2013 Macanese legislative election
The 2013 Macanese general election took place on 15 September 2013 according to the provisions of the Basic Law of Macau. This election was the first of its kind succeeding the reform of the Legislative Assembly that created four new seats. Out of a total of 33 seats, 14 were elected by universal suffrage under the highest averages method, while 12 were voted on from the Functional constituency, 7 from nomination by the Chief Executive. A Portuguese colony, Macau has been a Special Administrative Region within China since 1999; as a Special Administrative Region it is entitled to a high degree of autonomy from the mainland Chinese legal system through the year 2050, although China represents the city on foreign policy matters. Macau's economy is based on its status as a tech and financial sector, as well as its internationally famous casino industry; the previous legislative election took place in 2009. The pro-democracy camp ANMD+APMD, led by António Ng, received 19.35% of the votes cast, the next largest party, the pro-establishment camp UPD, received 14.88% in vote with 2 seats while the pro-establishment ACUM received 12.00% with 2 seats.
Due to the characteristics of the Macanese election system, only 14 members are directly elected. On 1 July 2013 twenty-two parties have submitted their nominations for the direct election including current incumbents and new candidates. See also: Legislative Assembly of Macau and Chief Executive of Macau Macau's government is headed by the Chief Executive, who controls government appointments and in many ways serves as the face of the city. Prior to 2012, the Chief Executive was elected by a 300-member Election Committee consisting of representatives from functional constituencies. 100 total came from the industrial and financial sectors, 18 from the culture sector, 20 from the education sector, 30 from the "specialty" sector, 12 from the sports sector, 40 from the labor sector, 34 from the social services sector, 6 total from various religious groups. 16 were representatives of the Macanese Legislative Assembly and 24 were Macanese representatives in the mainland Chinese government. While all members of the Election Committee are technically elected, in practice they are appointed as each functional constituency nominates only one candidate.
Most power in the Macanese government is concentrated in the Legislative Assembly. Macau's Legislative Assembly is unicameral. Prior to 2012 it had 29 members - 12 directly elected, 10 indirectly elected and 7 appointed by the Chief Executive. Macanese democracy advocates had criticized the large number of indirectly elected members, charging that these tended to be pro-establishment and pro-Beijing businesspeople; as an alternative, they called for a larger number of directly elected legislators. As a result of the 2012 passage of "Amendment to Electoral Law for the Legislative Assembly of Macau" known as the "+2+2+100" Law, the number of Legislative Council members is increased from 29 to 33. Two new geographical constituency seats, two new indirectly elected Functional Constituency seats are created. Another key proposal was increasing the Election Committee for the chief executive election from 300 members to 400 on the next Chief Executive election in 2014; these changes were designed to create representation for a larger number of groups in the Election Committee and to reduce the power of the Chief Executive over the Legislative Assembly.
However, democracy advocates criticized the law for not going far enough. Under the constitutional reform package passed in 2012, this election saw AL increase its total size from 29 seats to 33 seats, half of which are geographical constituencies and half functional constituencies; the GC seats are returned by universal suffrage with gaining two extra seats. The Welfare, Culture and Sports constituency is split into two groups. Culture and Sports retains the two seats of the initial group, with the two incumbents running unopposed. Culture and Sports continues to be run by the Excellent Sports Union Association. A new constituency is created for Education, receiving one seat. Welfare and Education is managed by the Association for Promotion of Social Services and Education. Additionally, one seat is added to the Professionals constituency, lead by the Macau Professional Interest Union. Chan Lek Lap is elected, unopposed; this year, there are three lists for the pro-democrats instead of two campaigning on high property prices and freedom of speech.
