The Pomo are an indigenous people of California. The historic Pomo territory in northern California was large, bordered by the Pacific Coast to the west, extending inland to Clear Lake, between Cleone and Duncans Point. One small group, the Northeastern Pomo of the Stonyford vicinity of Colusa County, was separated from the core Pomo area by lands inhabited by Yuki and Wintuan speakers; the name pomo derives from a conflation of the Pomo words and. It meant "those who live at red earth hole" and was once the name of a village in southern Potter Valley near the present-day community of Pomo, it may have referred to local deposits of the red mineral magnesite, used for red beads, or to the reddish earth and clay, such as hematite, mined in the area. In the Northern Pomo dialect, -pomo or -poma was used as a suffix after the names of places, to mean a subgroup of people of the place. By 1877, the use of Pomo had been extended in English to mean the entire people known today as the Pomo; the Pomo had 20 chiefs at the same time.
The people called Pomo were linked by location and cultural expression. They were not or politically linked as one large unified group. Instead, they lived in small groups or bands, linked by geography and marriage. Traditionally they relied upon fishing and gathering for their food; the Pomo Indian cultures are several ethnolinguistic groups that make up a single language family in Northern California. Their historic territory extended from the Pacific Coast between Cleone and Duncans Point to Clear Lake; the Pomo Indians preferred to live in small groups which are called "bands". These bands were linked by geography and marriage; the Pomo cultures encompassed hundreds of independent communities. Like many other Native groups, the Pomo Indian of Northern California relied upon fishing and gathering for their daily food supply, they ate salmon, wild greens, mushrooms, grasshoppers, rabbits and squirrels. Acorns were the most important staple in their diet; the division of labor in Pomo Indian communities involved gathering and preparation of plant-based foods by women, while men were hunters and fishers.
The Pomo Indian culture is famed for its tradition of intricate basketry. A valued basket type incorporates bird feathers into design of the basket's weave; some of their most culturally important dances are "Ghost Dance" and "Far South". During a "Ghost Dance" ceremony, they believed, and a "Far South" dance was celebrated as the rite of passage for children to the tribe. The Pomoan languages became endangered after European colonization of their native territory. Contacts with Russian and English have impacted these languages, many are no longer spoken due to language shift to English. There are about twelve Pomo language varieties. Pomo known as Pomoan or less Kulanapan, is a language family that includes seven distinct and mutually unintelligible languages, including Northern Pomo, Northeastern Pomo, Eastern Pomo, Southeastern Pomo, Central Pomo, Southern Pomo, Kashaya. John Wesley Powell classified the language family as Kulanapan in 1891, using the name first introduced by George Gibbs in 1853.
This name for the language family is derived from the name of one Eastern Pomo village on the south shore of Clear Lake. Powers was the first to refer to this entire language family with the name "Pomo", the geographic names that have been used to refer to the seven individual Pomoan languages were introduced by Barrett; the Pomo people participated in shamanism. It included elaborate acting and dancing ceremonies in traditional costume, an annual mourning ceremony, puberty rites of passage, shamanic intervention with the spirit world, an all-male society that met in subterranean dance rooms; the Pomo believed in a supernatural being, the Kuksu or Guksu, who lived in the south and who came during ceremonies to heal their illnesses. Medicine men dressed up as their interpretation of a healer spirit. A shamanistic movement was the "Messiah Cult", introduced by the Wintun people, it was practiced through 1900. This cult believed in prophets who had dreams, "waking visions" and revelations from "presiding spirits", "virtually formed a priesthood".
The prophets earned much status among the people. The record of Pomo myths, legends and histories is extensive; the body of narratives is classed within the Central California cultural pattern. The Pomo had a strong mythology of world order, it includes the personification of the Kuksu or Guksu healer spirit, spirits from six cardinal directions, the Coyote as their ancestor and creator god. According to some linguistic theories, the Pomo people descend from the Hokan-speaking people. One theory places the ancestral community from which the Pomoan languages and cultures are descended in the Sonoma County, California region; this area was. In this hypothesis, about 7000 BCE, a Hokan-speaking people migrated into the valley and mountain regions around Clear Lake, their language evolved into Proto-Pomo; the lake was rich in resources. About 4000 BCE to 5000 BCE, some of the proto-Pomo migrated into the Russian River Valley and north to present-day Ukiah, their language diverged into western, southern and northern Pomo.
