Fiat Automobiles S.p. A. is an Italian automobile manufacturer, a subsidiary of FCA Italy S.p. A., part of Fiat Chrysler Automobiles. Fiat Automobiles was formed in January 2007 when Fiat reorganized its automobile business, traces its history back to 1899 when the first Fiat automobile, the Fiat 4 HP, was produced. Fiat Automobiles is the largest automobile manufacturer in Italy. During its more than century-long history, it remained the largest automobile manufacturer in Europe and the third in the world after General Motors and Ford for over twenty years, until the car industry crisis in the late 1980s. In 2013, Fiat S.p. A. was the second largest European automaker by volumes produced and the seventh in the world, while FCA is the world's eighth largest auto maker. In 1970, Fiat Automobiles employed more than 100,000 in Italy when its production reached the highest number, 1.4 million cars, in that country. As of 2002, it built more than 1 million vehicles at six plants in Italy and the country accounted for more than a third of the company's revenue.
Fiat has manufactured railway engines, military vehicles, farm tractors and weapons such as the Fiat–Revelli Modello 1914. Fiat-brand cars are built in several locations around the world. Outside Italy, the largest country of production is Brazil, where the Fiat brand is the market leader; the group has factories in Argentina and Mexico and a long history of licensing manufacture of its products in other countries. Fiat Automobiles has received many international awards for its vehicles, including nine European Car of the Year awards, the most of any other manufacturer, it ranked many times as the lowest level of CO2 emissions by vehicles sold in Europe. On 11 July 1899, Giovanni Agnelli was part of the group of founding members of FIAT, Fabbrica Italiana di Automobili Torino; the first Fiat plant opened in 1900 with 35 staff making 24 cars. Known from the beginning for the talent and creativity of its engineering staff, by 1903 Fiat made a small profit and produced 135 cars; the company went public selling shares via the Milan stock exchange.
Agnelli led the company until his death in 1945, while Vittorio Valletta administered the firm's daily activities. Its first car, the 3 ½ CV resembled contemporary Benz, had a 697 cc boxer twin engine. In 1903, Fiat produced its first truck. In 1908, the first Fiat was exported to the US; that same year, the first Fiat aircraft engine was produced. Around the same time, Fiat taxis became popular in Europe. By 1910, Fiat was the largest automotive company in Italy; that same year, a new plant was built in Poughkeepsie, NY, by the newly founded American F. I. A. T. Automobile Company. Owning a Fiat at that time was a sign of distinction; the cost of a Fiat in the US was $4,000 and rose up to $6,400 in 1918, compared to $825 for a Ford Model T in 1908, $525 in 1918, respectively. During World War I, Fiat had to devote all of its factories to supplying the Allies with aircraft, machine guns and ambulances. Upon the entry of the US into the war in 1917, the factory was shut down as US regulations became too burdensome.
After the war, Fiat introduced its first tractor, the 702. By the early 1920s, Fiat had a market share in Italy of 80%. In 1921, workers hoisted the red flag of communism over them. Agnelli responded by quitting the company. However, the Italian Socialist Party and its ally organization, the Italian General Confederation of Labour, in an effort to effect a compromise with the centrist parties ordered the occupation ended. In 1922, Fiat began to build the famous Lingotto car factory—then the largest in Europe—which opened in 1923, it was the first Fiat factory to use assembly lines. In 1928, with the 509, Fiat included insurance in the purchase price. Fiat made military machinery and vehicles during World War II for the Army and Regia Aeronautica and for the Germans. Fiat made obsolete fighter aircraft like the biplane CR.42, one of the most common Italian aircraft, along with Savoia-Marchettis, as well as light tanks and armoured vehicles. The best Fiat aircraft was the G. 55 fighter. In 1945, the year Benito Mussolini was overthrown, the National Liberation Committee removed the Agnelli family from leadership roles in Fiat because of its ties to Mussolini's government.
