Sovereignty is the full right and power of a governing body over itself, without any interference from outside sources or bodies. In political theory, sovereignty is a substantive term designating supreme authority over some polity; the term arises from the unattested Vulgar Latin's *superanus, meaning "chief", "ruler". Its spelling, which varied from the word's first appearance in English in the fourteenth century, was influenced by the English "reign"; the concepts of sovereignty have been discussed throughout history, are still debated. Its definition and application has changed throughout during the Age of Enlightenment; the current notion of state sovereignty contains four aspects consisting of territory, population and recognition. According to Stephen D. Krasner, the term could be understood in four different ways: domestic sovereignty – actual control over a state exercised by an authority organized within this state, interdependence sovereignty – actual control of movement across state's borders, assuming the borders exist, international legal sovereignty – formal recognition by other sovereign states, Westphalian sovereignty – lack of other authority over state other than the domestic authority.
These four aspects all appear together, but this is not the case – they are not affected by one another, there are historical examples of states that were non-sovereign in one aspect while at the same time being sovereign in another of these aspects. According to Immanuel Wallerstein, another fundamental feature of sovereignty is that it is a claim that must be recognised by others if it is to have any meaning: The Roman jurist Ulpian observed that: The people transferred all their imperium and power to the Emperor. Cum lege regia, quae de imperio eius lata est, populus ei et in eum omne suum imperium et potestatem conferat The emperor is not bound by the laws. Princeps legibus. Quod principi placuit legis habet vigorem. Ulpian was expressing the idea that the Emperor exercised a rather absolute form of sovereignty, that originated in the people, although he did not use the term expressly. Ulpian's statements were known in medieval Europe, but sovereignty was an important concept in medieval times.
Medieval monarchs were not sovereign, at least not so, because they were constrained by, shared power with, their feudal aristocracy. Furthermore, both were constrained by custom. Sovereignty existed during the Medieval period as the de jure rights of nobility and royalty, in the de facto capability of individuals to make their own choices in life. Around c. 1380–1400, the issue of feminine sovereignty was addressed in Geoffrey Chaucer's Middle English collection of Canterbury Tales in The Wife of Bath's Tale. A English Arthurian romance, The Wedding of Sir Gawain and Dame Ragnell, uses many of the same elements of the Wife of Bath's tale, yet changes the setting to the court of King Arthur and the Knights of the Round Table; the story revolves around the knight Sir Gawain granting to Dame Ragnell, his new bride, what is purported to be wanted most by women: sovereignty. We desire most From men both lund and poor, To have sovereignty without lies. For where we have sovereignty, all is ours, Though a knight be so fierce, And win mastery.
It is our desire to have master Over such a sir. Such is our purpose. Sovereignty reemerged as a concept in the late 16th century, a time when civil wars had created a craving for stronger central authority, when monarchs had begun to gather power onto their own hands at the expense of the nobility, the modern nation state was emerging. Jean Bodin in reaction to the chaos of the French wars of religion, presented theories of sovereignty calling for strong central authority in the form of absolute monarchy. In his 1576 treatise Les Six Livres de la République Bodin argued that it is inherent in the nature of the state that sovereignty must be: Absolute: On this point he said that the sovereign must be hedged in with obligations and conditions, must be able to legislate without his subjects' consent, must not be bound by the laws of his predecessors, could not, because it is illogical, be bound by his own laws. Perpetual: Not temporarily delegated as to a strong leader in an emergency or to a state employee such as a magistrate.
