national syndicates of both employees and employers to mutually organize and control the economic activity, agrarian reform, industrial expansion and respect for private property with the exception of nationalizing credit facilities to prevent capitalist usury. It supports criminalization of strikes by lockouts by employers as illegal acts. Falangism supports the state to have jurisdiction of setting wages; the Franco-era Falange supported the development of cooperatives such as the Mondragon Corporation because it bolstered the Francoist claim of the nonexistence of social classes in Spain during his rule. The Spanish Falange and its affiliates in Hispanic states across the world promoted a form of panhispanism known as hispanidad that advocated both cultural and economic union of Hispanic societies around the world. Falangism has attacked both the political left and the right as its "enemies", declaring itself to be neither left nor right, but a syncretic third position.
However, scholarly sources reviewing Falangism place it on the political right. During the Spanish Civil War, the Falange and the Carlists prior to the two parties' unification in 1937 both promoted the incorporation of Portugal into Spain. Both prior to and after its merger with the Carlists, the Falange supported the unification of Gibraltar and Portugal into Spain. During its early years of existence, the Falange produced maps of Spain that included Portugal as a province of Spain; the Carlists stated that a Carlist Spain would retake Portugal. After the civil war, some radical members of the Falange called for a reunification with Portugal and annexation of former Spanish territories in the French Pyrenees. During World War II, Franco in a communiqué with Germany on 26 May 1942 declared that Portugal should be made a part of Spain; some of the Falangists in Spain had supported racialism and racialist policies, viewing races as both real and existing with differing strengths and accompanying cultures inextricably obtained with them.
However, unlike other racialists such as the National Socialists, Falangism is unconcerned about racial purity and does not denounce other races for being inferior, claiming "that every race has a particular cultural significance" and claiming that the intermixing of the Spanish race and other races has produced a "Hispanic supercaste", "ethically improved, morally robust, spiritually vigorous". It was less concerned about biological Spanish racial regeneration than it was in advocating the necessity of Spanish Catholic spiritual regeneration; some have nonetheless promoted eugenics designed to eliminate physical and psychological damage caused by pathogenic agents. Falangism did and still does support natality policies to stimulate increased fertility rate among ideal physically and morally fit citizens. Franco praised Spain's Visigothic heritage, saying that the Germanic tribe of the Visigoths gave Spaniards their "national love for law and order". During early years of the Falangist regime of Franco, the regime admired Nazi Germany and had Spanish archaeologists seek to demonstrate that Spaniards were part of the Aryan race through their Visigothic heritage.
Founder of the Falange Española, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, had little interest in addressing the Jewish problem outside areas of political issues. The Falange's position was influenced by the fact of the small size of the Jewish community in Spain at the time that did not favour the development of strong antisemitism. Primo de Rivera saw the solution to the Jewish problem in Spain as simple: the conversion of Jews to Catholicism. However, on the issue of perceived political tendencies amongst Jews he warned about Jewish-Marxist influences over the working classes; the Falangist daily newspaper Arriba claimed that "the Judeo-Masonic International is the creator of two great evils that have afflicted humanity: capitalism and Marxism". Primo de Rivera approved of attacks by Falangists on the Jewish-owned SEPU department stores in 1935; the Spanish Falange and its Hispanic affiliates have promoted the cultural and racial unity of Hispanic peoples across the world in "hispanidad". It has sought to unite Hispanic peoples through proposals to create a commonwealth or federation of Spanish-speaking states headed by Spain.
Falangism supports the establishment of a Falangist-led totalitarian one-party state. Falangism supports a national, trans-class society while opposin
Carlism is a Traditionalist and legitimist political movement in Spain seeking to take the Spanish throne for a line of the Bourbon dynasty descended from Don Carlos, Count of Molina. The movement was founded due to dispute over the succession laws and widespread dissatisfaction with the Alfonsine line of the House of Bourbon; the movement was at its strongest in the 1830s but had a revival following Spain's defeat in the Spanish–American War in 1898, when Spain lost its last remaining significant overseas territories of Cuba, the Philippines, Puerto Rico to the United States. Carlism was a significant force in Spanish politics from 1833 until the end of the Francoist regime in 1975. In this capacity, it was the cause of Carlist Wars during the 19th century, an important factor in the Spanish Civil War in the 1930s. Today, Carlists are a fringe entity. Objectively considered, the Carlism appears as a political movement, it arose under the protection of a dynastic flag that proclaimed itself "legitimist", that rose to the death of Ferdinand VII, in the year 1833, with enough echo and popular roots, they distinguish in him three cardinal bases that define it.