They were not returned until 1963, when Giovanni's grandson, took over as general manager until 1966, as chairman until 1996. In 1970, Fiat employed more than 100,000 in Italy when its production reached the highest number, 1.4 million cars, in that country. As of 2002, Fiat built more than 1 million vehicles at six plants in Italy and the country accounted for more than a third of the company's revenue. Towards the end of 1976 it was announced that the Libyan government was to take a shareholding in the company in return for a capital injection Other aspects of the Libyan agreement included the construction of a truck and bus plant at Tripoli. Chairman Agnelli candidly described the deal as "a classic petro-money recycling operation which will strengthen the Italian reserves, provide Fiat with fresh capital and give the group greater tranquility in which to carry out its investment programmes". On 29 January 20
Libertarianism is a collection of political philosophies and movements that uphold liberty as a core principle. Libertarians seek to maximize political freedom and autonomy, emphasizing freedom of choice, voluntary association and individual judgment. Libertarians share a skepticism of authority and state power, but they diverge on the scope of their opposition to existing political and economic systems. Various schools of libertarian thought offer a range of views regarding the legitimate functions of state and private power calling for the restriction or dissolution of coercive social institutions. Traditionally, libertarianism was a term for a form of left-wing politics; such left-libertarian ideologies seek to abolish capitalism and private ownership of the means of production, or else to restrict their purview or effects, in favor of common or cooperative ownership and management, viewing private property as a barrier to freedom and liberty. Classical libertarian ideologies include—but are not limited to—anarcho-communism, anarcho-syndicalism and egoism, alongside many other anti-paternalist, New Left schools of thought centered around economic egalitarianism.
Modern right-libertarian ideologies, such as minarchism and anarcho-capitalism, co-opted the term in the mid-20th century to instead advocate laissez-faire capitalism and strong private property rights such as in land and natural resources. The first recorded use of the term libertarian was in 1789, when William Belsham wrote about libertarianism in the context of metaphysics; as early as 1796, the word libertarian came to mean an advocate or defender of liberty in the political and social spheres, when the London Packet printed on 12 February the following: "Lately marched out of the Prison at Bristol, 450 of the French Libertarians". The word was again used in a political sense in 1802 in a short piece critiquing a poem by "the author of Gebir" and has since been used with this meaning; the use of the word libertarian to describe a new set of political positions has been traced to the French cognate libertaire, coined in a letter French libertarian communist Joseph Déjacque wrote to mutualist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1857.
Déjacque used the term for his anarchist publication Le Libertaire, Journal du mouvement social, printed from 9 June 1858 to 4 February 1861 in New York City. Sébastien Faure, another French libertarian communist, began publishing a new Le Libertaire in the mid-1890s while France's Third Republic enacted the so-called villainous laws which banned anarchist publications in France. Thus, libertarianism has been used as a synonym for anarchism and libertarian socialism since this time; the term libertarianism was first used in the United States as a synonym for classical liberalism in May 1955 by writer Dean Russell, a colleague of Leonard Read and a classical liberal himself. Russell justified the choice of the word as follows: "Many of us call ourselves'liberals.' And it is true that the word'liberal' once described persons who respected the individual and feared the use of mass compulsions. But the leftists have now corrupted that once-proud term to identify themselves and their program of more government ownership of property and more controls over persons.
As a result, those of us who believe in freedom must explain that when we call ourselves liberals, we mean liberals in the uncorrupted classical sense. At best, this is subject to misunderstanding. Here is a suggestion: Let those of us who love liberty trade-mark and reserve for our own use the good and honorable word'libertarian'". Subsequently, a growing number of Americans with classical liberal beliefs began to describe themselves as libertarian. One person responsible for popularizing the term libertarian in this sense was Murray Rothbard, who started publishing libertarian works in the 1960s. Rothbard describes this modern use of the words overtly as a "capture" from his enemies, saying that "for the first time in my memory, we,'our side,' had captured a crucial word from the enemy.'Libertarians' had long been a polite word for left-wing anarchists, for anti-private property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety. But now we had taken it over". Robert Nozick was responsible for popularizing this usage of the term in philosophical circles and Europe instead.