Another people Yukian speakers, lived first in the Ru
The Kucadikadi are a band of Northern Paiute people who live near Mono Lake in Mono County, California. They are the southernmost band of Northern Paiute. Kucadikadi means "eaters of the brine fly pupae", they are known as the Kutsavidökadö, Koza'bittukut'teh, Kotsa'va, Mono Lake Paiute, Mono Basin Paiute, Kuzedika. Lamb gives the Mono language name as "larvae eaters", or Mono Lake Paviotso; the term "Mono Lake Paiute," a holdover from early anthropological literature, has proven problematic. The Kucadikadi's homeland surrounds Mono Lake in eastern California, but they traditionally traveled to Walker Lake, Nevada for seasonal subsistence activities. Mono Lake is a high piedmont area of the Sierra Nevada; the average elevation of the Mono Lake basin is around 6,400 feet above sea level. The surrounding mountains range from 9,000 to 13,000 ft in elevation. Mono Lake is saline and is home to several waterfowl species and the brine fly, or Ephydra hians or Hydropyrus hians, from which the band takes its name.
Pinus monophylla or piñon pine has been an importance source of food, as were jackrabbits, mountain sheep, the coloradia Pandora moth. The extended family was the band's basic social units, they traded with Owens Valley Western Mono. Three late 19th-century winter houses belonging to the tribe have been excavated by archaeologists, they are conical houses constructed with posts of Utah juniper or Juniperus osteosperma. Winter houses of this type, called tomogani, were built by the band up to 1920; the Kucadikadi speak the Northern Paiute language, in the Numic branch of the Uto-Aztecan language family. The band is well known for its basketry, they wove coiled baskets as well as twined baskets. Bracken fern and redbud provide color for designs on coiled baskets. In the late 19th and early 20th centuries, encroachment of non-Natives in their territory disrupted traditional hunting and gathering lifestyles, so members of the tribe relied on the tourist trade. Selling elaborate baskets to non-Indian tourists became viable way of making a living.
Glass beads were introduced by non-Indians, Kucadikadi women began incorporating the seed beads into their baskets by 1908. Many members of the Kucadikadi band are enrolled in federally recognized Paiute, Yokuts and Western Mono tribes. Others are seeking recognition as the Sierra Southern Miwuk and the Mono Lake Indian Community, headquartered in Lee Vining, California. Carrie Bethel, basket weaver Nellie Charlie, basket weaver Tina Charlie, basket weaver Lucy Telles, basket weaver Fowler, Catherine S. and Sven Liljeblad. "Northern Paiute". Handbook of North American Indians: Great Basin, Volume 11. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1986. ISBN 978-0-16-004581-3. Kelly, Isabel T. and Catherine S. Fowler. "Southern Paiute". Handbook of North American Indians: Great Basin, Volume 11. Washington, DC: Smithsonian Institution, 1986: 368-397. ISBN 978-0-16-004581-3. Pritzker, Barry M. A Native American Encyclopedia: History and Peoples. Oxford: Oxford University Press, 2000. ISBN 978-0-19-513877-1 "Native American Story of Mono Lake Paiute", Reznet News video
The Cahto are an indigenous Californian group of Native Americans. Today most descendants are enrolled as the federally recognized tribe, the Cahto Indian Tribe of the Laytonville Rancheria, a small group of Cahto are enrolled in the Round Valley Indian Tribes of the Round Valley Reservation. Cahto is a Northern Pomo word, meaning "lake", which referred to an important Cahto village site, called Djilbi; the Cahto are sometimes referred to as the Kato people. The tribe controls the Laytonville Rancheria known as the Cahto Rancheria, a federal Indian reservation of Cahto and Pomo people; the rancheria is 264 acres large and located three miles west of Laytonville in Mendocino County. It was founded in 1906; the reservation's population is about 188. The Cahto flag, representing their sovereign nation, features a stylized bear claw outlined in white and centered on a black pictograph representing the Cahto ancestral lake home; the pictograph is centered on a red field surrounded with a red border.