A) A dynastic flag: b) A historical continuity: c) And a legal-political doctrine: Traditionally, all but one of the Spanish kingdoms allowed the succession of daughters in the absence of sons and of sisters in the absence of brothers. The one exception, tended to favor semi-Salicism; the most elaborate rules of succession formed part of the Siete Partidas of the late 13th century. On 1 November 1700 Philip V, acceded to the Spanish throne. In the French royal house, Salic law applied. Accordingly, the traditional Spanish order of succession had to give way to a semi-Salic system, which excluded women from the crown unless all males in the agnatic descent from Philip, in any branch, became extinct; this change was forced by external pressure to avoid any possible personal union of the Crown of Spain with a foreign monarchy like France.. Although the Spanish government made several attempts to revert to the traditional order, as in the Decree of 1789 by Charles IV of Spain, the succession question became pressing only when, by 1830, Ferdinand VII found himself ailing, without any issue, but with a pregnant wife.
He decided in 1830 to promulgate the 1789 decree, securing the crown for the unborn child if female. The law placed the child, Princess Isabel, ahead of Ferdinand's brother Infante Carlos, who until had been heir presumptive. Many contemporaries saw the changed succession as illegal on various counts, they formed the basis for the dynastic Carlist party, which only recognized the semi-Salic succession law that gave Infante Carlos precedence over Ferdinand's daughter, the future Isabella II. 13 May 1713: Philip V, first of the Spanish Bourbons, together with the Cortes, Spain's parliament, through an Auto Accordado changes the order of succession to the Spanish crown from that outlined in the Siete Partidas. Where the previous rule consisted of male-preference primogeniture, Philip's new law instituted semi-Salic law, under which accession of a female or her descendants is possible only following the extinction of all dynastic males descended in the male line from Philip V. 1789: During the reign of Charles IV, the Cortes approves a reversion of the system of succession to the traditional Siete Partidas order of succession.
However, the law was not promulgated, due in part to protests from the cadet branches of the House of Bourbon, who saw it as diminishing their hereditary rights. 1812. A new Spanish constitution outlines the rules of succession in accordance with the Siete Partidas. 31 March 1830: Ferdinand VII, at the time without issue and his fourth wife pregnant, promulgates the Pragmatic Sanction of 1830 which ratifies the 1789 law, thereby re-establishing the pre-Philippine order of succession. 10 October 1830: The future Isabella II is born to Ferdinand VII. After several court intrigues, the Pragmatic Sanction is definitively approved in 1832. Ferdinand's brother, the Infante Don Carlos, up to that time the heir presumptive, feels robbed of his rights, leaves for Portugal. 1833–1876 Carlist Wars As in many European countries, after the Napoleonic occupation, the Spanish political class was split between the "absolutists", supporters of the ancien régime, the Liberals, influenced by the ideas of the French Revolution.
The long war for Spain's independence from the Napoleonic Empire left a large supply of experienced guerrilla fighters and an oversized military officialdom—for the most part, staunch Liberals. The perceived success of the uprising of 1808 against Napoleon left a broad, if unconscious, belief in the validity of the right of rebellion, with long-lasting effects on the politics of Spain and Spanish America, extending through the 19th century and beyond; the reign of Ferdinand VII proved unable to overcome the political divide or to create stable institutions. The so-called Liberal Triennium re-instated the 1812 constitution after a military "pronunciamiento", but was followed by the Ominous Decade, ten years of absolute rule by the king, that left bitter memories of persecution in both parties. While in power, both groups had divided themselves into radical branches; the radical branch of the absolutists, known as the Apostólicos, looked upon the heir presump
Spanish nationalism is the nationalism that asserts that the Spaniards are a nation, promotes the cultural unity of the Spanish. In a general sense, it comprises political and social movements inspired by a love for Spanish culture, history, a sense of pride in Spain and its people. Spanish nationalists reject other nationalist movements within Spain Catalan and Basque nationalism. Other forms of Spanish nationalism have included pan-Hispanism. Spanish nationalism has its origins in Castilian-based culture, its development runs parallel to that of the state-building process carried out by the Spanish monarchy, to the surge in patriotic sentiment in the landlocked territories galvanized by the Reconquista — a period that began in what would become the Kingdom of Castile and ended in the final conquest of Granada in 1492. This explains. Hence, Spanish nationalism is a historical corollary or synecdochal evolution of an expansionist phase in Castilian nationalism, much like the process by which early English nationalism came to define all of British nationalism, or by which Latin and Sabine political identity came to assimilate all other ethnicities in the Italian Peninsula, sometimes forcefully, into becoming a single national entity.