According to common meanings of conservative and liberal, libertarianism in the United States has been described as conservative on economic issues and liberal on personal freedom and it is often associated with a foreign policy of non-interventionism. All libertarians begin with a conception of personal autonomy from which they argue in favor of civil liberties and a reduction or elimination of the state. Left-libertarianism encompasses those libertarian beliefs that claim the Earth's natural resources belong to everyone in an egalitarian manner, either unowned or owned collectively. Contemporary left-libertarians such as Hillel Steiner, Peter Vallentyne, Philippe Van Parijs, Michael Otsuka and David Ellerman believe the appropriation of land must leave "enough and as good" for others or be taxed by society to compensate for the exclusionary effects of private property. Libertarian socialists promote usufruct and socialist economic theories, including communism, collectivism and mutualism.
They criticize the state for being the defender of private property and believe capitalism entails wage slavery. Right-libertarianism developed in the United States in the mid-20th century from the works of Euro
The Christian right or the religious right are conservative Christian political factions that are characterized by their strong support of conservative policies. Christian conservatives principally seek to apply their understanding of the teachings of Christianity to politics and to public policy by proclaiming the value of those teachings or by seeking to use those teachings to influence law and public policy. In the United States, the Christian right is an informal coalition formed around a core of conservative evangelical Protestants and Roman Catholics; the Christian right draws additional support from politically conservative mainline Protestants and Mormons. The movement has its roots in American politics going back as far as the 1940s and has been influential since the 1970s, its influence draws, in part, from grassroots activism as well as from focus on social issues and from the ability to motivate the electorate around those issues. The Christian right is notable for advancing conservative positions on issues including school prayer, intelligent design, embryonic stem cell research, euthanasia, sex education and pornography.
Although the term Christian right is most associated with politics in the United States, similar Christian conservative groups can be found in the political cultures of other Christian-majority nations. The Christian right is "also known as the New Christian Right or the Religious Right", although some consider the religious right to be "a broader category than Christian Right". John C. Green of the Pew Forum on Religion and Public Life states that Jerry Falwell used the label religious right to describe himself. Gary Schneeberger, vice president of media and public relations for Focus on the Family, states that "erms like'religious right' have been traditionally used in a pejorative way to suggest extremism; the phrase'socially conservative evangelicals' is not exciting, but that's the way to do it."Evangelical leaders like Tony Perkins of the Family Research Council have called attention to the problem of equating the term Christian right with evangelicals. Although evangelicals constitute the core constituency of the Christian right, not all evangelicals fit the description and moreover, a number of Roman Catholics are members of the Christian right's core base.
The problem of description is further complicated by the fact that religious conservative may refer to other groups. Mennonites and the Amish, for example, are theologically conservative, however，there are no overtly political organizations associated with these denominations. Patricia Miller states that the "alliance between evangelical leaders and the Catholic bishops has been a cornerstone of the Christian Right for nearly twenty years". Since the late 1970s, the Christian right has been a notable force in both the Republican party and American politics when Baptist pastor Jerry Falwell and other Christian leaders began to urge conservative Christians to involve themselves in the political process. In response to the rise of the Christian right, the 1980 Republican Party platform assumed a number of its positions, including dropping support for the Equal Rights Amendment and adding support for a restoration of school prayer; the past two decades have been an important time in the political debates and in the same time frame religious citizens became more politically active in a time period labeled the New Christian Right.