The Words "CAHTO TRIBE" is written in white block letters above the lake pictograph. The bear claw is placed to indicate the importance of the bear as one of their most important tribal totems; the lake symbol denotes their ancestral lands, the color red indicates the blood of their people, white is for the purity of their spirit, the black is for the rich lake bottomland that sustained their ancestors. This flag is of modern creation and not traditional, it was adopted in 2013. The Cahto Indian Tribe is run by a democratically elected tribal council; the current tribal executive committee is: Aimie Lucas, Chairwoman Tasheena Sloan, Vice-Chair, Kendra Campbell, Secretary-Treasurer Karen Wilson, Member at Large. The tribe operates its own housing authority, tribal police, EPA office. Economic development comes from revenues generated by the tribe's Red Fox Casino, located in Laytonville; the Kato language is one of four Athabaskan languages. The others were Eel River Athabaskan, Mattole-Bear River, Hupa-Chilula.
Most Kato speakers were bilingual in Northern Pomo. The Kato lived farthest south of all the Athapascans in California, occupying Cahto Valley and Long Valley, in general the country south of Blue Rock and between the headwaters of the two main branches of Eel River; this region is veined with streams. Most of these are torrential during the rainy winters. In the early 18th century, the Cahto lived in 50 village sites. Traditionally, the Cahto made such articles of stone, horn and skin, as were made in northern California; the primitive costume for both men and women was a tanned deer-skin, wrapped about the waist, a close-fitting knitted cap, which kept in place the knot of hair at the back of the head. At a period, the Cahto garment included a shirt made of two deer-skins, laced down the front and reaching to the knees. Both men and women had tattoos on their faces and the chest: designs consisted of upright lines, both broken and straight. In constructing a Cahto house, a circular excavation about two feet deep was prepared, in it, at the corners of a square were erected four forked posts.
The front pair were a little taller than the other, so that the roof would have a slight pitch to the rear. The roof was so small that it was of much less importance in determining the final shape of the house than was the circularity of the base; the space between the posts were stuffed with bunches of long grasses, slabs of wood and bark. An opening in the roof served to carry off smoke, the doorway was a narrow opening in front from ground to roof; as many as three families occupied one of these little houses, with all persons cooking at the same fire. For summer camps, brush lean-tos were set up; the dog was the only domesticated animal. A favorite pastime for the females was to assemble early in the evening for singing in chorus. One of the best singers would lead, two others kept time by striking one bone with another; the men took no part but listened. Each village had its chief, dog sled, some villages, a second chief; the chief’s son succeeded to the office, but if a headman died without sons, the people, by common consent and without formal voting, selected from among themselves the man whom they regarded as best fitted for the place.
The duty of a chief was to be the adviser of his people. When anything of great importance was to be decided, the village chief summoned the council, which comprised all the elder men; each expressed his opinion, the chief would go along with the consensus. Many of the social practices of the Kato tribe show how they were influenced by the culture of northern-central California. Children of both sexes were required to observe certain rites at the age of puberty. Annually in midsummer, a group of boys, ranging from 12 to 16 years old, were led out to a solitary place by two men, one of whom was the teacher. Here, they received instructions in mythology and the supposed origin of customs, such as the mortuary rites, shamanistic practices and puberty observances. In the winter, these boys assembled again in the ceremonial house and remained there during the four winter months for instructions on tribal folklore. At puberty, a girl began to live a quiet and abstemious life for five months, remaining always in or near the house, abstaining from meat, drinking little water.
She was not permitted to work. Marriage was arranged between the two persons concerned, without consulting a
The Atsugewi are Native Americans residing in northeastern California, United States. Their traditional lands are near Mount Shasta the Pit River drainage on Burney and Dixie Valley or Horse Creeks, they are related to the Achomawi and consisted of two groups. The Atsugé traditionally are from the Hat Creek area, the Apwaruge are from the Dixie Valley, they lived to the south of the Achomawi. The Atsugewi traditionally lived by hunting and gathering and lived in small groups without centralized political authority. There was a cultural division based on the area of habitation. Inhabitants of Hat Creek were known as Atsuge. In turn the residents of Apwariwa or Dixie Valley were known as the "juniper tree people" or Mahuopani. Exchanges of gifts and commercial trades were common between the two bands. Relations with the nearby Achomawi settlements were varied for both Atsugewi bands. For example interactions between the territoriality adjacent band of Achomawi, the Illmawi, the Atsuge were terse; these bad feelings arose in part from particular Atsuge trespassing upon Illmawi territory while traveling through to collect obsidian from the nearby Glass Mountain.
