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Non-heterosexual is a word for a sexual orientation or sexual identity, not heterosexual. The term helps define the "concept of what is the norm and how a particular group is different from that norm". Non-heterosexual is used in feminist and gender studies fields as well as general academic literature to help differentiate between sexual identities chosen and assumed, with varying understanding of implications of those sexual identities; the term is similar to queer, though less more clinical. Some view the term as being contentious and pejorative as it "labels people against the perceived norm of heterosexuality, thus reinforcing heteronormativity". Still others say non-heterosexual is the only term useful to maintaining coherence in research and suggest it "highlights a shortcoming in our language around sexual identity". Many gay and bisexual people were born into cultures and religions that stigmatized, repressed or negatively judged any sexuality that differed from a heterosexual identity and orientation.

Additionally the majority of heterosexuals still view non-heterosexual acts as taboo and non-conventional sexual desires are hidden or masked in various ways. Non-heterosexual is more inclusive of people who not only identify as other than heterosexual but as other than gay and bisexual; some common examples include same gender loving, men who have sex with men, women who have sex with women, bi-curious and questioning. Non-heterosexual is considered a better general term than homosexual and gay, LGBT or queer for being more neutral and without the baggage or gender discrimination that comes with many of the alternatives. For instance, until 1973, the American Psychological Association listed homosexual as a mental illness, it still has negative connotations. Non-heterosexual is found predominantly in research and scholarly environments as a means to avoid terms deemed politically incorrect like lesbian, gay, etc. that lesbian and bisexual people use as self descriptors. When used by those who don't identify as LGB or when used by LGB people disparagingly, the terms are considered pejorative, so non-heterosexual is a default and innocuous term unlikely to offend readers.

For example, the Kinsey scale can be divided between those heterosexual and everyone else. The term has come into more prominence in the academic field starting in the 1980s and more prominently in the 1990s with major studies of identities of non-heterosexual youth and a smaller number of studies looking at non-heterosexual college students. Non-heterosexual is used to encompass transgender and intersex people, because although these are gender identities rather than sexual identities, they are within the LGBT and queer umbrella communities. Additionally, non-heterosexual encompasses a wide variety of terms used by different cultures whose own terms might never neatly translate to a homosexual or bisexual identity. In a 2004 book that integrates "the academic disciplines of cinema studies, sociology and critical studies" regarding the Big Brother phenomena, non-heterosexual was used as a universal term to help compare information from over thirty countries. In exploring and studying the emerging field of gay and bisexual seniors, non-heterosexual is a default term to demonstrate that the "vast majority" of literature assumes that older people are heterosexual and makes "no effort" to explore the experiences and attitudes of those who are not.

In Welfare and the State the authors describe the perceived advantages of lesbians in the workplace as they, in theory, wouldn't have children so would be advantageous to the labor force. The authors point out, that not only do many lesbians have children but they identify as heterosexual through much of their lives or at least until their children are old enough that a non-heterosexual identity would not impact their families negatively. Non-heterosexual is used when studying lesbian and gay families and family structures, it came into wider use in this context when the AIDS pandemic's impact on gay male communities was being explored as many gay men created families out of extended networks of friends and these became their support systems. The use of the term'non-heterosexual' to refer to LGBTQ people as a blanket term could perpetuate heterosexuality as the norm. Jonathan Ned Katz argues that the term was used to force people into one of two distinct identities, he argues that it enforces the idea of "compulsory heterosexuality" and that anyone who does not fit into that category is going against the norm.

He states that heterosexuality, as a categorization and as a term, was not created until the late nineteenth century, that prior to this relations between the sexes were not believed to be overtly sexual, that in the Victorian era sex was seen as an act between "manly men and womanly women, not as erotic beings or heterosexuals." He further argues that the division between the heterosexual and the non-heterosexual came in the 1860s after the "growth of the consumer economy fostered a new pleasure ethic," and the erotic became a commodity to be bought and sold.