While the platform opposed abortion and leaned towards restricting taxpayer funding for abortions and passing a constitutional amendment which would restore protection of the right to life for unborn children, it accepted the fact that many Americans, including fellow Republicans, were divided on the issue. Since about 1980, the Christian right has been associated with several institutions including the Moral Majority, the Christian Coalition, Focus on the Family and the Family Research Council. While the influence of the Christian right is traced to the 1980 Presidential election, Daniel K. Williams argues in God's Own Party that it had been involved in politics for most of the twentieth century, he notes that the Christian right had been in alliance with the Republican Party in the 1940s through 1960s on matters such as opposition to communism and defending "a Protestant-based moral order."Into the 1960 election and evangelicals worked against each other, as evangelicals mobilized their forces to defeat Catholics Al Smith in 1928 and John F. Kennedy in 1960.
Secularization came to be seen by Protestants as the biggest threat to Christian values, by the 1980s Catholic bishops and evangelicals had begun to work together on issues such as abortion. The alienation of Southern Democrats from the Democratic Party contributed to the rise of the right, as the counterculture of the 1960s provoked fear of social disintegration. In addition, as the Democratic Party became identified with a pro-choice position on abortion and with nontraditional societal values, social conservatives joined the Republican Party in increasing numbers. In 1976, U. S. President Jimmy Carter received the support of the Christian right because of his much-acclaimed religious conversion. However, Carter's spiritual transformation did not compensate for his liberal policies in the minds of Christian conservatives, as reflected in Jerry Falwell's criticism that "Americans have stood by and watched as godless, spineless leaders have brought our nation floundering to the brink of death."
The Christian Right has engaged in battles over abortion, contraception, gambling, state sanctioned prayer in public schools, textbook contents, se
Far-right politics are politics further on the right of the left-right spectrum than the standard political right in terms of extreme nationalism, nativist ideologies, authoritarian tendencies. The term is used to describe Nazism, neo-Nazism, neo-fascism and other ideologies or organizations that feature ultranationalist, xenophobic, anti-communist, or reactionary views; these can lead to oppression and violence against groups of people based on their supposed inferiority, or their perceived threat to the native ethnic group, state or ultraconservative traditional social institutions. Far-right politics includes but is not limited to aspects of authoritarianism, anti-communism and nativism. Claims that superior people should have greater rights than inferior people are associated with the far-right; the far-right has favored an elitist society based on its belief in the legitimacy of the rule of a supposed superior minority over the inferior masses. Some aspects of fascist ideology have been identified with right-wing political parties: in particular, the fascist idea that superior persons should dominate society while undesirable elements should be purged, which in the case of Nazism resulted in genocide.
Charles Grant, director of the Centre for European Reform in London, has distinguished between right-wing nationalist parties—which are described as far-right such as the National Front in France—and fascism. One issue is whether parties should be labelled radical or extreme, a distinction, made by the Federal Constitutional Court of Germany when determining whether or not a party should be banned. Another question is what the label "right" implies when it is applied to the extreme right, given the fact that many parties that were labeled right-wing extremist tended to advance neoliberal and free market agendas as late as the 1980s, but now advocate economic policies which are more traditionally associated with the left, such as anti-globalisation and protectionism. One approach, drawing on the writings of Norberto Bobbio, argues that attitudes towards political equality are what distinguish the left from the right and they therefore allow these parties to be positioned on the right of the political spectrum.
There is debate about how appropriate the labels fascist or neo-Fascist are. According to Cas Mudde, "the labels Neo-Nazi and to a lesser extent neo-Fascism are now used for parties and groups that explicitly state a desire to restore the Third Reich or quote historical National Socialism as their ideological influence". Right-wing populism, a political ideology that combines laissez-faire capitalism, nationalism and anti-elitism, is sometimes described as far-right. Right-wing populism involves appeals to the "common man" and opposition to immigration. Far-right politics sometimes involves anti-immigration and anti-integration stances towards groups that are deemed inferior and undesirable. Concerning the socio-cultural dimension of nationality and migration, one far-right position is the view that certain ethnic, racial or religious groups should stay separate and it is based on the belief that the interests of one's own group should be prioritised. Proponents of the horseshoe theory interpretation of the left-right spectrum identify the far-left and the far-right as having more in common with each other as extremists than each of them has with moderate centrists.
