A national anthem is a patriotic musical composition that evokes and eulogizes the history and struggles of its people, recognized either by a nation's government as the official national song, or by convention through use by the people. The majority of national anthems are hymns in style; the countries of Latin America, Central Asia, Europe tend towards more ornate and operatic pieces, while those in the Middle East, Oceania and the Caribbean use a more simplistic fanfare. Some countries that are devolved into multiple constituent states have their own official musical compositions for them. A national anthem is most in the national or most common language of the country, whether de facto or official, there are notable exceptions. Most states with more than one national language may offer several versions of their anthem, for instance: The "Swiss Psalm", the national anthem of Switzerland, has different lyrics for each of the country's four official languages; the national anthem of Canada, "O Canada", has official lyrics in both English and French which are not translations of each other, is sung with a mixture of stanzas, representing the country's bilingual nature.
The song itself was written in French. "The Soldier's Song", the national anthem of Ireland, was written and adopted in English, but an Irish translation, although never formally adopted, is nowadays always sung instead. The current South African national anthem is unique in that five of the country's eleven official languages are used in the same anthem, it was created by combining two different songs together and modifying the lyrics and adding new ones. One of the two official national anthems of New Zealand, "God Defend New Zealand", is now sung with the first verse in Māori and the second in English; the tune is the same but the words are not a direct translation of each other. "God Bless Fiji" has lyrics in Fijian which are not translations of each other. Although official, the Fijian version is sung, it is the English version, performed at international sporting events. Although Singapore has four official languages, with English being the current lingua franca, the national anthem, "Majulah Singapura" is in Malay and by law can only be sung with its original Malay lyrics, despite the fact that Malay is a minority language in Singapore.
This is because Part XIII of the Constitution of the Republic of Singapore declares, “the national language shall be the Malay language and shall be in the Roman script ” There are several countries that do not have official lyrics to their national anthems. One of these is the national anthem of Spain. Although it had lyrics those lyrics were discontinued after governmental changes in the early 1980s after Francisco Franco's dictactorship. In 2007 a national competition to write words was held. Other national anthems with no words include "Inno Nazionale della Repubblica", the national anthem of San Marino, that of Bosnia and Herzegovina and that of Kosovo, entitled "Europe"; the national anthem of India, "Jana Gana Mana", the official lyrics are in the Devnagari. The lyrics were adopted from a Bengali poem written by Rabindranath Tagore. Despite the most common language in Wales being English, the Welsh regional anthem "Hen Wlad Fy Nhadau" is sung in the Welsh language; the national anthem of Finland, was first written in Swedish and only translated to Finnish.
It is nowadays sung in both languages as there is a Swedish speaking minority of about 6% in the country. National anthems rose to prominence in Europe during the 19th century, but some originated much earlier; the presumed oldest national anthem belongs to the Netherlands and is called the "Wilhelmus". It was written between 1568 and 1572 during the Dutch Revolt and its current melody variant was composed shortly before 1626, it was a popular orangist march during the 17th century but it did not become the official Dutch national anthem until 1932. The Japanese national anthem, "Kimigayo", has the oldest lyrics, which were taken from a Heian period poem, yet it was not set to music until 1880; the Philippine national anthem "Lupang Hinirang" was composed in 1898 as wordless incidental music for the ceremony declaring independence from the Spanish Empire. The Spanish poem "Filipinas" was written the following year to serve as the anthem's lyrics. "God Save the Queen", the national anthem of the United Kingdom and the royal anthem reserved for use in the presence of the Monarch in some Commonwealth realms, was first performed in 1619 under the title "God Save the King".
It is not the national anthem of the UK, though it became such through custom and usage. Spain's national anthem, the "Marcha Real", written in 1761, was among the first to be adopted as such, in 1770. Denmark adopted the older of its two national anthems, "Kong Christian stod ved højen mast", in 1780. Serbia became the first Eastern European nation to have a national anthem – "Rise up, Serbia!" – in 1804."Ee Mungu Nguvu Yetu", the national anthem of Kenya, is one of the first national anthems to be specifical
Jewish Autonomism, not connected to the contemporary political movement autonomism, was a non-Zionist political movement and ideology that emerged in Eastern Europe in the late 19th and early 20th century. One of its first and major proponents was activist Simon Dubnow. Jewish Autonomism is referred to as "Dubnovism" or "folkism"; the Autonomists believed that the future survival of the Jews as a nation depends on their spiritual and cultural strength, in developing "spiritual nationhood" and in viability of Jewish diaspora as long as Jewish communities maintain self-rule and rejected assimilation. Autonomists stressed the vitality of modern Yiddish culture. Various concepts of the Autonomism were adopted in the platforms of the Folkspartei, the Sejmists and socialist Jewish parties such as the Bund; the movement's beliefs were similar to those of the Austro-Marxists who advocated national personal autonomy within the multinational Austro-Hungarian empire and cultural pluralists in America such as Randolph Bourne and Horace Kallen.