Chałupy is a Polish village and seaside resort with conditions favorable for windsurfing and kitesurfing, in Gmina Władysławowo. It is situated between Władysławowo and Kuźnica on the Hel Peninsula on the southern Baltic Sea in Puck County, Pomeranian Voivodeship, northern Poland, its population in 2009 was 376. Before 1 January 2015, Chałupy was part of the town of Władysławowo. Toward the last years of communist rule in Poland the locality became famous as the site of a government-legal nudist beach. - Official website

Lana Del Ray (album)

Lana Del Ray is the debut studio album by American singer and songwriter Lana Del Rey. The album was released digitally in the United States via the iTunes Store and Amazon by 5 Points Records on January 4, 2010 when she was known as Lana Del Ray. However, the record was pulled from retailers soon afterwards because, according to Del Rey, the label was unable to fund it. Del Rey bought back the rights to the album. After releasing Born to Die under her stage name Lana Del Rey, she expressed her wish to re-release the album. Del Rey released a three-track extended play titled Kill Kill through 5 Points Records in October 2008, during which time she was known as Lizzy Grant. David Kahne recorded the album with Del Rey over a period of three months in 2008. "Yayo" would be re-recorded, released again, on the "Paradise Edition" of Born to Die. Del Rey stated that Kahne "is known as a producer with a lot of integrity and who had an interest in making music that wasn't just pop." Her father, Robert Grant, helped with the marketing of the album, available for purchase on iTunes for a brief period before being withdrawn.

According to David Kahne, who produced Grant and Label owner David Nichtern, Grant bought the rights back from her label, 5 Points, as she wanted it out of circulation. In an interview, Nichtern stated: "Her and her new manager came in and said,'We want to get this off the market. We’re going for a new deal. We’ll buy you out of the deal'. So we made a separation agreement". In January 2012, upon the release of her major-label album, Born to Die, Del Rey stated to the BBC that she bought back the rights of the album and was planning on re-releasing it in the Summer of 2012. In May 2012, she announced. Del Rey did however re-record and re-release "Yayo" on her Paradise EP. On his official website, David Kahne wrote about the recording process and the story behind the song "Gramma" stating: "Lizzy's Gramma is so important in her life. While we were recording, Lizzy had a picture of her Gramma holding her on her lap. Lizzy was crying and her Gramma has such a sweet smile on her face, in the sun at the beach.

"I don't want to think I'm bad, just for feelin' pretty...". Del Rey and producer David Kahne recorded 13 tracks for the album in 2008. Instead of releasing the material, her label put out the EP Kill Kill on October 21, 2008 under the name Lizzy Grant; the standard album pulled three months after. A small number of promo CDs were pressed but the album never saw a physical release. All tracks are written except where noted. All tracks produced by David Kahne

Pholus (mythology)

In Greek mythology, Pholus was a wise centaur and friend of Heracles who lived in a cave on or near Mount Pelion. It is well known that Chiron, the famously civilized centaur, had origins which differed from those of the other centaurs. Chiron was the son of Cronus and a minor goddess Philyra, which accounted for his exceptional intelligence and honor, whereas the other centaurs were bestial and brutal, being the descendants of Centaurus, the result of the unholy rape of a minor cloud-goddess that resembled Hera by the mortal king Ixion. Where Chiron was immortal and could die only voluntarily, the other centaurs were mortal like men and animals. Pholus, like Chiron, was civilized, indeed in art sometimes shared the "human-centaur" form in which Chiron was depicted; this form was of course used to differentiate Chiron and Pholus from all other centaurs, who were represented as men only from the head to the waist, therefore more animal-like. To further account for the unusually civil behavior of Pholus, the mythographer Apollodorus wrote that his parents were Silenus and one of the Meliae, thus differentiating him genealogically from the other centaurs, as Chiron was known to be.