In the United States, the term hard right has been used to describe groups such as the Tea Party movement and the Patriot movement. The term has been used to describe ideologies such as paleoconservatism, Dominion Theology and white nationalism; the German political scientist Klaus von Beyme describes three historical phases in the development of far-right parties in Western Europe after World War II. From 1945 to the mid-1950s, far-right parties were marginalised and their ideologies were discredited due to the recent existence and defeat of Nazism, thus in the years following World War II, the main objective of far-right parties was survival and achieving any political impact at all was not expected. From the mid-1950s to the 1970s, the so-called "populist protest phase" emerged with sporadic electoral success. During this period, far-right parties drew to them charismatic leaders whose profound mistrust of the political establishment led to an "us-versus-them" mind set: "us" being the nation's citizenry, "them" being the politicians and bureaucrats who were in office.
Beginning in the 1980s, the electoral successes of far-right political candidates made it possible for far-right political parties to revitalize anti-immigration as a mainstream issue. Jens Rydgren describes a number of theories as to why individuals support far-right political parties and the academic literature on this topic distinguishes between demand-side theories that have changed the "interests, emotions and preferences of voters" and supply-side theories which focus on the programmes of parties, their organisation and the opportunity structures within individual political systems; the most common demand-side theories are the social breakdown thesis, the relative deprivation thesis, the modernisation losers thesis and the ethnic competition thesis. The rise of far-right political parties has been viewed as a rejection of post-materialist values on the part of some voters; this theory, known as the reverse post-material thesis blames both left-wing and progressive parties for embracing a post-material agenda that alienates traditional working class voters.
Another study argues that individuals who join far-right parties determine whether those parties develop into major political players
Progressive Labor Party (United States)
The Progressive Labor Party is a Marxist–Leninist political party based in the United States. It was established in January 1962 as the Progressive Labor Movement following a split in the Communist Party USA, adopting its new name at a convention held in the spring of 1965, it played a vocal role in the anti-Vietnam War movement of the 1960s and early 1970s through its Worker Student Alliance faction of Students for a Democratic Society. Following the end of American involvement in Vietnam, the PLP emerged as one of the leading anti-revisionist communist organizations in the United States; the PLP publishes Challenge. The PLP began as an organized faction called the Progressive Labor Movement in January 1962, formed in the aftermath of a fall 1961 split in the Communist Party of the United States that saw the expulsion of left-wing labor activists Milt Rosen and Mortimer Scheer. Before his expulsion, Rosen was a prominent CPUSA functionary, serving as District Organizer for upstate New York from 1957 and Industrial Organizer for all of New York state from 1959.
An initial organizational meeting was held in December 1961, attended by 12 of the 50 current and former CPUSA members identifying themselves as the "Call group". Rosen delivered a political report to the Cuban Revolution-inspired group urging the establishment of a new communist party in the United States to replace the CPUSA, characterized as irredeemably "revisionist"; the organization remained amorphous in its first months, publishing Progressive Labor—initially a monthly newsletter—and engaging in small-scale discussions. An organizational conference was called by the editors of Progressive Labor to be held in New York City in July 1962; this gathering, held at the Hotel Diplomat, was attended by 50 people from 11 different cities and served to launch a formal organization, the Progressive Labor Movement. Rosen again delivered the main political report to the gathering, calling for the writing of a program and development of a network of clubs and affiliated mass organizations in order to win supporters for a new revolutionary socialist movement.
Given the small size of the fledgling organization, formation of a political party was deemed unpropitious. The name Movement was selected to emphasize the organization's transitional nature; the Progressive Labor Movement was reconstituted as the Progressive Labor Party at a founding convention held in New York City on April 15–18, 1965. A 20-member National Committee was elected, Rosen became the party's founding chair. Organizational headquarters were established in New York City. Although it disdains parliamentarism as an end, the Progressive Labor Movement was quick to make use of the electoral process as a vehicle for propaganda, launching an effort to gain the signatures of 5,000 registered voters in New York City to put a PLP candidate on the ballot for the November 1963 election of the New York City Council. Although it did not manage to place its candidate on the ballot, the proto-PLP did distribute more than 100,000 pieces of party literature in conjunction with the electoral campaign.