The three lists included the New Macau Association, New Hope, the addition of New Macau Liberals. Antonio Ng for ANM campaigns for universal suffrage, promotion of a minimum wage and public housing, increasing government accountability. José Maria Pereira Couthino of NE campaigns for improvements in public housing and pension services, equal pay for workers, increasing government accountability. Jason Chao Teng-hei is a radical young candidate for New Macau Liberals and a prominent social activist for LGBT rights. Pro-establishment Chan Meng-kam, casino owner and lawmaker-elect of the ACUM, said he believed the city should implement universal suffrage "step by step", that functional constituencies should be preserved. Others with casino links on the pro-es
Social liberalism is a political ideology and a variety of liberalism that endorses a regulated free market economy and the expansion of civil and political rights. A social liberal government is expected to address economic and social issues such as poverty, health care and education in a liberal state, it does so in allowing autonomy of the individual and products of the market economy unrestricted access with the goal to increase wellbeing for all. Under social liberalism, the common good is viewed as harmonious with the freedom of the individual. Social liberal policies have been adopted in much of the capitalist world. Social liberal ideas and parties tend to be considered centre-left. However, current United States political usage of the term social liberalism describes progressive and culturally liberal stances on socio-political issues like abortion, same-sex marriage or gun control as opposed to social conservatism which refers to cultural conservatism. A social liberal in this sense may hold either more conservative views on fiscal policy.
By the end of the 19th century, the principles of classical liberalism were challenged by downturns in economic growth, a growing awareness of poverty and unemployment present within modern industrial cities and by the agitation of organized labour. A major political reaction against the changes introduced by industrialisation and laissez-faire capitalism came from conservatives concerned about social balance, although socialism became a more important force for change and reform; some Victorian writers—including Charles Dickens, Thomas Carlyle and Matthew Arnold—became early influential critics of social injustice. John Stuart Mill contributed enormously to liberal thought by combining elements of classical liberalism with what became known as the new liberalism; the new liberals tried to adapt the old language of liberalism to confront these difficult circumstances, which they believed could only be resolved through a broader and more interventionist conception of the state. An equal right to liberty could not be established by ensuring that individuals did not physically interfere with each other or by having laws that were impartially formulated and applied, as more positive and proactive measures were required to ensure that every individual would have an equal opportunity of success.
In the late 19th century and early 20th century, a group of British thinkers known as the New Liberals made a case against laissez-faire classical liberalism and argued in favor of state intervention in social and cultural life. What they proposed is now called social liberalism; the New Liberals, which included intellectuals like Thomas Hill Green, Leonard Hobhouse and John A. Hobson, saw individual liberty as something achievable only under favorable social and economic circumstances. In their view, the poverty and ignorance in which many people lived made it impossible for freedom and individuality to flourish. New Liberals believed that these conditions could be ameliorated only through collective action coordinated by a strong, welfare-oriented and interventionist state; the Liberal governments of Henry Campbell-Bannerman and H. H. Asquith thanks to Chancellor of the Exchequer and Prime Minister David Lloyd George, established the foundations of the welfare state in the United Kingdom before World War I.
The comprehensive welfare state built in the United Kingdom after World War II, although accomplished by the Labour Party, was designed by two Liberals, namely John Maynard Keynes and William Beveridge. Historian Peter Weiler has argued: Although still informed by older Liberal concerns for character, self-reliance, the capitalist market, this legislation marked a significant shift in Liberal approaches to the state and social reform, approaches that governments would expand and that would grow into the welfare state after the Second World War. What was new in these reforms was the underlying assumption that the state could be a positive force, that the measure of individual freedom... was not how much the state left people alone, but whether he gave them the capacity to fill themselves as individuals. In 1860s Germany, left-liberal politicians like Max Hirsch, Franz Duncker and Hermann Schulze-Delitzsch established trade unions—modeled on their British counterparts—in order to help workers improve working and economic conditions by means of reconciliation of interests and cooperation with their employers rather than class struggle.