He held that sovereignty must be perpetual because anyone with the power to enforce a time limit on the governing power must be above the governing power, which would be impossible if the governing power is absolute. Bodin rejected the notion of transference of sovereignty from people to the ruler, and the sovereign is not above natural law. He is above only positive law, he emphasized that a sovereign is bound to observe certain basic rules derived from the divine law, the law of nature or reason, the law, common to all nations, as well as the fundamental laws of the state that determine, the sovereign, who succeeds to sovereignty, what limits the sovereign power. Thus, Bodin’s sovereign was restricted by the constitutional law of the state and by the higher law, considered as binding upon every human being; the fact that the sovereign must obey divine and natural law imposes ethical constraints on him. Bodin held that the lois royales, the fun
An anachronism is a chronological inconsistency in some arrangement a juxtaposition of persons, objects, or customs from different periods of time. The most common type of anachronism is an object misplaced in time, but it may be a verbal expression, a technology, a philosophical idea, a musical style, a material, a plant or animal, a custom, or anything else associated with a particular period in time, placed outside its proper temporal domain. An anachronism may be either unintentional. Intentional anachronisms may be introduced into a literary or artistic work to help a contemporary audience engage more with a historical period. Anachronism can be used for purposes of rhetoric, comedy, or shock. Unintentional anachronisms may occur when a writer, artist, or performer is unaware of differences in technology, customs, attitudes, or fashions between different historical eras. A parachronism is anything that appears in a time period in which it is not found; this may be an object, idiomatic expression, philosophical idea, musical style, custom, or anything else so bound to a particular time period as to seem strange when encountered in a era.
They may be ideas that were once common but are now considered rare or inappropriate. They can take outdated fashion or idioms. Examples of parachronisms could include a suburban housewife in the United States around 1960 using a washboard for laundry. A parachronism is identified when a work based on a particular era's state of knowledge is read within the context of a era—with a different state of knowledge. Many scientific works that rely on theories that have been discredited have become anachronistic with the removal of those underpinnings, works of speculative fiction find their speculations outstripped by real-world technological developments or scientific discoveries. A prochronism is an impossible anachronism which occurs when an object or idea has not yet been invented when the situation takes place, therefore could not have existed at the time. A prochronism may be an object not yet developed, a verbal expression that had not yet been coined, a philosophy not yet formulated, a breed of animal not yet evolved, or use of a technology that had not yet been created.
The well-known stories of the One Thousand and One Nights contain a manifest anachronism: in the frame story, the tales are narrated to King Shahryār, presented as a member of the Persian Sassanid Dynasty, by his wife Scheherazade - yet many of the stories she tells relate to the historical Abbasid caliph Harun al-Rashid, his Grand Vizier, Jafar al-Barmaki, his contemporary the famous poet Abu Nuwas, all of whom lived some 200 years after the fall of the Sassanids. The intentional use of older obsolete cultural artifacts may be regarded as anachronistic. For example, it could be considered anachronistic for a modern-day person to wear a top hat, write with a quill, or carry on a conversation in Latin; such choices may reflect an aesthetic preference. Some writings and works of art promoting a political, nationalist or revolutionary cause use anachronism to depict an institution or custom as being more ancient than it is. For example, the 19th-century Romanian painter Constantin Lecca depicts the peace agreement between Ioan Bogdan Voievod and Radu Voievod—two leaders in Romania's 16th-century history—with the flags of Moldavia and of Wallachia seen in the background.
These flags date only from the 1830s. Here anachronism promotes legitimacy for the unification of Moldavia and Wallachia into the Kingdom of Romania at the time the painting was made. Anachronism is used in works of imagination that rest on a historical basis. Anachronisms may be introduced in many ways: for example, in the disregard of the different modes of life and thought that characterize different periods, or in ignorance of the progress of the arts and sciences and other facts of history, they vary from glaring inconsistencies to scarcely perceptible misrepresentation. It is only since the close of the 18th century that this kind of deviation from historical reality has jarred on a general audience. Sir Walter Scott justified the use of anachronism in historical literature: "It is necessary, for exciting interest of any kind, that the subject assumed should be, as it were, translated into the manners as well as the language of the age we live in." However, as fashions move on, such attempts to use anachronisms to engage an audience may have quite the reverse effect, as the details in question are recognized as belonging neither to the historical era being represented, nor to the present, but to the intervening period in which the artwork was created.