The PLP remained of modest size throughout the decade. It did not publicize its membership, but federal income tax returns filed in 1967 and 1968 provide a reasonable proxy; the PLP formally existed as a publishing partnership listing Milt Rosen and the party's 1965 candidate for New York State Senate, Bill Epton, as partners. These returns showed income and expenditures of about $66,000 in 1967 and about $88,600 in 1968, with the partners claiming no income from the ostensible business relationship. During the decade of the 1960s, the PLP followed the international political line of the Communist Party of China and was described by commentators as "Maoist"; the organization carved out a niche in the anti-Vietnam War movement, with its Worker Student Alliance faction acting as rivals to the Revolutionary Youth Movement faction within Students for a Democratic Society—the latter a self-described Maoist organization that had a minority faction that evolved into the Weather Underground. The PLP made extensive use of mass organizations from its earliest years, through which it spread its ideas, raised funds and recruited new members.
Among these were the Student Committee for Travel to Cuba, which organized travel to post-revolutionary Cuba. The PLP ended its previous political line supporting the Cultural Revolution and broke with the People's Republic of China in the spring of 1971 with the publication of an internal discussion bulletin for party members detailing eight points of disagreement with the Chinese regime; these related to the softening of China's foreign relations towards Cambodia, North Korea, Romania and the United States, its "complete elevation of the Black Panther Party as the revolutionary group in the United States" and its "total collusion with every nationalist fake the world over, from Nasser to Nkrumah". During the 1970s, the PLP began to shape its activity around racism in the United States, forming a mass organization called the Committee Against Racism. A CAR convention held in New York City in July 1976 drew 500 participants; the organization made use of aggressive direct action tactics against its perceived opponents, disrupting presentations by controversial psychologist Arthur Jensen and physicist William Shockley in the spring of 1976.
In 1977, the renamed PLP front group the International Committee Against Racism made headlines by disrupting an academic conference by pouring a pi
America First Committee
The America First Committee was the foremost United States non-interventionist pressure group against the American entry into World War II. Started on September 4, 1940, it experienced mixed messaging with antisemitic and pro-fascist rhetoric from leading members, it was dissolved on December 10, 1941, three days after the attack on Pearl Harbor had brought the war to America. Membership peaked at 800,000 paying members in 450 chapters, it was one of the largest anti-war organizations in American history. The AFC was established on September 4, 1940, by Yale Law School student R. Douglas Stuart, Jr. along with other students, including future President Gerald Ford, future Peace Corps director Sargent Shriver, future U. S. Supreme Court justice Potter Stewart. At its peak, America First claimed 800,000 dues-paying members in 450 chapters, located in a 300-mile radius of Chicago, it claimed 135,000 members in 60 chapters in its strongest state. Fundraising drives produced about $370,000 from some 25,000 contributors.
Nearly half came from a few millionaires such as William H. Regnery, H. Smith Richardson of the Vick Chemical Company, General Robert E. Wood of Sears-Roebuck, publisher Joseph M. Patterson and his cousin, publisher Robert R. McCormick; the AFC was never able to get funding for its own public opinion poll. The New York chapter received more than $190,000, most of it from its 47,000 contributors. Since it never had a national membership form or national dues, local chapters were quite autonomous. Historians point out. Serious organizing of the America First Committee took place in Chicago not long after the September 1940 establishment. Chicago was to remain the national headquarters of the committee. To preside over their committee, America First chose General Robert E. Wood, the 61-year-old chairman of Sears, Roebuck and Co. Wood remained at the head of the committee until it was disbanded in the days after the attack on Pearl Harbor; the America First Committee had its share of prominent businessmen as well as the sympathies of political figures including Democratic Senators Burton K. Wheeler of Montana and David I. Walsh of Massachusetts, Republican Senator Gerald P. Nye of North Dakota, with its most prominent spokesman being aviator Charles A. Lindbergh.