Schulze-Delitzsch is known as the founding father of the German cooperative movement and is credited as the organiser of the world's first credit unions. Some liberal economists, such as Lujo Brentano or Gerhart von Schulze-Gävernitz, established the Verein für Socialpolitik in 1873 to promote social reform based on the historical school of economics and therefore rejecting classical economics, proposing a third way between Manchester Liberalism and socialist revolution in the 1871 founded German Empire. However, the German left-liberal movement fragmented itself into wings and new parties over the 19th's century; the main objectives of the left-liberal parties—the German Progress Party and its successors—were free speech, freedom of assembly, representative government and equal but obligation tied suffrage, protection of private property while they were opposed to the creation of a welfare state, which they called state socialism. The main differences between the left-liberal parties where the national ambitions, the different substate people's goals, free tra
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
Legislative Assembly of Macau
The Legislative Assembly is the organ of the legislative branch of Macau. It is a 33-member body comprising 14 directly elected members, 12 indirectly elected members representing functional constituencies and 7 members appointed by the chief executive, it is located at Sé. It is known in English as the Legislative Council of Macao, according to the official translation of the territory's basic law; the Assembly has the following charter: To enact, suspend or repeal laws. The press has reported that the Assembly shall be moving to a new building within the next few years. From 1784 to 1999, the Assembly met at the Leal Senado Building. According to the Basic Law of Macau, the number of directly elected legislators has increased from 10 to 12 in 2005, bringing the number of legislators to 29. After 2009, the selection of the Chief Executive may be changed by ⅔ endorsement of the Legislative Assembly and approval by the National People's Congress Standing Committee. To change the method for forming the Legislative Assembly require a ⅔ endorsement of the assembly, agreement by the Chief Executive, notification to the NPC Standing Committee.
Civic organisations in Macau are not well-developed. The ability of Macau residents to change their government is restricted. Supermajority majority plurality minority Chief Executive of Macau Executive Council of Macau Municipal Council of Macau List of members of the Legislative Assembly of Macau Legislative Council of Hong Kong Members of the Assembly of Macau Legislative Assembly of Macau The Basic Law of Macau: The Legislature University of Macau
Lime is a color, a shade of green, so named because it is a representation of the color of the citrus fruit called limes. It is the color, in between the web color chartreuse and yellow on the color wheel. Previous names for this color included, lemon lime, lime green, or bitter lime; the first recorded use of lime green as a colour name in English was in 1890. Lime is a pure spectral color at 564 nanometers on the visible spectrum when plotted on the CIE chromaticity diagram. Lemon-Lime is a fluorescent chartreuse color, named after the carbonated soft drinks such as Sprite, 7 Up and Sierra Mist; the red value to this neon color is to yellow. At right is displayed the color Arctic lime. Close to Electric Lime, but created in 2009; this is one of the colors in Crayola's eXtreme colors ultra-bright colored pencils. Displayed at right is the color peridot; this shade of lime with lemon undertones represents the color of the peridot gemstone. Peridot is the birthstone for those born in August. At right is displayed the color Volt.
The color Volt is used by Nike in several of their athletic products, most notably their Air Max 90 Hyperfuse sneakers, which were introduced in 2011. This color is similar to Electric Lime below. At right is displayed the color Electric lime; this Crayola color was created in 1990. This tint of lime is popular in psychedelic art. Displayed is the color French lime, the shade of lime called "lime" in the Pourpre.com color list, a color list popular in France. The web color named "lime" corresponds to the green primary of an RGB display: it has a different HTML color code. A sample can be seen to the right. See the chart Color names that clash between X11 and HTML/CSS in the X11 color names article to see those colors which are different in HTML and X11. Displayed is the web color called "lime green". Sexuality In the bandana code of the gay leather subculture, wearing a lime colored bandana means one is into the fetish of sitophilia, otherwise known as food fetishism. Chartreuse List of colors Lime colored limeade drinks from the cover of a 1975 cookbook
2009 Macanese legislative election
Legislative elections were held in Macau on 20 September 2009. The official campaign began on 5 September, several candidates received warnings from the Electoral Affairs Commission for having begun campaign activities beforehand; as in 2005, there are 29 seats, only 12 of which are elected by universal suffrage under the highest averages method. The rest are appointed by the Chief Executive; this year, there are four lists advocating political reforms. In both 2001 and 2005, the New Democratic Macau Association referred as the democrats by local media, received the highest number of votes. Due to the divisors employed in the highest averages method, they only managed to win 2 seats on both occasions; because of this, they split into two lists, namely Associação de Próspero Macau Democrático and Associação Novo Macau Democrático, contesting the election with the same manifesto. Similar strategies have been used by the Democratic Party of Hong Kong in the Hong Kong legislative elections, with mixed successes.