In general however the Achomawi speaking peoples were the principal trading destination for most Atsugewi manufactured goods and foodstuffs. Contact between the Achomawi and Atsugewi speakers with the Klamath and Modoc to the north wasn't documented. Despite this Garth found it probable that there were extensive interactions between the cultures prior to the adoption of horses by the Northerners. Leslie Spier concluded that their Modoc relatives gained horses in the 1820s. Atsugewi settlements were attacked by Modoc. Outsahone was applied to both the Modoc peoples. Captured people would be sold into slavery at an intertribal slave market at The Dalles in present-day Oregon. Atsugewi manufactured bows were prized by the neighboring Klamath, Paiute and Achomawi. Called dumidiyi, the bows were of a similar design to those made by the Yurok; the best dumidiyi were made of yew wood by the Atsuge. As peaceable relations developed with Paiute groups by 1870, these yew bows became a common trade item; the visiting Paiute would bring stockpiles of buckskins, red ochre, glass beads and shell currency created from Olivella biplicata shells in central and southern California.
In return these trading goods were exchanged for Atsugewi bow goods. The Tolowa, Yurok, Klamath and groups of Western Mono and Paiute were among those known to have adopted buckskin clothing from the distant Plains Indians. For the Astugewi, this new clothing was called dwákawi, they didn’t employ a system of smoking the fresh skins. Only buckskins for formal occasions were smoked; the Astugewi didn’t recognise the water resistance given the smoking process. Garth conjectured that the treating the buckskins with smoke was a recent development, having "a close connection with the introduction of buckskin clothing itself" but lacked direct evidence of this trend. A full list of Atsugewi plants can be found at http://naeb.brit.org/uses/tribes/19/. The Atsugewi language is a Palaihnihan language; as of 1994, an estimated three people spoke Atsugewi. The majority of the tribe speaks English. Today many Atsugewi are enrolled in the Pit River Tribe, while some Atsugewi people are members of the Susanville Indian Rancheria.
Estimates for the pre-contact populations of most native groups in California have varied substantially. Alfred L. Kroeber estimated the combined 1770 population of the Achumawi and Atsugewi as 3,000. A more detailed analysis by Fred B. Kniffen arrived at the same figure. T. R. Garth estimated the Atsugewi population at a maximum of 850. Kroeber estimated the combined population of the Achumawi and Astugewi in 1910 as 1,100; the population was given as about 500 in 1936. Atsugewi language Atsugewi traditional narratives Achomawi Atsugewi, College of the Siskiyous Atsugewi, Four Directions Institute Atsugewi Bibliography, from California Indian Library Collections Project
California mission clash of cultures
The California mission clash of cultures occurred at the Spanish Missions in California during the Spanish Las Californias-New Spain and Mexican Alta California eras of control, with lasting consequences after American statehood. The Missions were religious outposts established by Spanish Catholic Franciscans from 1769 to 1823 for the purpose of protecting Spain's territory by settlements and converting the Californian Native Americans to a Christian religion; the Spanish occupation of California brought some negative consequences to the Native American cultures and populations, both those the missionaries were in contact with and others that were traditional trading partners. These aspects have received more research in recent decades. One of the tasks assigned to early Spanish explorers of California was to report on the native peoples found there; the Portolá expedition of 1769-70 was the first European land exploration, reaching as far north as San Francisco Bay. Several members of the expedition kept diaries that, among other things, described interactions with and observations about the natives.
The most detailed of these diaries was by Franciscan missionary Juan Crespí. A report written by Pedro Fages, one of the expedition's military officers, was influential. Before the padres could abandon their interim missions and begin work on more permanent structures, they had to first attract and convert a sufficiently large number of local Indians, who would comprise the major portion of their work force; the priests offered beads, blankets food to the "heathens" to attract them to the prospects of mission life and convince them to move into the mission compound or a nearby village. Each Indian was expected to contribute a certain number of hours' labor each week towards making adobes or roof tiles, working on construction crews, performing some type of handicraft, or farming. Women wove cloth, prepared meals, washed clothes, were responsible for whatever domestic chores arose at the mission. In 1811, the Spanish Viceroy in Mexico sent an interrogatorio to all missions in Alta California regarding the customs and condition of the Mission Indians.