"Nothing becomes obsolete like a period vision of an older period", writes Anthony Grafton. Ludwig van Beethoven! Come in and practice your piano now!' We are jerked from our suspension of disbelief by what was intended as a means of reinforcing it, plunged directly into the American bourgeois world of the filmmaker."Anachronism can be an aesthetic choice. Anachronisms abou
The Houthi movement called Ansar Allah, is an Islamic religious-political-armed movement that emerged from Sa'dah in northern Yemen in the 1990s. They are of the Zaidi sect, though the movement also includes Sunnis. Under the leadership of Hussein Badreddin al-Houthi, the group emerged as a Zaydi opposition to former Yemeni president Ali Abdullah Saleh, whom they charged with massive financial corruption and criticized for being backed by Saudi Arabia and the United States at the expense of the Yemeni people and Yemen's sovereignty. Resisting Saleh's order for his arrest, Hussein was killed in Sa'dah in 2004 along with a number of his guards by the Yemeni army, sparking the Houthi insurgency in Yemen. Since except for a short intervening period, the movement has been led by his brother Abdul-Malik al-Houthi; the Houthi movement attracts its Zaidi-Shia followers in Yemen by promoting regional political-religious issues in its media, including the overarching US-Israeli conspiracy and Arab "collusion".
In 2003, the Houthis' slogan "God is great, death to the US, death to Israel, curse the Jews, victory for Islam", became the group's trademark. Houthi officials, have rejected the literal interpretation of the slogan; the movement's expressed goals include combating economic underdevelopment and political marginalization in Yemen while seeking greater autonomy for Houthi-majority regions of the country. They claim to support a more democratic non-sectarian republic in Yemen; the Houthis have made fighting corruption the centerpiece of their political program. The Houthis took part in the 2011 Yemeni Revolution by participating in street protests and by coordinating with other opposition groups, they joined the National Dialogue Conference in Yemen as part of the Gulf Cooperation Council initiative to broker peace following the unrest. However, the Houthis would reject the November 2011 GCC deal's provisions stipulating formation of six federal regions in Yemen, claiming that the deal did not fundamentally reform governance and that the proposed federalization "divided Yemen into poor and wealthy regions".
Houthis feared the deal was a blatant attempt to weaken them by dividing areas under their control between separate regions. In late 2014, Houthis repaired their relationship with the former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, with his help, they took control of the capital and much of the north. In 2014–2015, Houthis took over the government in Sanaʽa with the help of the former president Ali Abdullah Saleh, announced the fall of the current government of Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi. Houthis have gained control of most of the northern part of Yemen's territory and since 2015 have been resisting the Saudi-led military intervention in Yemen that claims to seek to restore the internationally recognized Yemeni government to power. Additionally, the Islamic State militant group has attacked all of the conflict's major parties including Houthis, Saleh forces, the Yemeni government, the Saudi Arabian-led coalition forces. According to Ahmed Addaghashi, a professor at Sanaa University, the Houthis began as a moderate theological movement that preached tolerance and held a broad-minded view of all the Yemeni peoples.
Their first organization, "the Believing Youth", was founded in 1992 in Saada Governorate by either Mohammed al-Houthi, or his brother Hussein al-Houthi. The Believing Youth established school clubs and summer camps in order to "promote a Zaidi revival" in Saada. By 1994–1995, 15–20,000 students had attended BY summer camps; the religious material included lectures by Mohammed Hussein Fadhlallah and Hassan Nasrallah."The formation of the Houthi organisations have been described by Adam Baron of the European Council on Foreign Relations as a reaction to foreign intervention. Their views include shoring up Zaidi support against the perceived threat of Saudi-influenced ideologies in Yemen and a general condemnation of the former Yemeni government's alliance with the United States, along with complaints regarding the government's corruption and the marginalisation of much of the Houthis' home areas in Saada, constituted the group's key grievances. Although Hussein al-Houthi, killed in 2004, had no official relation with Believing Youth, according to Zaid, he contributed to the radicalisation of some Zaydis after the 2003 invasion of Iraq.
