Lyudmila Mikhaylovna Alexeyeva was a Russian historian and human rights activist, a founding member of the Moscow Helsinki Watch Group, one of the last Soviet dissidents active in modern Russia. In April 1968, Alexeyeva was expelled from the Communist Party and fired from her job at the publishing house. Nonetheless, she continued her activities in defense of human rights. From 1968 to 1972 she worked clandestinely as a typist for the first underground bulletin The Chronicle of Current Events devoted to human rights violations in the USSR. In February 1977, Alexeyeva fled from the USSR to the United States following a crackdown against members of The Chronicle by Soviet authorities. In the US Alexeyeva continued to advocate for human rights improvements in Russia and worked on a freelance basis for Radio Free Europe/Radio Liberty and Voice of America, she became a US citizen in 1982. She wrote on the Soviet dissident movement for both English and Russian language publications in the US and elsewhere, in 1985 she published the first comprehensive monograph on the history of the movement, Soviet Dissent.
In addition, after moving to the United States, Alexeyeva took up freelance radio journalism for Radio Liberty and the Russian language section of the Voice of America. In 1990 she published The Thaw Generation, an autobiography that described the formation of the Soviet dissident movement and was co-written with Paul Goldberg. In 1989 she restarted the Moscow Helsinki Group following its dissolution in 1982. In 1993, after the dissolution of the Soviet Union, she returned to Russia, she became a chairperson of the Moscow Helsinki Group in 1996. In 2000, Alexeyeva joined a commission set up to advise President Vladimir Putin on human rights issues, a move that triggered criticism from some other rights activists. Alexeyeva was critical of the Kremlin's human rights record and accused the government of numerous human rights violations including the regular prohibitions of non-violent meetings and demonstrations and encouragement of extremists with its nationalistic policies, such as the mass deportations of Georgians in 2006 and police raids against foreigners working in street markets.
She has criticized the law enforcers’ conduct in Ingushetia and has warned that growing violence in the republic may spread to the whole Russian Federation. In 2006, she was accused by the Russian authorities of involvement with British intelligence and received threats from nationalist groups. From August 31, 2009, Alexeyeva was an active participant in Strategy-31 – the regular protest rallies of citizens on Moscow's Triumfalnaya Square in defense of the 31st Article of the Russian Constitution. On December 31, 2009, during one of these attempted protests, Alexeyeva was detained by the riot police and taken with scores of others to a police station; this event provoked strong reaction in Russia and abroad. Jerzy Buzek, the President of the European Parliament, was "deeply disappointed and shocked" at the treatment of Alexeyeva and others by the police; the National Security Council of the United States expressed "dismay" at the detentions. The New York Times published a front-page article about the protest rally.
On March 30, 2010, Alexeyeva was assaulted in the Park Kultury metro station by a man as she was paying respect to the victims of the 2010 Moscow Metro Bombings. At the Lake Seliger youth camp, the Nashi youth movement branded her "a Nazi" and an enemy of the Russian people. Alexeyeva was opposed to the 2014 Russian annexation of her native Crimea, saying "that the seizure of Crimea has shamed my country." On her 90th birthday she was visited at her home by Russian president Vladimir Putin, despite her longstanding criticism of him. She died in a Moscow hospital on 8 December 2018. No cause was given. Alexeyeva's last words for publication were written to celebrate the seventieth anniversary of the Universal Declaration of Human Rights, although she died two days short of that anniversary, she lamented the weakening of civil society through state propaganda and manipulation, she drew attention to the weakness of legal culture and of democratic institutions in contemporary Russia, as well as political cynicism and populism which - not just in Russia - treat carelessly the systems and institutions necessary to support human values.
Alexeyeva received the following awards and prizes for her human rights activities: 2004 — Olof Palme Prize 2005 — Person of the Year Prize of the Federation of the Jewish Communities of Russia 2007 — The Order of the French Legion of Honour 2009 — The Order of Merit of the Federal Republic of Germany 2009 — Sakharov Prize for Freedom of Thought 2012 — The Order of the Cross of Terra Mariana, 3rd class 2015 — The Václav Havel Human Rights Prize 2017 — State Prize of the Russian Federation "Statement of Lyudmila Alekseeva and Lidia Voronina, accompanied by Edward Kline". Basket III: implementation of the Helsinki Accords. Hearings before the Commission on Security and Cooperation in Europe. Ninety-fifth congress. First session on implementation of the Helsinki Accords. Vol. IV. Washington, D. C.: U. S. Government Printing Office. 1977. Pp. 29–39. Archived from the original on 23 November 2015. Alexeyeva, Ludmilla. "The human rights movement in the USSR". Survey. 23: 72–85. ISSN 0039-6192. Alexeyeva, Lyudmila.