Though Simon Dubnow was key in proliferating Autonomism's popularity, his ideas were not novel. In 1894, Jakob Kohn, a board member of the National Jewish Party of Austria published Assimilation, Antisemitismus und Nationaljudentum, a philosophical work detailing his party's perspective. Kohn argued that Jews shared not only a religion, but were connected by a long, deep-rooted ethnic history of centuries of discrimination, attempts at assimilation and exile. To Kohn, the Jews were a nation. Similar to Dubnow, Kohn called for the establishment of a Jewish organization to represent Jewish interests within the state's policies. Again, Similar to Dubnow, Kohn denounced assimilation, claiming that it worked against the establishment of a Jewish nation; the origins of Autonomism and Dubnow's ideas remain unclear. Notable philosophical thinkers from Eastern and Western Europe including Ernest Renan, John Stuart Mill, Herbert Spencer and Auguste Compte are cited to have influenced Dubnow's ideas. Ideas from Vladimir Solovyov, Dmitry Pisarev, Nikolay Chernyshevsky and Konstantin Aksakov concerning the Russian people's distinct spiritual heritage may have brought rise to Dubnow's own ideas on the Jews shared heritage.
In his memoirs, Dubnow himself refers to some of these thinkers as major influences. In addition, Dubnov had been immersed in histiographical study of Russian Jewry, its institutions and spiritual movements; this research led Dubnov to question the legitimacy of the Russians' monopoly of political power and fueled his own demands for Jewish political representation. With the Holocaust and the murder of Simon Dubnow in the 1941 Rumbula massacre, the foundation for Jewish Autonomism came to end and has no practical impact in today's politics. Whereas Zionism advocates for the establishment of an separate Jewish state, Autonomism advocates for the sovereignty of the Jews without a division from the governing state; this allows Jews to identify with Jewish nationalism and loyalty to their own state. In contrast to many other ideologies, Dubnow believed that as a nation the Jews had transformed for the better. To Dubnow, the Jews had transformed from a nation connected by a territory to a nation connected by a spirituality and heritage.
Some groups blended Autonomism with Zionism as they favored Jewish self-rule in the diaspora until diaspora Jews make Aliyah to their national homeland in Zion. In the early 1900s, the Folkspartei, a political party advocating for Jewish Autonomism strove for good relations with other Jewish parties, including the Zionists. An attempt was made to establish a Jewish National Club, a inter-party organization to coordinate collaboration between the two parties. However, this failed when the Folkists objected to accepting an unequal number of committee representatives. Autonomism at Jewish Virtual Library
In Marxism, bourgeois nationalism is the practice by the ruling classes of deliberately dividing people by nationality, ethnicity, or religion, so as to distract them from initiating class warfare. It is seen as a divide and conquer strategy used by the ruling classes to prevent the working class from uniting against them. After the October Revolution, the Bolshevik government based its nationalities policy on the principles of Marxist–Leninist ideology. According to these principles, all nations should disappear with time, nationalism was considered a bourgeois ideology. In his Report on the 50th anniversary of the formation of the USSR, Leonid Brezhnev emphasized: "That is why Communists and all fighters for socialism believe that the main aspect of the national question is unification of the working people, regardless of their national origin, in the common battle against every type of oppression, for a new social system which rules out exploitation of the working people." Bourgeois nationalism as a concept was discussed in China by Liu Shaoqi as follows: The exploitation of wage labour, the squeezing out and swallowing of rivals among the capitalists themselves, the resorting to war and world war, the utilisation of all means to secure a monopoly position in its own country and throughout the world - such is the inherent character of the profit-seeking bourgeoisie.