The replies, which varied in length and value of information, were collected and prefaced by the Father-Presidente with a short general statement or abstract. He sent the compilation to the viceregal government; the contemporary nature of the responses, no matter how incomplete or biased some may be, are nonetheless of considerable value to modern ethnologists. The Indians spent much of their days learning the Christian faith, attended worship services several times a day; when Spain lost control of Las Californias and all of New Spain, due to the Mexican War for Independence succeeding, it left Spanish Franciscan missionaries, suspect to the new Mexican government, managing the mission building complexes in the new Alta California. Mexican secularization act of 1833 ended the mission system. Much of the prime agricultural lands had Californios with Spanish land grants who remained, who tended to utilize the Indian peoples as a form of enslaved labor; the Mexican land grant period formed many more ranchos in California from mission and Native American lands.
In recent years, much debate has arisen as to the actual treatment of the Indians during the Mission Period, Native American scholars claim that the California Mission system is directly responsible for the decline of the Native American populations. It has been held that most Indians enjoyed their new lives, that many were able to sustain themselves after the fall of the mission system by utilizing the skills they had acquired at the missions; the Indians were purportedly granted leave to visit their villages and participated in many ceremonies and celebrations throughout the year at the urging of their benefactors. Modern anthropologists cite a cultural bias on the part of the missionaries that blinded them to the natives' plight and caused them to develop strong negative opinions of the Californian Native Americans. Evidence has now been brought to light that puts the Californian Native Americans' experiences in a different context. For instance, women were quartered separately from the men, regardless of marital status.
In addition, Native American cultural and spiritual beliefs about marriage and sex were disrespected or punished. Once an Indian agreed to become part of the mission community, he or she was forbidden to leave it without a padre's permission, from on led a regimented life learning "civilized" ways from the Spaniards. Indians were subjected to corporal punishment and other discipline as determined by the padres; the pre-contact population of California had been reduced by 33 percent during Spanish and Mexican rule, but, caused by epidemics. Under American rule, when most of the twenty-one missions were in ruins, the loss of indigenous lives was catastrophic—80 percent died, leaving just 30,000 in 1870, and nearly half of those losses were due not to murder. Baja California experienced a similar reduction in native population resulting from Spanish colonization efforts there. Mission Indians Population of Native California Native Americans in the United States Spanish colonization of the Americas Las Californias Alta California Ranchos of California Indigenous peoples of the Americas Classification of indigenous peoples of the Americas California 4th Grade Mission Project
The Coast Miwok are an indigenous people, the second largest group of Miwok people. The Coast Miwok inhabited the general area of modern Marin County and southern Sonoma County in Northern California, from the Golden Gate north to Duncans Point and eastward to Sonoma Creek; the Coast Miwok included the Bodega Bay Miwok, from authenticated Miwok villages around Bodega Bay, the Marin Miwok. The Coast Miwok spoke their own Coast Miwok language in the Utian linguistic group, they lived by hunting and gathering, lived in small bands without centralized political authority. In the springtime they would head to the coasts including seaweed. Otherwise their staple foods were acorns—particularly from black and tan oak–nuts and wild game, such as deer and cottontail rabbits and black-tailed deer, Odocoileus hemionus columbianus, a coastal subspecies of the California mule deer, Odocoileus hemionus; when hunting deer, Miwok hunters traditionally used Brewer's angelica, Angelica breweri to eliminate their own scent.
Miwok did not hunt bears. Yerba buena tea leaf were used medicinally. Tattooing was a traditional practice among Coast Miwok, they burned poison oak for a pigment, their traditional houses, called "kotcha" were constructed with slabs of tule grass or redwood bark in a cone-shaped form. Miwok people are skilled at basketry. A recreated Coast Miwok village called; the Coast Miwok language is no longer natively spoken, but the Bodega dialect is documented in Callaghan. The original Coast Miwok people world view included animism, one form of this took was the Kuksu religion, evident in Central and Northern California; this included elaborate acting and dancing ceremonies in traditional costume, an annual mourning ceremony, puberty rites of passage, shamanic intervention with the spirit world and an all-male society that met in subterranean dance rooms. Kuksu was shared with other indigenous ethnic groups of Central California, such as their neighbors the Pomo Maidu, Ohlone and northernmost Yokuts; however Kroeber observed less "specialized cosmogony" in the Miwok, which he termed one of the "southern Kuksu-dancing groups", in comparison to the Maidu and other northern California tribes.