In spite of the early Castilian genesis of Spanish nationalism, it must be emphasized that more recent stages of Castilian nationalism are sometimes indifferent or inimical to Spanish unionism. In many Western European nation-states, the shaping of an authoritarian monarchy, like those of the late Middle Ages, prompted a parallel secular development of the state and nation; this occurred in Spain under the Spanish Monarchy's successive territorial conformations. Like many nations before it, Spanish national identity and territorial dynamic gave rise to different outcomes; as a result of how the institutions responded to the changing economic and social dynamic, the idea of nationalism did not flourish into its contemporary frame until the Old Regime had succumbed. At the time, the clearest identification factor that existed throughout this ethnic-religious period in Spain was the form of "Old Christian" status. By the end of this period at the 18th century, the linguistic identification factor had revolved around the Castilian with new institutions such as the Spanish Royal Academy.
Spanish nationalism emerged with liberalism, during the Spanish War of Independence against Napoleon I of France. Since 1808 we speak of nationalism in Spain: ethnic patriotism became national, at least among the elite; this was unmistakably the work of liberals. The modernized elites used the occasion to try to impose a program of political changes, their method was to launch the revolutionary idea of the nation as the holder of sovereignty. This idea of sovereignty is believed to have mobilized the Spanish victoriously against a foreign army and against collaborators of José Bonaparte, regarded as non-Spanish; the Spanish liberals turned their victory on the battlefield to an feverish identity of patriotism and the defense of liberty: as the Asturian deputy Agustín Argüelles when he presented the Constitution of 1812, "Spaniards, you now have a homeland." José Álvarez Junco Since Spanish nationalism has changed in meaning and its ideological and political proposals. The Carlism, a defensive movement of the Old Regime, did not regard the adjective "national" with any esteem and considered it a term used only by liberals.
However, what shaped Spanish nationalism came in the twentieth century from the frustration of the disaster of 1898, called regenerationism. It assimilated from movements opposite one another such as the ruling bourbon-family dynasty, the republican opposition and the military influence of the 1917 crisis and dictatorships of Miguel Primo de Rivera and Francisco Franco. Under the movement of panhispanism, which refers to the movement focused on the unity of Hispanic-American nations, whose origins are rooted during the period of Spanish colonization and imperialism, refers in this case to the movement that emerged after the crisis of 1898. Panhispanism was influenced by the regenerationism movement and the Generation of'98, whose authors came from the Spanish periphery and agreed to consider Castile the representation of "Spanish"; these philosophers and authors, like Ramiro de Maeztu, Ramiro Ledesma and Onésimo Redondo, founders of the JONS, José Antonio Primo de Rivera, founder of Falange, expressed a generation frustrated with Spanish society and politics at the time.
During this period, this form of nationalism incorporated a traditionalist component that could be traced back to a century old belief of traditional monarchy or Catholic monarchy. It is not lay nor secular, but Roman Catholic, which would define in Francoist Spain the term, National Catholicism. Spanish liberal philosopher and essayist José Ortega y Gasset defined Spain as an "enthusing project for a life in common. Meanwhile, the Fascist leader José Antonio Primo de Rivera preferred the definition of a "unity of destiny in the universal" and defended a return to the traditional and spiritual values of Imperial Spain; the idea of empire
Spain the Kingdom of Spain, is a country located in Europe. Its continental European territory is situated on the Iberian Peninsula, its territory includes two archipelagoes: the Canary Islands off the coast of Africa, the Balearic Islands in the Mediterranean Sea. The African enclaves of Ceuta, Peñón de Vélez de la Gomera make Spain the only European country to have a physical border with an African country. Several small islands in the Alboran Sea are part of Spanish territory; the country's mainland is bordered to the south and east by the Mediterranean Sea except for a small land boundary with Gibraltar. With an area of 505,990 km2, Spain is the largest country in Southern Europe, the second largest country in Western Europe and the European Union, the fourth largest country in the European continent. By population, Spain is the fifth in the European Union. Spain's capital and largest city is Madrid. Modern humans first arrived in the Iberian Peninsula around 35,000 years ago. Iberian cultures along with ancient Phoenician, Greek and Carthaginian settlements developed on the peninsula until it came under Roman rule around 200 BCE, after which the region was named Hispania, based on the earlier Phoenician name Spn or Spania.