This is the class basis of bourgeois nationalism and of all bourgeois ideologies. The most vicious manifestations of the development of bourgeois nationalism include the enslavement of the colonial and semi-colonial countries by the imperialist powers, the First World War, the aggression of Hitler and Mussolini and the Japanese warlords during the Second World War, the schemes for the enslavement of the whole world undertaken by the international imperialist camp, headed by American imperialism. Anti-nationalism Lenin's national policy Proletarian internationalism, an antonym of bourgeois nationalism. Liberal nationalism Class collaboration Internationalism and Nationalism by Liu Shaoqi Marxism and Nationalism by Tom Lewis
Types of nationalism
Many scholars argue that there is more than one type of nationalism. Nationalism may manifest itself as part of official state ideology or as a popular non-state movement and may be expressed along civic, cultural, religious or ideological lines; these self-definitions of the nation are used to classify types of nationalism. However, such categories are not mutually exclusive and many nationalist movements combine some or all of these elements to varying degrees. Nationalist movements can be classified by other criteria, such as scale and location; some political theorists make the case. In all forms of nationalism, the populations believe. A main reason why such typology can be considered false is that it attempts to bend the simple concept of nationalism to explain its many manifestations or interpretations. Arguably, all types of nationalism refer to different ways academics throughout the years have tried to define nationalism; this school of thought accepts that nationalism is the desire of a nation to self-determine.
Ethnic nationalism defines the nation in terms of ethnicity, which always includes some element of descent from previous generations, i.e. genophilia. It includes ideas of a culture shared between members of the group and with their ancestors, a shared language. Membership in the nation is hereditary; the state derives political legitimacy from its status as homeland of the ethnic group, from its duty to protect of the national group and facilitate its family and social life, as a group. Ideas of ethnicity are old, but modern ethnic nationalism was influenced by Johann Gottfried von Herder, who promoted the concept of the Volk, Johann Gottlieb Fichte. Theorist Anthony D. Smith uses the term'ethnic nationalism' for non-Western concepts of nationalism, as opposed to Western views of a nation defined by its geographical territory; the term "ethnonationalism" is used only in reference to nationalists who espouse an explicit ideology along these lines. The pejorative form of both is "ethnocentric nationalism" or "tribal nationalism," though "tribal nationalism" can have a non-pejorative meaning when discussing African, Native American, or other nationalisms that assert a tribal identity.
Civic nationalism is the form of nationalism in which the state derives political legitimacy from the active participation of its citizenry, from the degree to which it represents the "will of the people". It is seen as originating with Jean-Jacques Rousseau and the social contract theories which take their name from his 1762 book The Social Contract. Civic nationalism lies within the traditions of rationalism and liberalism, but as a form of nationalism it is contrasted with ethnic nationalism. Membership of the civic nation is considered voluntary. Civic-national ideals influenced the development of representative democracy in countries such as the United States and France. State nationalism is a variant of civic nationalism combined with ethnic nationalism, it implies that the nation is a community of those who contribute to the maintenance and strength of the state, that the individual exists to contribute to this goal. Italian fascism is the best example, epitomized in this slogan of Benito Mussolini: "Tutto nello Stato, niente al di fuori dello Stato, nulla contro lo Stato".
It is no surprise that this conflicts with liberal ideals of individual liberty, with liberal-democratic principles. The revolutionary Jacobin creation of a unitary and centralist French state is seen as the original version of state nationalism. Francoist Spain is a example of state nationalism. However, the term "state nationalism" is used in conflicts between nationalisms, where a secessionist movement confronts an established "nation state"; the secessionists speak of state nationalism to discredit the legitimacy of the larger state, since state nationalism is perceived as less authentic and less democratic. Flemish separatists speak of Belgian nationalism as a state nationalism. Basque separatists and Corsican separatists refer to Spain and France in this way. There are no undisputed external criteria to assess which side is right, the result is that the population is divided by conflicting appeals to its loyalty and patriotism. Critiques of supposed "civic nationalism" call for the elimination of the term as it represents either imperialism, patriotism, or an extension of "ethnic", or "real" nationalism.
Expansionist nationalism is an aggressive and radical form of nationalism that incorporates autonomous, patriotic sentiments with a belief in expansionism or recovering owned territories. The term was coined during the late nineteenth century as European powers indulged in the'Scramble for Africa' in the name of national glory, but has been most associated with militarist governments during the 20th century including Fascist Italy, Nazi Germany, the Japanese empire, the Balkans countries of Albania, Croatia, Hungary and Serbia. What distinguishes expansionist nationalism from liberal nationalism is its acceptance of chauvinism, a belief in superiority or dominance. Nations are thus not thought to be equal to their right to self-determination.