BY-affiliated youth adopted anti-American and anti-Jewish slogans which they chanted in the Saleh Mosque in Sanaʽa after Friday prayers. According to Zaid, the followers of Houthi's insistence on chanting the slogans attracted the authorities' attention, further increasing government worries over the extent of the al-Houthi movement's influence. "The security authorities thought that if today the Houthis chanted `Death to America', tomorrow they could be chanting `Death to the president ". 800 BY supporters were arrested in Sanaʽa in 2004. President Ali Abdullah Saleh invited Hussein al-Houthi to a meeting in Sanaʽa, but Hussein declined. On 18 June 2004 Saleh sent government forces to arrest Hussein. Hussein responded by launching an insurgency against the central government, but was killed on 10 September 2004; the insurgency continued intermittently until a ceasefire agreement was reached in 2010. During this prolonged conflict, the Yemeni army and air force was used to suppress the Houthi rebellion in northern Yemen.
The Saudis joined these anti-Houthi campaigns, but the Houthis won against both Saleh and the Saudi army. According to the Brookings Institution, this humiliated the Saudis, who spent tens of billions of dollars on their military; the Houthis participated in the
The United Nations is an intergovernmental organization, tasked to maintain international peace and security, develop friendly relations among nations, achieve international co-operation and be a centre for harmonizing the actions of nations. The headquarters of the UN is in Manhattan, New York City, is subject to extraterritoriality. Further main offices are situated in Geneva, Nairobi and The Hague; the organization is financed by voluntary contributions from its member states. Its objectives include maintaining international peace and security, protecting human rights, delivering humanitarian aid, promoting sustainable development and upholding international law; the UN is the largest, most familiar, most internationally represented and most powerful intergovernmental organization in the world. In 24 October 1945, at the end of World War II, the organization was established with the aim of preventing future wars. At its founding, the UN had 51 member states; the UN is the successor of the ineffective League of Nations.
On 25 April 1945, 50 governments met in San Francisco for a conference and started drafting the UN Charter, adopted on 25 June 1945 in the San Francisco Opera House, signed on 26 June 1945 in the Herbst Theatre auditorium in the Veterans War Memorial Building. This charter took effect on 24 October 1945; the UN's mission to preserve world peace was complicated in its early decades during the Cold War between the United States and Soviet Union and their respective allies. Its missions have consisted of unarmed military observers and armed troops with monitoring and confidence-building roles; the organization's membership grew following widespread decolonization which started in the 1960s. Since 80 former colonies had gained independence, including 11 trust territories, which were monitored by the Trusteeship Council. By the 1970s its budget for economic and social development programmes far outstripped its spending on peacekeeping. After the end of the Cold War, the UN shifted and expanded its field operations, undertaking a wide variety of complex tasks.
The UN has six principal organs: the General Assembly. The UN System agencies include the World Bank Group, the World Health Organization, the World Food Programme, UNESCO, UNICEF; the UN's most prominent officer is the Secretary-General, an office held by Portuguese politician and diplomat António Guterres since 1 January 2017. Non-governmental organizations may be granted consultative status with ECOSOC and other agencies to participate in the UN's work; the organization, its officers and its agencies have won many Nobel Peace Prizes. Other evaluations of the UN's effectiveness have been mixed; some commentators believe the organization to be an important force for peace and human development, while others have called the organization ineffective, biased, or corrupt. In the century prior to the UN's creation, several international treaty organizations such as the International Committee of the Red Cross was formed to ensure protection and assistance for victims of armed conflict and strife.
In 1914, a political assassination in Sarajevo set off a chain of events that led to the outbreak of World War I. As more and more young men were sent down into the trenches, influential voices in the United States and Britain began calling for the establishment of a permanent international body to maintain peace in the postwar world. President Woodrow Wilson became a vocal advocate of this concept, in 1918 he included a sketch of the international body in his 14-point proposal to end the war. In November 1918, the Central Powers agreed to an armistice to halt the killing in World War I. Two months the Allies met with Germany and Austria-Hungary at Versailles to hammer out formal peace terms. President Wilson wanted peace, but the United Kingdom and France disagreed, forcing harsh war reparations on their former enemies; the League of Nations was approved, in the summer of 1919 Wilson presented the Treaty of Versailles and the Covenant of the League of Nations to the US Senate for ratification.