At the end of the Western Roman Empire the Germanic tribal confederations migrated from Central Europe, invaded the Iberian peninsula and established independent realms in its western provinces, including the Suebi and Vandals. The Visigoths would forcibly integrate all remaining independent territories in the peninsula, including Byzantine provinces, into the Kingdom of Toledo, which more or less unified politically and all the former Roman provinces or successor kingdoms of what was documented as Hispania. In the early eighth century the Visigothic Kingdom fell to the Moors of the Umayyad Islamic Caliphate, who arrived to rule most of the peninsula in the year 726, leaving only a handful of small Christian realms in the north and lasting up to seven centuries in the Kingdom of Granada; this led to many wars during a long reconquering period across the Iberian Peninsula, which led to the creation of the Kingdom of Leon, Kingdom of Castile, Kingdom of Aragon and Kingdom of Navarre as the main Christian kingdoms to face the invasion.
Following the Moorish conquest, Europeans began a gradual process of retaking the region known as the Reconquista, which by the late 15th century culminated in the emergence of Spain as a unified country under the Catholic Monarchs. Until Aragon had been an independent kingdom, which had expanded toward the eastern Mediterranean, incorporating Sicily and Naples, had competed with Genoa and Venice. In the early modern period, Spain became the world's first global empire and the most powerful country in the world, leaving a large cultural and linguistic legacy that includes more than 570 million Hispanophones, making Spanish the world's second-most spoken native language, after Mandarin Chinese. During the Golden Age there were many advancements in the arts, with world-famous painters such as Diego Velázquez; the most famous Spanish literary work, Don Quixote, was published during the Golden Age. Spain hosts the world's third-largest number of UNESCO World Heritage Sites. Spain is a secular parliamentary democracy and a parliamentary monarchy, with King Felipe VI as head of state.
It is a major developed country and a high income country, with the world's fourteenth largest economy by nominal GDP and sixteenth largest by purchasing power parity. It is a member of the United Nations, the European Union, the Eurozone, the Council of Europe, the Organization of Ibero-American States, the Union for the Mediterranean, the North Atlantic Treaty Organization, the Organisation for Economic Co-operation and Development, Organization for Security and Co-operation in Europe, the Schengen Area, the World Trade Organization and many other international organisations. While not an official member, Spain has a "Permanent Invitation" to the G20 summits, participating in every summit, which makes Spain a de facto member of the group; the origins of the Roman name Hispania, from which the modern name España was derived, are uncertain due to inadequate evidence, although it is documented that the Phoenicians and Carthaginians referred to the region as Spania, therefore the most accepted etymology is a Semitic-Phoenician one.
Down the centuries there have been a number of accounts and hypotheses: The Renaissance scholar Antonio de Nebrija proposed that the word Hispania evolved from the Iberian word Hispalis, meaning "city of the western world". Jesús Luis Cunchillos argues that the root of the term span is the Phoenician word spy, meaning "to forge metals". Therefore, i-spn-ya would mean "the land where metals are forged", it may be a derivation of the Phoenician I-Shpania, meaning "island of rabbits", "land of rabbits" or "edge", a reference to Spain's location at the end of the Mediterranean. The word in question means "Hyrax" due to Phoenicians confusing the two animals. Hispania may derive from the poetic use of the term Hesperia, reflecting the Greek perception of Italy as a "western land" or "land of the setting sun" (Hesperia
National Catholicism was part of the ideological identity of Francoism, the political system with which dictator Francisco Franco governed Spain between 1939 and 1975. Its most visible manifestation was the hegemony that the Catholic Church had in all aspects of public and private life; as a symbol of the ideological divisions within Francoism, it can be compared to National syndicalism, an essential component of the ideology and political practice of the Falangists. In the 1920s France, a similar model of National Catholicism was advanced by the Fédération Nationale Catholique formed by General Édouard Castelnau. Although it reached one million members in 1925, it was of short-lived significance, subsiding into obscurity by 1930. In Spain, the Francoist State initiated a project in 1943 to reform the university, it was called the University Regulatory Law, which remained active until 1970. The U. R. L. Represented the clearest politicization of the university in the service of the new regime's National-Catholic precepts.
While there was no explicit exclusion of women from higher learning, their presence at the university level was discouraged and not recognized during the two first decades of the regime. In the 1930s and 1940s, Ante Pavelić's Croatian Ustaše movement espoused a similar ideology, although it has been called other names, including "political Catholicism" and "Catholic Croatism". Other countries in central and eastern Europe where similar movements of Franquist inspiration combined Catholicism with nationalism include: Austria, Poland and Slovakia. Action Française Movimiento Nacional Religious nationalism Christian nationalism Clerical fascism BOTTI, Nazionalcattolicesimo e Spagna nuova, Franco Angeli, 1992 ISBN 88-204-7242-2 Stanley G. Payne. "7. National Catholicism". Spanish Catholicism: An Historical Overview. University of Wisconsin Press. ISBN 978-0-299-09804-9