Arab nationalism is a nationalist ideology that asserts the Arabs are a nation and promotes the unity of Arab people, celebrating the glories of Arab civilization, the language and literature of the Arabs, calling for rejuvenation and political union in the Arab world. Its central premise is that the peoples of the Arab world, from the Atlantic Ocean to the Indian Ocean, constitute one nation bound together by common ethnicity, culture, identity and politics. One of the primary goals of Arab nationalism is the end of Western influence in the Arab world, seen as a "nemesis" of Arab strength, the removal of those Arab governments considered to be dependent upon Western power, it rose to prominence with the weakening and defeat of the Ottoman Empire in the early 20th century and declined after the defeat of the Arab armies in the Six-Day War. Personalities and groups associated with Arab nationalism include King Faisal I of Iraq, Egyptian President Gamal Abdel Nasser, the Arab Nationalist Movement, Libyan leader Muammar Gaddafi, the Palestine Liberation Organization, the Arab Socialist Ba'ath Party which came to power in Iraq for some years and is still the ruling party in Syria, its founder Michel Aflaq.
Pan-Arabism is a related concept, in as much as it calls for supranational communalism among the Arab states. Arab nationalists believe that the Arab nation existed as a historical entity prior to the rise of nationalism in the 19th–20th century; the Arab nation was formed through the gradual establishment of Arabic as the language of communication and with the advent of Islam as a religion and culture in the region. Both Arabic and Islam served as the pillars of the nation. According to writer Youssef Choueiri, Arab nationalism represents the "Arabs' consciousness of their specific characteristics as well as their endeavor to build a modern state capable of representing the common will of the nation and all its constituent parts."Within the Arab nationalist movement are three main ideas: that of the Arab nation. The 1936–1939 Arab revolt in Palestine led to the foundation of the Arab nationalist Ba'ath Party, which asserts that the Arab nation is the group of people who speak Arabic, inhabit the Arab world, who feel they belong to the same nation.
Arab nationalism is the "sum total" of the characteristics and qualities exclusive to the Arab nation, whereas pan-Arab unity is the modern idea that stipulates that the separate Arab countries must unify to form a single state under one political system. Local patriotism centered on individual Arab countries was incorporated into the framework of Arab nationalism starting in the 1920s; this was done by positioning the Arabian Peninsula as the homeland of the Semitic peoples who migrated throughout the Near East in ancient times or by associating the other pre-Islamic cultures, such as those of Egypt and North Africa and Horn of Africa, into an evolving Arab identity. The modern Arabic language has two distinct words which can be translated into English as "nationalism": qawmiyya قومية, derived from the word qawm, wataniyya وطنية, derived from the word watan; the term qawmiyya means attachment to the Arab nation, while wataniyya means loyalty to a single Arab state. Wataniyya is sometimes disparaged as "regionalism" by those who consider pan-Arabism the only legitimate variant of Arab nationalism.
In the post-World War years, the concept of qawmiyya "gradually assumed a leftist coloration, calling for... the creation of revolutionary Arab unity." Groups who subscribed to this point of view advocated opposition and non-violent, against Israel and against Arabs who did not subscribe to this point of view. The person most identified with qawmiyya was Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt, who used both military and political power to spread his version of pan-Arab ideology throughout the Arab world. While qawmiyya still remains a potent political force today, the death of Nasser and the Arab defeat in the Six-Day War has weakened faith in this ideal; the current dominant ideology among Arab policy makers has shifted to wataniyya. Throughout the late 19th century, beginning in the 1860s, a sense of loyalty to the "Fatherland" developed in intellectual circles based in the Levant and Egypt, but not an "Arab Fatherland", it developed from observance of the technological successes of Western Europe which they attributed to the prevailing of patriotism in those countries.