APMD is led by Antonio Ng while Au Kam San leads ANMD, which means both lists have outgoing deputies as their leading candidates. The democrats campaign for one man one vote for the CE in 2014 and direct election with public nominations in 2019. For the AL, they suggest abolishing all indirectly elected seats in 2013 and the end of appointed seats by the CE in 2017. Agnes Lam, a local writer and an assistant professor of the University of Macau, leads the newly formed Observatório Cívico campaigning for direct election for the chief executive in 2019 and a directly elected legislative assembly by 2023. In addition to universal suffrage, Observatório Cívico campaigns for reforming the electoral system by introducing multiple votes, she has spoken against self-censorship in the local media and emphasised the importance of freedom of press. Some have questioned her pro-democracy views, with her being vice president of the pro-Beijing Macao Youth Foundation. Associação de Activismo para a Democracia, the most radical list of the four, concentrates on campaigning for universal suffrage for both CE and AL by 2019, but is less concerned about other issues.
Their leading candidates were removed by the security during a CCAC rally for "clean election", represented by all 16 lists, after shouting slogans on stage. They only received 654 votes in 2005; the 4th candidate of Au Kam San's list, Ng Seng Fong has resigned and pulled out from the election on 16 September. A local Chinese language newspaper revealed that Ng was given a 3-year sentence in July for frauds dating back to 2005. Ng claimed that she herself did not know about the said court case and only found out about it on the internet, it is unclear how the court case carried out without her knowledge given that she commutes from Zhuhai to Macau using her BIR to go through the custom. She has now filed an appeal against the decision; the police has launched an investigation into the leaks of these reports. It is claimed; the pro-Beijing lists can be divided into two categories, the ones with links to the business sector and those with traditionalist backgrounds. This year, they turn their attention to the economic crisis which has hit the gambling industry of Macau badly.
União para o Desenvolvimento emphasises on the need to diversify the local economy as well as reforming labour laws. União Macau-Guangdong on the other hand campaigns for greater cooperation between Macau and mainland China. Family reunification for immigrants from mainland China is a campaign issues for various lists; some of the pro-Beijing lists include political reform in their manifestos. However, they do not appear to support universal suffrage in the near future. UPP for example suggests the enlargement of election committee which would continue to elect the chief executive indirectly. AACPP and Aliança P’ra Mudança go further by claiming that Macau is "not ready" for universal suffrage; the gaming industry has a strong presence in the election. Casinos in Macau employ 50,000 people, it is therefore expected that at least four seats would go to candidates with links to the industry according to a study carried out by Hong Kong Baptist University. Angela Leong, the director of STDM is expected to be re-elected under the list Nova União para Desenvolvimento de Macau.
Melinda Chan, the leading candidate for Aliança Pr'a Mudança, has worked in the gaming and hotel industry. She campaigns against raising tax rates for the casinos and insists that casinos should bare no social responsibilities. Chan Meng Kam, the owner of Golden Dragon casino, together with Ung Choi Kun are running for re-election under the list Associação dos Cidadãos Unidos de Macau, they came second in 2005, but it was revealed that their list was linked to a vote buying case for which 7 people were sent to prison. The election commission ruled. However, the list of Angela Leong has ignored this ruling and continued to display political posters in Grand Lisboa, a casino owned by STDM. A unified list consisting of candidates with Portuguese descent, some born in Macau and others in Portugal, contests in this legislative election, under the name Voz Plural - Gentes de Macau; the list has Chinese members. The platform calls for the protection of the heritage of Macau in a modern context of m
José Pereira Coutinho
José Maria Pereira Coutinho is a Macanese politician, Counselor of the Portuguese Communities since 2003, President of New Hope a pro-democracy party in Macau, President of Macau Civil Servants Association since 1998 and Deputy of the Legislative Assembly of Macau elected by universal suffrage since 2005. José Maria Pereira Coutinho is son of former police chief Basílio Câncio Coutinho and housewife Maria Ida Lourdinha Julieta Pereira Coutinho who were both born in the former Portuguese colony of Goa, before emigrating to Macau. Born and raised in Macau, he studied and graduated in Law at the University of Macau; when he was a child, his dream was to follow in his father's footsteps and become a policeman one day, but his father convinced him to not be a policeman because there would be too many policemen at home. His mother tongue is Portuguese, as he was born in Macau, he learned to speak Cantonese in his teenage years and English while studying in high school and at University. After being elected as a deputy of the Legislative Assembly of Macau in 2005, Coutinho spent more time on improving his Cantonese since it is preferred over Portuguese in the Legislative Assembly.