This different parentage did not carry with it immortality and Pholus died just as the other centaurs. The differing accounts vary in details, but each story contains the following elements: Heracles visited his cave sometime before or after the completion of his fourth Labor, the capture of the Erymanthian Boar; when Heracles drank from a jar of wine in the possession of Pholus, the neighboring centaurs smelled its fragrant odor and, driven characteristically mad, charged into the cave. The majority were slain by Heracles, the rest were chased to another location where the peaceful centaur Chiron was accidentally wounded by the arrows of Heracles which were soaked in the venomous blood of the Lernaean Hydra. In most accounts, Chiron surrendered his immortality to be free from the agony of the poison when it came to helping Hercules free Prometheus. While this pursuit and second combat was occurring, back in his cave, accidentally wounded himself with one of the venomous arrows while he was either marveling at how such a small thing could kill a centaur or preparing the corpses for burial.

He died as a result of the poison's outrageous virulence and was found by Heracles. Hyginus reports versions of the story where it is not Pholus's foot on which the poison arrow accidentally falls, but Chiron's instead. In the Divine Comedy poem Inferno, Pholus is found with the other centaurs patrolling the banks of the river Phlegethon in the seventh circle of Hell. Apollodorus, The Library, with an English Translation by Sir James George Frazer, F. B. A. F. R. S. in 2 Volumes. Cambridge, Harvard University Press. Online version at the Perseus Digital Library. Diodorus Siculus, Diodorus Siculus: The Library of History. Translated by C. H. Oldfather. Twelve volumes. Loeb Classical Library. Cambridge, Massachusetts: Harvard University Press. Online version by Bill Thayer Gantz, Early Greek Myth: A Guide to Literary and Artistic Sources, Johns Hopkins University Press, 1996, Two volumes: ISBN 978-0-8018-5360-9, ISBN 978-0-8018-5362-3

List of first minority male lawyers and judges in Wisconsin

This is a list of the first minority male lawyer and judge in Wisconsin. It includes the year. Included are men who achieved other distinctions such becoming the first in their state to obtain a law degree or become a political figure. Everett E. Simpson: First African American male lawyer in Wisconsin William T. Green: First African American male lawyer to argue a case before the Wisconsin Supreme Court Andrew R. Reneau: First African American male to run for a judicial seat in Wisconsin Richard S. Brown: First male judge to use a computerized transcription system in a Wisconsin court Carl Ashley: First African American male elected as a judge without being appointed by a governor in Wisconsin Glenn H. Yamahiro: First Asian American male male judge in Wisconsin Juan Colas: First Hispanic American male judge in Wisconsin Paul B. Higginbotham: First African American male appointed as a Judge of the Wisconsin Court of Appeals Louis B. Butler: First African American male appointed as a Justice of the Wisconsin Supreme Court Charles N. Clevert Jr.: First African American male appointed as a Judge of the U.

S. Bankruptcy Court in Wisconsin Charles N. Clevert Jr.: First African American male appointed as a Judge of the U. S. District Court for the Eastern District of Wisconsin Grady L. Pettigrew, Jr.: First African American male to serve as an Assistant U. S. Attorney in Wisconsin Ismael Ozanne: First African American male to serve as a District Attorney in Wisconsin Andrew R. Reneau: First African American male to serve as an Assistant District Attorney in Wisconsin Alphabetized by county name Paul B. Higginbotham: First African American judge in Dane County, Wisconsin, he was the first African American municipal court judge in Madison, Wisconsin. Juan Colas: First Hispanic American male judge in Dane County, Wisconsin Ismael Ozanne: First African American male to serve as the District Attorney of Dane County, Wisconsin Casimir Gonski: First Polish lawyer in Milwaukee, Milwaukee County, Wisconsin William T. Green: First African American male lawyer in Milwaukee, Wisconsin Harold B. Jackson, Jr.: First African American male to serve as the Assistant District Attorney of Milwaukee County, Wisconsin Clarence Parrish: First African American male to win a judicial seat in Milwaukee County, Wisconsin Ralph Ramirez: First Hispanic American male elected as a circuit court judge in Waukesha County, Wisconsin List of first minority male lawyers and judges in the United States List of first women lawyers and judges in the United States List of first women lawyers and judges in Wisconsin