Coast Miwok mythology and narratives were similar to those of other natives of Central and Northern California. The Coast Miwok believed in animal and human spirits, saw the animal spirits as their ancestors. Coyote was seen as their creator god. In their case the earth began with land formed out of the Pacific Ocean. In their myths, legends and histories, the Coast Miwok participated in the general cultural pattern of Central California; the authenticated Coast Miwok villages are: On Bodega Bay: Helapattai, Hime-takala, Ho-takala, Tiwut-huya, Tokau. In this vicinity: Awachi, Kennekono. On Tomales Bay: Echa-kolum, Shotommo-wi, Utumia At the present-day City of Petaluma: Etem, Petaluma. In this vicinity: Tuchayelin, Meleya, Tulme, Wotoki. At the present-day City of San Rafael: Awani-wi. At the present-day City of Sonoma: Huchi. In this vicinity: Temblek, Wugilwa. At the present-day City of Cotati: Kotati, Lumen-takala. In this vicinity: Payinecha. At the present-day town of Nicasio: Echa-tamal. At the present-day town of Olema: Olema-loke.
At the present-day City of Sausalito: Liwanelowa. Near the present-day town of Bolinas: Bauli-n Near the present-day town of Freestone: Oye-yomi, Patawa-yomi. Near the present-day town of Ignacio: Ewu, Shotokmo-cha. Near the present-day City of Novato: Chokeche, Olompolli. Near the present-day town of Valley Ford: Ewapalt, Uli-yomi. Near the present-day town of Salmon Creek: Pulya-lakum. Documentation of Miwok peoples dates back as early as 1579 by a priest on a ship under the command of Sir Francis Drake. Other verification of occupancy exists from Spanish and Russian voyagers between 1595 and 1808. Over 1000 prehistoric charmstones and numerous arrowheads have been unearthed at Tolay Lake in Southern Sonoma County - some dating back 4000 years; the lake was thought to be a sacred site and ceremonial gathering and healing place for the Miwok and others in the region. Coast Miwok would camp on the coast and bays at peak fishing seasons. After the Europeans arrived in California, the population declined from diseases introduced by the Europeans.
Beginning in 1783, mission ecclesiastical records show that Coast Miwok individuals began to join Mission San Francisco de Asis, now known as Mission Dolores. They started joining that mission in large numbers in 1803, when the marriages of 49 couples from their Huimen and Guaulen local tribes appeared in the Mission San Francisco Book of Marriages. Local tribes from farther and farther north along the shore of San Pablo Bay moved to Mission San Francisco through the year 1812. In 1814 the Spanish authorities began to split the northern groups—Alagualis, Chocoimes and Petalumas—sending a portion of each group to Mission San Francisco and another portion to Mission San Jose in the southeast portion of the San Francisco Bay Area. By the end of
The Whilkut known as "Redwood Creek Indians" or "Mad River Indians" were an Athapaskan tribe, speaking a dialect similar to the Hupa and Chilula, who inhabited the area on or near the upper Redwood Creek and along the Mad River except near its mouth, up to Iaqua Butte, some settlement in Grouse Creek in the Trinity River drainage in Northwestern California, before contact with Europeans. Little is known of the Whilkut culture beyond its similarity to that of the Hupa and that they were considered by the Hupa and Chilula as a poorer, less settled hill people. Following the gold rush in Northwestern California, routes of pack trains between Humboldt Bay and Weaverville, lay through their territory, their population, never large, was drastically reduced in the 1858-1864 Bald Hills War. Estimated to have 250-350 warriors at the start of the war, the survivors were taken to the Hupa reservation soon after its establishment. After 1870 they drifted back to their traditional homes. Only 50 remained in the 1910 census.
In 1972 only a remnant was left only 20 to 25 individuals. Alfred Louis Kroeber, Handbook of the Indians of California, Volume 1, Kessinger Publishing, 2006, pp. 123, 141. Hupa and Whilkut by William J. Wallace from Robert Heizer, William C. Sturtevant, Handbook of North American Indians: California, Volume 3, Government Printing Office, Washington, 1978, pp. 178-179 Population of Native California Native Americans in California