Other celebrities supporting America First were actress Lillian Gish and architect Frank Lloyd Wright. Two men who would become presidents, John F. Kennedy and Gerald Ford and contributed to the organization; when he donated $100 to the AFC, Kennedy attached a note which read simply: "What you are doing is vital." Ford was one of the first members of the AFC. Additionally, Potter Stewart, a future Supreme Court justice served on the original committee of the AFC; when the war began in September 1939, most Americans, including politicians, demanded neutrality regarding Europe. Although most Americans supported strong measures against Japan, Europe was the focus of the America First Committee; the public mood was changing, however after the fall of France in the spring of 1940. The America First Committee launched a petition aimed at enforcing the 1939 Neutrality Act and forcing President Franklin D. Roosevelt to keep his pledge to keep America out of the war, they profoundly argued that he was lying to the American people.
On the day after Roosevelt's lend-lease bill was submitted to the United States Congress, Wood promised AFC opposition "with all the vigor it can exert". America First staunchly opposed the convoying of ships, the Atlantic Charter, the placing of economic pressure on Japan. In order to achieve the defeat of lend-lease and the perpetuation of American neutrality, the AFC advocated four basic principles: The United States must build an impregnable defense for America. No foreign power, nor group of powers, can attack a prepared America. American democracy can be preserved only by keeping out of the European war. "Aid short of war" threatens to involve America in war abroad. Charles Lindbergh was admired in Germany and allowed to see the buildup of the German air force, the Luftwaffe, in 1937, he was impressed by its strength and secretly reported his findings to the General Staff of the United States Army, warning them that the U. S. had fallen behind. He had feuded with the Roosevelt administration for years.
His first radio speech was broadcast on September 15, 1939, on all three of the major radio networks. He urged listeners to look beyond the speeches and propaganda that they were being fed and instead look at, writing the speeches and reports, who owned the papers and who influenced the speakers. On June 20, 1941, Lindbergh spoke to 30,000 people in Los Angeles and billed it as a "Peace and Preparedness Mass Meeting", Lindbergh criticized those movements which he perceived were leading America into the war, he proclaimed that the United States was in a position that made it impregnable. He claimed that the interventionists and the British who called for "the defense of England" meant "the defeat of Germany". Nothing did more to escalate the tensions than the speech which Lindbergh delivered to a rally in Des Moines, Iowa on September 11, 1941. In that speech, he identified the forces pulling America into the war as the British, the Roosevelt administration, American Jews. While he expressed sympathy for the plight of the Jews in Germany, he argued that America's entry into the war would serve them little better.
He said in part: It is not difficult to understand why Jewish people
Jewish Defense League
The Jewish Defense League is a Jewish far-right religious-political organization in the United States, whose stated goal is to "protect Jews from antisemitism by whatever means necessary". It was classified as "a right wing terrorist group" by the FBI in 2001 and is considered a radical organization by the Southern Poverty Law Center. According to the FBI, the JDL has been involved in plotting and executing acts of terrorism within the United States. Most terrorism watch groups classify the group as inactive; the JDL's website states. Founded by Rabbi Meir Kahane in New York City in 1968, the JDL's self-described purpose was to protect Jews from local manifestations of antisemitism, its criticism of the Soviet Union increased support for the group, transforming it from a "vigilante club" into an organization with a stated membership numbering over 15,000 at one point. The group took to bombing Arab and Soviet properties in the United States, targeting various alleged "enemies of the Jewish people", ranging from Arab-American political activists to neo-Nazis, for assassination.