Along with Leonel Alves he is one of only two deputies in the Legislative Assembly who can speak Portuguese fluently. As of 2015, José Pereira Coutinho is fluent in Portuguese and Cantonese, is proficient in Mandarin. José Maria Pereira Coutinho has a Licentiate in Law from the University of Macau, he led the Department of Intellectual Property of the Economy Services of Macau Government, worked as a General Secretary of Volunteered Arbitrary Center in Macau World Trade Center. He is a member of several civic associations in Macau as honorary member and consultant. Coutinho is the only Portuguese citizen elected to a seat in the Legislative Assembly of Macau. Under the Basic Law, foreign nationals may stand for election to directly elected seats, in contrast to Hong Kong, where they may only stand for indirectly elected seats in the Legislative Council; the majority of seats in the Assembly are either appointed by the Chief Executive or indirectly elected from functional constituencies. Macau has been a Special Administrative Region of the People's Republic of China since the transfer of sovereignty on December 20, 1999, marking an end to Portuguese administration after 500 years.
On September 7, 2015, Coutinho was re-elected as Councillor of the Portuguese Communities for the Macau, Hong Kong and China region with 2158 votes, 39 blank votes and 123 null votes, making Macau the region of the world where the Portuguese electorate was one of the most, if not the most active, among all regions. José Pereira Coutinho is a popular figure in Macau as he becomes acquainted in sensitive issues of Macau society that many with authority prefer conveniently to not touch or at least avoid being in the spot light, his frontal and fearless approach in any issue has earned him many supporters and respect among the citizens of Macau who are traditionally conservative and distant from social and political affairs. José Pereira Coutinho has participated in multiple political and social activities in Macau since early 2000 such as visiting poor families in the name of Macau Civil Servants Association and promoting the practice of sports specially among the youth. In October 2007, Coutinho highlighted how the Macau government was not telling the truth when it claimed that the gaming industry was helping Macau's wealth.
According to Coutinho, the gaming Industry is only benefiting a few individuals leaving many in increasing difficulties as day goes by. Such difficulties did not exist or at least were not prominent previous to the boom of the Gaming Industry in Macau. In October 2012, Coutinho continued to criticise Macau government strategy by stating that Macau has only one public hospital, but 36 casinos operating; the only public hospital in Macau is Hospital Conde S. Januario, established in 1874. Coutinho led a protest in the streets of Macau against a bill, rejected by his peers in the Legislative Assembly in February 2014; this bill, proposed by Coutinho would give animals basic rights since there is no regulation of what happens to the horses and greyhounds, which are victims of the gaming industry. Coutinho led a massive protest in May 2014 in the streets of Macau against a proposal that his fellow deputies attempted to approve which consists of giving criminal immunity to government officials during and after their contracts end.
The protest was so huge that the bill was withdrawn though the protest happened during the working hours of a working day. In September 2015, José Pereira Coutinho became acquainted in the Dore Holdings case as he received 53 complaints from individuals that requested his help; the disappearance of $2 billion HKD from the junket's operator in one day may have opened a window to a deeper and darker side of Macau Gaming Industry since there are more junket operators and Dore Holdings is not the largest one. On August 27, 2015, Coutinho confirmed that he would be standing for the Portuguese legislative elections in the "Outside Europe" constituency, heading the Nós, Cidadãos! party. Had he been elected, Coutinho would have become the only politician in the world elected to parliaments in two different countries at the same time.