During this period, a heavy influx of Christian missionaries and educators from Western countries provided what was termed the "Arab political revival", resulting in the establishment of secret societies within the empire. In the 1860s, literature produced in the Mashriq, under Ottoman control at the time, contained emotional intensity and condemned the Ottoman Turks for "betraying Islam" and the Fatherland to the Christian West. In the view of Arab patriots, Islam had not always been in a "sorry state" and attributed the military triumphs and cultural glories of the Arabs to the advent of the religion, insisting that European modernism itself was of Islamic origin; the Ottomans, on the other hand, thus suffered decline. The reforming Ottoman and Egyptian governments were blamed for the situation because they attempted to borrow Western practices from the Europeans that were seen as unnatural and corrupt; the Arab patriots' view was that the Islamic governments should revive true Islam that would in turn, pave way for the establishment of constitutional representative government and
Indian nationalism developed as a concept during the Indian independence movement fought against the colonial British Raj. Indian nationalism is an instance of territorial nationalism, inclusive of all its people, despite their diverse ethnic and religious backgrounds, it continues to influence the politics of India and reflects an opposition to the sectarian strands of Hindu nationalism and Muslim nationalism. India has been unified under many governments in history. Ancient texts mention India under emperor Bharata and Akhand Bharat, these regions form the entities of modern-day greater India; the Mauryan Empire was the first to unite all of India, South Asia. In addition, much of India has been unified under a central government by empires, such as the Gupta Empire, Rashtrakuta Empire, Pala Empire, Mughal Empire, British Indian Empire etc. India's concept of nationhood is based not on territorial extent of its sovereignty. Nationalistic sentiments and expression encompass that India's ancient history, as the birthplace of the Indus Valley Civilization and Vedic Civilization, as well as four major world religions – Hinduism, Buddhism and Sikhism.
Indian nationalists see India stretching along these lines across the Indian Subcontinent. India today celebrates many kings and queens for combating foreign invasion and domination, such as Shivaji of the Maratha Empire, Rani Laxmibai of Jhansi, Kittur Chennamma, Maharana Pratap of Rajputana, Prithviraj Chauhan and Tipu Sultan who fought the British; the kings of Ancient India, such as Chandragupta Maurya and Ashoka of the Magadha Empire, are remembered for their military genius, notable conquests and remarkable religious tolerance. Akbar was a Mughal emperor, was known to have a good relationship with the Roman Catholic Church as well as with his subjects – Hindus, Buddhists and Jains, he forged political bonds with Hindu Rajput kings. Although previous Sultans had been more or less tolerant, Akbar took religious intermingling to new level of exploration, he developed for the first time in Islamic India an environment of complete religious freedom. Akbar undid most forms of religious discrimination, invited the participation of wise Hindu ministers and kings, religious scholars to debate in his court.
The consolidation of the British East India Company's rule in the Indian subcontinent during the 18th century brought about socio-economic changes which led to the rise of an Indian middle class and eroded pre-colonial socio-religious institutions and barriers. The emerging economic and financial power of Indian business-owners and merchants and the professional class brought them into conflict with the British Raj. A rising political consciousness among the native Indian social elite spawned an Indian identity and fed a growing nationalist sentiment in India in the last decades of the nineteenth century; the creation in 1885 of the Indian National Congress in India by the political reformer A. O. Hume intensified the process by providing an important platform from which demands could be made for political liberalisation, increased autonomy, social reform; the leaders of the Congress advocated dialogue and debate with the Raj administration to achieve their political goals. Distinct from these moderate voices who did not preach or support violence was the nationalist movement, which grew strong and violent in Bengal and in Punjab.
Notable but smaller movements appeared in Maharashtra and other areas across the south. The controversial 1905 partition of Bengal escalated the growing unrest, stimulating radical nationalist sentiments and becoming a driving force for Indian revolutionaries. Mohandas Gandhi pioneered the art of Satyagraha, typified with a strict adherence to ahimsa, civil disobedience; this permitted common individuals to engage the British in revolution, without employing violence or other distasteful means. Gandhi's strict adherence to democracy and ethnic equality and brotherhood, as well as activist rejection of caste-based discrimination and untouchability united people across these demographic lines for the first time in India's history; the masses participated in India's independence struggle for the first time, the membership of the Congress grew over tens of millions by the 1930s. In addition, Gandhi's victories in the Champaran and Kheda Satyagraha in 1918–19, gave confidence to a rising younger generation of Indian nationalists that the British Raj could be defeated.