A number of JDL members have been linked to violent, sometimes deadly, attacks in the United States and in other countries, including the murder of the American-Arab Anti-Discrimination Committee regional director Alex Odeh in 1985, the Cave of the Patriarchs massacre in 1994, a plot to assassinate Congressman Darrell Issa in 2001. Several JDL members and leaders died violent deaths, including Kahane himself, assassinated by an Arab-American gunman. According to the Anti-Defamation League, the JDL consists only of "thugs and hooligans"; the group's founder, Meir Kahane, "preached a radical form of Jewish nationalism which reflected racism and political extremism," attitudes that were replicated by Irv Rubin, the successor to Kahane. In 1968, while Kahane served as the associate editor for the Jewish Press, the paper's office began receiving numerous calls and letters about crimes being committed against Jews and Jewish institutions. Violence in the New York City area was on the rise, with Jews comprising a disproportionately large percentage of the victims.
Elderly Jews were being harassed and mugged, storeowners were held up and Jewish teachers were assaulted while Jewish synagogues were defaced and Jewish cemeteries desecrated. After discussing the matter with a few congregants, Kahane put out an ad in the Jewish Press on May 24, 1968, which read: "We are talking of JEWISH SURVIVAL! Are you willing to stand up for democracy and Jewish survival? Join and support the Jewish Defense Corps." Shortly after, Kahane renamed the group the "Jewish Defense League," fearing that "Corps" would be construed as too militant. The group's declared purpose was: "to combat anti-Semitism in the public and private sectors of life in the United States of America." Kahane stated that the League was formed to "do the job that the Anti-Defamation League should do but doesn't."Shortly afterward, the Jewish Defense League put out a 4-page manifesto which stated: "America has been good to the Jew and the Jew has been good to America. A land founded on the principles of democracy and freedom has given unprecedented opportunities to a people devoted to those ideals" yet now finds itself threatened by "political extremism" and "racist militancy."
Furthermore, the manifesto stated that the organization rejects all hate and illegality, believes in law and order, backs police forces and will work in the courts to strike down all discrimination. When asked about Jewish Defense League members breaking the law, Kahane responded: "We respect the right and the obligation of the American government to prosecute us and send us to jail. No one gripes about that."The group adopted the slogan "Never Again!", used by the Jewish resistance fighters in the Warsaw ghetto. While the phrase is interpreted to mean that the Nazi Holocaust of six million Jews will never be permitted to recur, Kahane claimed that his intention was to declare that Jews should never again be caught by surprise or lulled into a foolish trust in others; the first Jewish Defense League demonstration took place August 5, 1968, at New York University with some 15 members chanting: "No Nazis at NYU, Jewish rights are precious too." On August 7, the JDL sent members to Passaic, New Jersey, to protect Jewish merchants from anti-Jewish rioting which had swept the area for days.
On November 25, the JDL was invited to the Boston area by Jewish residents in response to a mounting wave of crime directed against Jews. On December 3, JDL members attacked the Syrian Mission in New York. On December 31, 13 JDL members were arrested after a series of coordinated actions against Soviet property in Manhattan and at Kennedy Airport intended to protest the treatment of Jews in the Soviet Union. Several youths painted slogans on a Soviet airliner, two of them handcuffed themselves to the airliner, while others daubed the words "Am Yisroel Chai" on the plane's doors. A similar slogan was painted on the walls of the office of Tass, the Soviet news agency, in Rockefeller Plaza, invaded by Rabbi Kahane and four other JDL members; the rest of the demonstrators were taken into custody after invading the midtown offices of the Soviet tourist bureau. The League was connected to a series of violent attacks against the Soviet Union's interests in the United States, protesting the former country's repression of Soviet Jews, who were jailed and refused exit visas.
The JDL decided that violence was necessary to draw attention to their plight, reasoning that Moscow would respond to the strain on Soviet–US relations by allowing more emigration to Israel. In 1970, according to Christopher Andrew and Vasili Mitrokhin, agents of the Soviet KGB forged and sent thr