On January 10, 1920, the League of Nations formally comes into being when the Covenant of the League of Nations, ratified by 42 nations in 1919, takes effect. However, at some point the League became ineffective when it failed to act against the Japanese invasion of Manchuria as in February 1933, 40 nations voted for Japan to withdraw from Manchuria but Japan voted against it and walked out of the League instead of withdrawing from Manchuria, it failed against the Second Italo-Ethiopian War despite trying to talk to Benito Mussolini as he used the time to send an army to Africa, so the League had a plan for Mussolini to just take a part of Ethiopia, but he ignored the League and invaded Ethiopia, the League tried putting sanctions on Italy, but Italy had conquered Ethiopia and the League had failed. After Italy conquered Ethiopia and other nations left the league, but all of them realised that they began to re-arm as fast as possible. During 1938, Britain and France tried negotiating directly with Hitler but this failed in 1939 when Hitler invaded Czechoslovakia.
When war broke out in 1939, the League closed down and its headquarters in Geneva remained empty throughout the war. The earliest concrete plan for a new world organization began under the aegis of the U. S. State Department in 1939; the text of the "Declaration by United Nations" was drafted at the White House on December 29, 1941, by President Franklin D. Roosevelt, Prime Minister Winston Churchill, Roosevelt aide Harry Hopkins
Sanaʽa spelled Sanaa or Sana, is the largest city in Yemen and the centre of Sanaʽa Governorate. The city is not part of the Governorate, but forms the separate administrative district of "Amanat Al-Asemah". Under the Yemeni constitution, Sanaʽa is the capital of the country, although the seat of the internationally recognised government moved to Aden in the aftermath of the September 21 Revolution. Aden was declared as the temporary capital by President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi in March 2015. Sanaʽa is one of the oldest continuously inhabited cities in the world. At an elevation of 2,300 metres, it is one of the highest capital cities in the world, is next to the Sarawat Mountains of Jabal An-Nabi Shu'ayb and Jabal Tiyal, considered to be the highest mountains in the country and amongst the highest in the region. Sanaʽa has a population of 3,937,500, making it Yemen's largest city; the Old City of Sanaʽa, a UNESCO World Heritage Site, has a distinctive architectural character, most notably expressed in its multi-storey buildings decorated with geometric patterns.
In the conflict that raged in 2015, bombs hit UNESCO sites in the old city. Located here is the Al Saleh Mosque, the largest in the city. Sanaʽa is one of the oldest populated places in the world. According to popular legend, it was founded at the base of Jabal Nuqum by Shem, the son of Noah, after the latter's death, it was known as "Azal" in ancient times, connected to Uzal, a son of Qahtan, a great-grandson of Shem, in the biblical accounts of Genesis. Its name is related to the Sabaic word for "well-fortified", a name that echoes the meaning of the Ethiopian name—recorded in a Syriac account as Auzalites—the city held in the 6th century. Qahtan is considered to be the ancestor of "true Arabs"; the Arab historian al-Hamdani wrote that Sanaʽa was walled by the Sabaeans under their ruler Sha'r Awtar, who arguably built the Ghumdan Palace in the city. Because of its location, Sanaʽa has served as an urban center for the surrounding tribes of the region, as a nucleus of regional trade in southern Arabia.
It was positioned at the crossroad of two major ancient trade routes linking Ma'rib in the east to the Red Sea in the west. When King Yousef Athar, the last of the Himyarite kings, was in power, Sanaʽa was the capital of the Ethiopian viceroys. From the era of Muhammad until the founding of independent sub-states in many parts of the Yemen Islamic Caliphate, Sanaʽa persisted as the governing seat; the Caliph's deputy ran the affairs of one of Yemen's three Makhalifs: Mikhlaf Sanaʽa, Mikhlaf al-Janad and Mikhlaf Hadhramaut. The city of Sanaʽa regained an important status and all Yemenite States competed to control it. Imam Al-Shafi'i, the 8th-century Islamic jurist and founder of the Shafi'i school of jurisprudence, visited Sanaʽa several times, he praised the city, writing La budda min Ṣanʻāʼ, or "Sanaʽa must be seen." In the 9th–10th centuries, the Yemeni geographer al-Hamdani took note of the city's cleanliness, saying "The least dwelling there has a well or two, a garden and long cesspits separate from each other, empty of ordure, without smell or evil odors, because of the hard concrete and fine pastureland and clean places to walk."