National leaders like Sardar Vallabhbhai Patel, Jawaharlal Nehru, Maulana Azad, Chakravarti Rajagopalachari, Mohandas Gandhi, Rajendra Prasad and Badshah Khan brought together generations of Indians across regions and demographics, provided a strong leadership base giving the country political direction. Indian nationalism is as much a diverse blend of nationalistic sentiments as its people are ethnically and religiously diverse, thus the most influential undercurrents are more than just Indian in nature. The most controversial and charged fibre in the fabric of Indian nationalism is religion. Religion forms a major, in many cases, the central element of Indian life. Ethnic communities are diverse in terms of social traditions and history across India. An important influence upon Hindu consciousness arises from the time of Islamic empires in India. Entering the 20th century, Hindus formed over 75% of the population and thus unsurprisingly the backbone and platform of the nationalist movement.
Modern Hindu thinking desired to unite Hindu society across the boundaries of caste, linguistic groups and e
Romantic nationalism is the form of nationalism in which the state derives its political legitimacy as an organic consequence of the unity of those it governs. This includes, depending on the particular manner of practice, the language, culture and customs of the nation in its primal sense of those who were born within its culture; this form of nationalism arose in reaction to dynastic or imperial hegemony, which assessed the legitimacy of the state from the top down, emanating from a monarch or other authority, which justified its existence. Such downward-radiating power might derive from a god or gods. Among the key themes of Romanticism, its most enduring legacy, the cultural assertions of romantic nationalism have been central in post-Enlightenment art and political philosophy. From its earliest stirrings, with their focus on the development of national languages and folklore, the spiritual value of local customs and traditions, to the movements that would redraw the map of Europe and lead to calls for self-determination of nationalities, nationalism was one of the key issues in Romanticism, determining its roles and meanings.
In Europe, the watershed year for romantic nationalism was 1848, when a revolutionary wave spread across the continent. While the revolutions fell to reactionary forces and the old order was re-established, the many revolutions would mark the first step towards liberalization and the formation of modern nation states across much of Europe; the ideas of Rousseau and of Johann Gottfried von Herder inspired much early Romantic nationalism in Europe. Herder argued nationality was the product of climate, geography'but more languages and characters,' rather than genetics. From its beginnings in the late 18th century, romantic nationalism has relied upon the existence of a historical ethnic culture which meets the romantic ideal; the Brothers Grimm, inspired by Herder's writings, put together an idealized collection of tales, which they labeled as authentically German. The concept of an inherited cultural patrimony from a common origin became central to a divisive question within romantic nationalism: is a nation unified because it comes from the same genetic source, because of race, or is the participation in the organic nature of the "folk" culture self-fulfilling?
Romantic nationalism formed a key strand in the philosophy of Hegel, who argued that there was a "spirit of the age" or zeitgeist that inhabited a particular people at a particular time, that, when that people became the active determiner of history, it was because their cultural and political moment had come. Because of the Germans' role in the Protestant Reformation, Hegel argued that his historical moment had seen the Zeitgeist settle on the German-speaking peoples. In continental Europe, Romantics had embraced the French Revolution in its beginnings found themselves fighting the counter-Revolution in the trans-national Imperial system of Napoleon; the sense of self-determination and national consciousness that had enabled revolutionary forces to defeat aristocratic regimes in battle became rallying points for resistance against the French Empire. In Prussia, the development of spiritual renewal as a means to engage in the struggle against Napoleon was argued by, among others, Johann Gottlieb Fichte, a disciple of Kant.
The word Volkstum, or "folkhood", was coined in Germany as part of this resistance to French hegemony. Fichte expressed the unity of language and nation in his thirteenth address "To the German Nation" in 1806: The first and natural boundaries of states are beyond doubt their internal boundaries; those who speak the same language are joined to each other by a multitude of invisible bonds by nature herself, long before any human art begins. Only when each people, left to itself and forms itself in accordance with its own peculiar quality, only when in every people each individual develops himself in accordance with that common quality, as well as in accordance with his own peculiar quality-then, only, does the manifestation of divinity appear in its true mirror as it ought to be. In the Balkans, Romantic views of a connection with classical Greece, which inspired Philhellenism infused the Greek War of Independence, in which the Romantic poet Lord Byron died of high fever. Rossini's opera William Tell marked the onset of the Romantic Opera, using the central national myth unifying Switzerland.
Verdi's opera choruses of an oppressed people inspired two generations of patriots in Italy with "Va pensiero". Under the influence of romantic nat