1973 Thai popular uprising

The popular uprising of 14 October 1973 was a watershed event in Thailand's history. The uprising resulted in the end of the ruling military dictatorship of anti-communist Thanom Kittikachorn and altered the Thai political system. Notably, it highlighted the growing influence of Thai university students in politics. Student activism in Thailand grew during the 1950s, as many students became inspired by leftist ideology to mobilize and organize demonstrations and rallies against the pro-American policies of the ruling government; the rise of university students as a political force was due to the increase in absolute numbers of university students. From 1961 to 1972, the number of university students increased from 15,000 to 150,000, while the number of universities increased from five to seventeen. Prior to 1968, student activity was confined to demonstrations of loyalty rather than demands for change or criticism of the political system; the death of Sarit Thanarat in December 1963 changed things as the government under Thanom was more tolerant of students and intellectuals.

The publication of the Social Science Review in the 1960s was credited as being responsible for restarting intellectual thinking and debate in Thai politics. Discussion groups sprang up at major universities which developed into organized and important independent groups, e.g. the "Sapha Na Dome" and "Sethatham" and the "SOTUS" group. These independent groups in turn produced their own writings and the Social Science Review began to publish articles from them; some of the writings were critical of the government. These groups started to hold clandestine political seminars which encouraged students to be analytical and critical; the student discussion groups were in many important ways different from the student unions present on campus. They were radical and looked for new ways of interpreting Thai society and politics with a leftist slant, they did not organize themselves the same way the official student unions were run, i.e. on a hierarchical and politically conservative basis. These groups from different universities were able to transcend inter-university rivalry and build up contacts among themselves.

Development programs, based on those of the United States Peace Corps, took students from various campuses to work in rural areas during their vacations and forced them to recognize the problems in the countryside. The programs served to show the students how inadequate their university training had been, as they were not able to use any of their knowledge to improve the conditions which the majority of the rural population faced; as a consequence of the increasing collegial contact between students, the National Student Center of Thailand was founded in 1968. Its purpose was to coordinate student action; the NSCT was to play a crucial role in the 1973 uprising. After several meetings between representatives from Thailand's universities, it was proposed that Thai students should have an inter-university organization, the NSCT, it was to include two members from each of eleven institutions: Chulalongkorn University, Thammasat University, Kasetsart University, Silpakorn University, Mahidol University, Chiang Mai University, Khon Kaen University, Prince of Songkla University, Prasanmit Teachers College, Bangsaen Teachers College, Patumwan Teachers College.

In its early years, the NSCT was not active, did not organize any political activities. For example, the NSCT was not involved during the demonstrations against internal corruption at Chulalongkorn University in September 1970. Instead, it concentrated on areas such as community services, counseling new students, producing a television show which praised the King, Bhumibol Adulyadej; this conservative, royalist outlook can be traced to the organization of the NSCT and the manner in which people were elected officers. The NSCT consisted of three committees composed of the presidents of the student unions, who were responsible for formulating NSCT policy and selecting the leaders of the divisions in the secretariat committee; this made it difficult for members of the more politically conscious groups to control or influence the NSCT, as they were still viewed with suspicion by most students. As a result, activists were unable to win election to the campus student unions and thus to the NSCT. Many discussion groups found the NSCT to be unprogressive.

This changed in 1972 when Thirayuth Boonmee, an engineering student from Chulalongkorn University, became secretary-general of the NSCT. He began the political activism of the NSCT, he was prudent in choosing issues to campaign against, allowing the NSCT time to mobilize and maintain political momentum. Despite the apparent unity of the student movement, there were noticeable splits among the students. While they were united in their aim to remove Prime Minister Field Marshal Thanom Kittikachorn and his clique from office, once Thanom went into exile the student movement split into two main factions: the moderate university students and the radical vocational students; the vocational students were marked by their propensity for violence and their demands for the right to study for degrees. The NSCT was divided between two personalities, Sombat Thamrongthanyawongse and Seksan Prasertkul; some scholars link this conflict to the traditional Thai personal clique power competition typical of Thai bureaucracy.

However, others cite the cooperation between Seksan and Sombat in protesting the construction of a second international airport for Bangkok as evidence that it was possi