In the 10th-century, the Persian geographer Ibn Rustah wrote of Sanaʽa "It is the city of Yemen — there cannot be found... a city greater, more populous or more prosperous, of nobler origin or with more delicious food than it." In 1062 Sanaʽa was taken over by the Sulayhid dynasty led by Ali al-Sulayhi and his wife, the popular Queen Asma. He made the city capital of his small kingdom, which included the Haraz Mountains; the Sulayhids were aligned with the Ismaili Muslim-leaning Fatimid Caliphate of Egypt, rather than the Baghdad-based Abbasid Caliphate which most of Arabia followed. Al-Sulayhi ruled for about 20 years but he was assassinated by his principal local rivals, the Zabid-based Najahids. Following his death, al-Sulayhi's daughter, Arwa al-Sulayhi, inherited the throne, she withdrew from Sanaʽa, transferring the Sulayhid capital to Jibla, where she ruled much of Yemen from 1067 to 1138. As a result of the Sulayhid departure, the Hamdanid dynasty took control of Sanaʽa. In 1173 Saladin, the Ayyubid sultan of Egypt, sent his brother Turan-Shah on an expedition to conquer Yemen.
The Ayyubids gained control of Sanaʽa in 1175 and united the various Yemeni tribal states, except for the northern mountains controlled by the Zaydi imams, into one entity. The Ayyubids switched the country's official religious allegiance to the Sunni Muslim Abbasids. During the reign of the Ayyubid emir Tughtekin ibn Ayyub, the city underwent significant improvements; these included the incorporation of the garden lands on the western bank of the Sa'ilah, known as Bustan al-Sultan, where the Ayyubids built one of their palaces. Despite Sanaʽa's strategic position, the Ayyubids chose Ta'izz as their capital while Aden was their principal income-producing city. While the Rasulids controlled most of Yemen, followed by their successors the Tahirids, Sanaʽa remained in the political orbit of the Zaydi imams from 1323 to 1454 and outside the former two dynasties' rule; the Mamelukes arrived in Yemen in 1517. The Ottoman Empire entered Yemen in 1538. Under the military leadership of Özdemir Pasha, the Ottomans conquered Sanaʽa in 1547.
With Ottoman approval, European captains based in the Yemeni port towns of Aden and Mocha frequented Sanaʽa to maintain special privileges and capitulations for their trade. In 1602 the local Zaydi imams led by Imam al-Mu'ayyad reasserted their control over the area, forced out Ottoman troops in 1629. Although
Houthi takeover in Yemen
The Houthi takeover in Yemen known as the September 21 Revolution, or 2014–15 coup d'état, was a gradual armed takeover by the Houthis and supporters of former Yemeni President Ali Abdullah Saleh that pushed the Yemeni government from power. It had origins in Houthi-led protests that began the previous month, escalated when the Houthis stormed the Yemeni capital Sana'a on 21 September 2014, causing the resignation of Prime Minister Mohammed Basindawa, the resignation of President Abdrabbuh Mansur Hadi and his ministers on 22 January 2015 after Houthi forces seized the presidential palace and key military installations, the formation of a ruling council by Houthi militants on 6 February 2015; the unrest began on 18 August 2014 as the Houthis, angered over a government-implemented removal of fuel subsidies, called for mass protests. On 21 September, as the Houthis took control of Sana'a, the Yemeni Army did not formally intervene, other than troops affiliated with General Ali Mohsen al-Ahmar and the Muslim Brotherhood-affiliated Al-Islah Party.
After gaining control over key government buildings in Sana'a, the Houthis and government signed a UN-brokered deal on 21 September to form a "unity government". The unrest took a dramatic turn in January 2015, when Houthi fighters seized control of the presidential palace and Hadi's residence in an effort to gain more influence over the government and the drafting of a new constitution. On 22 January and his government resigned en masse rather than comply with the Houthis' demands. Three weeks the Houthis declared parliament to be dissolved and installed a Revolutionary Committee as the interim authority, although they agreed to keep the House of Representatives in place two weeks as part of a power-sharing agreement; the Houthi-led interim authority has been rejected by other internal opposition groups and has not been recognized internationally. In March 2015, the Saudi Arabian-led intervention in Yemen began with airstrikes and a naval blockade with the stated goal of restoring Hadi's government to power.
The United States and Great Britain both support a political solution in Yemen. A 2017 UNICEF report stated that nearly half a million underage children in Yemen were on the verge of starvation, about seven million people were facing acute food shortages. In 2016, the UN stated that, in Yemen 7.5 million children needed medical care, 370,000 children were on the verge of starvation. On July 30, 2014, the Yemeni government announced an increase in fuel prices as part of reforms to subsidy programs, which aimed at unlocking foreign funding and easing pressure on the budget; the lifting of subsidies came after pressure from the International Monetary Fund, which conditioned its continued financial assistance on these reforms. The government raised the price of regular gasoline to 200 Yemeni riyals per liter from 125 riyals; the price of diesel used for public transport and trucks rose to 195 riyals per liter from 100 riyals. Yemen had among the highest level of energy subsidies in the region. Given its low per capita income and staggering fiscal deficit, the country could not afford to subsidize energy since the elite got the most benefit from subsidized prices, not the poor.
Fuel subsidies were benefiting powerful political allies of Ali Abdullah Saleh, who were smuggling subsidized oil to neighboring markets where they would reap huge profits. In 2013, fuel subsidies cost the Yemeni government $3 billion 20 percent of state expenditure, according to a Finance Ministry statement carried by Yemen's official news agency. All the same, fuel subsidies were among the few available social goods in Yemen, they kept down the cost of transport and food, while supporting local industry. The cash-strapped Yemeni government had been negotiating with the International Monetary Fund for more than a year to secure a loan as a way to access much needed financing; the loan program would require the removal of these subsidies, but the IMF recommended gradual price adjustments and an information and communication campaign to prepare the public. Neither of these were done; the IMF and other international donors emphasized the need to expand the social safety net and cash transfer payments to those who would be most affected by the price increases.
The United States and other donors had increased their contributions to the Social Welfare Fund in the summer of 2014 in anticipation of subsidy removal. The Yemeni government ignored the advice; the transitional government, brokered by the Gulf Cooperation Council, established in November 2011, was split between Saleh's General People's Congress Party and the conservative Sunni Al-Islah Party, Yemen's main Islamist party, a key presence in the regime that protesters tried to overthrow in 2011. The new government left out the Houthis. Instead of reshaping the political order to bring in new political voices, address corruption, introduce responsive and accountable governance, partisan interests paralyzed the transitional government led by Mohammed Basindawa, perpetuating the elite dominated politics of Sana'a and its tribal allies; the Yemeni government lacked any coordinated economic planning, with key ministers hailing from competing political parties lacking any incentive to work toward a unifying vision for the country.
The decision to lift fuel subsidies gave the Houthi movement, with its own axe to grind, the populist issue they needed to enter Sana'a and seize power. They managed to capitalize on palpable frustration among diverse segments of the population and fears of an al-Islah dominated government. On 18 September, Houthi rebels clashed with Al-Islah militiamen in Sana'a, by 21 Septembe
The Arabian peninsula, simplified Arabia, is a peninsula of Western Asia situated northeast of Africa on the Arabian plate. From a geographical perspective, it is considered a subcontinent of Asia, it is the largest peninsula in the world, at 3,237,500 km2. The peninsula consists of the countries Yemen, Qatar, Kuwait, Saudi Arabia and the United Arab Emirates; the peninsula formed as a result of the rifting of the Red Sea between 56 and 23 million years ago, is bordered by the Red Sea to the west and southwest, the Persian Gulf to the northeast, the Levant to the north and the Indian Ocean to the southeast. The peninsula plays a critical geopolitical role in the Arab world due to its vast reserves of oil and natural gas. Before the modern era, it was divided into four distinct regions: Hejaz, Southern Arabia and Eastern Arabia. Hejaz and Najd make up most of Saudi Arabia. Southern Arabia consists of some parts of Saudi Arabia and Oman. Eastern Arabia consists of the entire coastal strip of the Persian Gulf.
The Arabian Peninsula is located in the continent of Asia and bounded by the Persian Gulf on the northeast, the Strait of Hormuz and the Gulf of Oman on the east, the Arabian Sea on the southeast and south, the Gulf of Aden on the south, the Bab-el-Mandeb strait on the southwest and the Red Sea, located on the southwest and west. The northern portion of the peninsula merges with the Syrian Desert with no clear border line, although the northern boundary of the peninsula is considered to be the northern borders of Saudi Arabia and Kuwait; the most prominent feature of the peninsula is desert, but in the southwest there are mountain ranges, which receive greater rainfall than the rest of the peninsula. Harrat ash Shaam is a large volcanic field that extends from the northwestern Arabia into Jordan and southern Syria; the peninsula's constituent countries are Kuwait, Bahrain and the United Arab Emirates on the east, Oman on the southeast, Yemen on the south and Saudi Arabia at the center. The island nation of Bahrain lies off the east coast of the peninsula.
Six countries form the Gulf Cooperation Council. The Kingdom of Saudi Arabia covers the greater part of the peninsula; the majority of the population of the peninsula live in Yemen. The peninsula contains the world's largest reserves of oil. Saudi Arabia and the UAE are economically the wealthiest in the region. Qatar, a small peninsula in the Persian Gulf on the larger peninsula, is home of the Arabic-language television station Al Jazeera and its English-language subsidiary Al Jazeera English. Kuwait, on the border with Iraq, is an important country strategically, forming one of the main staging grounds for coalition forces mounting the invasion of Iraq in 2003. Though lightly populated, political Arabia is noted for a high population growth rate – as the result of both strong inflows of migrant labor as well as sustained high birth rates; the population tends to be young and skewed gender ratio dominated by males. In many states, the number of South Asians exceeds that of the local citizenry.
The four smallest states, which have their entire coastlines on the Persian Gulf, exhibit the world's most extreme population growth tripling every 20 years. In 2014, the estimated population of the Arabian Peninsula was 77,983,936; the Arabian Peninsula is known for having one of the most uneven adult sex ratios in the world with females in some regions constituting only a quarter of vicenarians and tricenarians. Listed here are the human Y-chromosome DNA haplogroups in Arabia Haplogroup J is the most abundant component in the Arabian peninsula, embracing more than 50% of its Y-chromosomes, its two main subclades, show opposite latitudinal gradients in the Middle East. J1-M267 is more abundant in the southern areas, reaching a frequency around 73% in Yemen, whereas J2-M172 is more common in the Levant. J Accounts for the majority of in Saudi Arabia, it seems to be an Adnani marker. Haplogroup J 54.8% Haplogroup E 17.5% R 11.6% Haplogroup T-M184 5.1% Geologically, this region is more appropriately called the Arabian subcontinent because it lies on a tectonic plate of its own, the Arabian Plate, moving incrementally away from the rest of Africa and north, toward Asia, into the Eurasian Plate.
The rocks exposed vary systematically across Arabia, with the oldest rocks exposed in the Arabian-Nubian Shield near the Red Sea, overlain by earlier sediments that become younger towards the Persian Gulf. The best-preserved ophiolite on Earth, the Semail Ophiolite, lies exposed in the mountains of the UAE and northern Oman; the peninsula consists of: A central plateau, the Najd, with fertile valleys and pastures used for the grazing of sheep and other livestock A range of deserts: the Nefud in the north, stony.