Vasile Bătrânac was the head of the anti-Soviet group Arcaşii lui Ştefan and a political prisoner in the Soviet Union. His father was Ion Bătrânac, arrested in 1944 for anti-Soviet activity. National Organization of Bessarabia Arcaşii lui Ştefan was formed in 1945, on the territory of the former Soroca County by teachers Vasile Bătrânac, Victor Solovei, Nicolae Prăjină, Teodosie Guzun, Anton Romaşcan a student, Nichita Brumă. Vasile Bătrânac was the head of the organization. Vasile Plopeanu is a conspirative name that Vasile Bătrânac used while he was the head of the organization from Soroca. In March 1947, the organization had 140 members. On March 23, 1947, Vasile Bătrânac and Vasile Cvasniuc were arrested. On June 11, 1947, he was sent to Siberia. Ştefan Tudor, Organizaţia Naţională din Basarabia "Arcaşii lui Ştefan", Basarabia, 1992, nr.9 Ştefan Tudor, O. N. B. "Arcaşii lui Ştefan" în Literatura şi Arta, nr 14, 16, 19, 21, 24, 25, 26 1997, aprilie-iunie Mihail Ursachi, Organizatia Nationala Din Basarabia Arcaşii lui Ştefan: Amintiri, Rezistenţă armată anticomunistă Organizația Națională din Basarabia “Arcașii lui Ștefan”
The Czechs or the Czech people, are a West Slavic ethnic group and a nation native to the Czech Republic in Central Europe, who share a common ancestry, culture and Czech language. Ethnic Czechs were called Bohemians in English until the early 20th century, referring to the medieval land of Bohemia which in turn was adapted from late Iron Age tribe of Celtic Boii. During the Migration Period, West Slavic tribes of Bohemians settled in the area, "assimilated the remaining Celtic and Germanic populations", formed a principality in the 9th century, part of Great Moravia, in form of Duchy of Bohemia and Kingdom of Bohemia, the predecessors of the modern republic; the Czech diaspora is found in notable numbers in the United States, Israel, Germany, Switzerland, the United Kingdom, Russia and Brazil, among others. The Czech ethnic group is part of the West Slavic subgroup of the larger Slavic ethno-linguistical group; the West Slavs have their origin in early Slavic tribes which settled in Central Europe after East Germanic tribes had left this area during the migration period.
The West Slavic tribe of Bohemians settled in the area of Bohemia during the migration period, assimilated the remaining Celtic and Germanic populations. They formed a principality in the 9th century, the Duchy of Bohemia, under the Přemyslid dynasty, part of the Great Moravia under Svatopluk I. According to mythology, the founding father of the Czech people were Forefather Čech, who according to legend brought the tribe of Czechs into its land; the Czech are related to the neighbouring Slovaks. The Czech–Slovak languages form a dialect continuum rather than being two distinct languages. Czech cultural influence in Slovak culture is noted as having been much higher than the other way around. Czech people have a long history of coexistence with Germanic people. In the 17th century, German replaced Czech in local administration; the Czech National Revival took place in the 18th and 19th centuries aiming to revive Czech language and national identity. The Czech were the initiators of Pan-Slavism; the Czech ethnonym was the name of a Slavic tribe in central Bohemia that subdued the surrounding tribes in the late 9th century and created the Czech/Bohemian state.
The origin of the name of the tribe itself is unknown. According to legend, it comes from their leader Čech. Research regards Čech as a derivative of the root čel-; the Czech ethnonym was adopted by the Moravians in the 19th century. The population of the Czech lands has been influenced by different human migrations that wide-crossed Europe over time. In their Y-DNA haplogroups, which are inherited along the male line, Czechs have shown a mix of Eastern and Western European traits. According to a 2007 study, 34.2% of Czech males belong to R1a. Within the Czech Republic, the proportion of R1a seems to increase from west to east According to a 2000 study, 35.6% of Czech males have haplogroup R1b, common in Western Europe among Germanic and Celtic nations, but rare among Slavic nations. A mtDNA study of 179 individuals from Western Bohemia showed that 3% had East Eurasian lineages that entered the gene pool through admixture with Central Asian nomadic tribes in the early Middle Ages. A group of scientists suggested that the high frequency of a gene mutation causing cystic fibrosis in Central European and Celtic populations supports the theory of some Celtic ancestry among the Czech population.
The population of the Czech Republic descends from diverse peoples of Slavic and Germanic origin. Presence of West Slavs in the 6th century during the Migration Period has been documented on the Czech territory. Slavs settled in Bohemia and Austria sometime during the 6th or 7th centuries, "assimilated the remaining Celtic and Germanic populations". According to a popular myth, the Slavs came with Forefather Čech. During the 7th century, the Frankish merchant Samo, supporting the Slavs fighting against nearby settled Avars, became the ruler of the first known Slav state in Central Europe, the Samo's Empire; the principality Great Moravia, controlled by the Moymir dynasty, arose in the 8th century and reached its zenith in the 9th when it held off the influence of the Franks. Great Moravia was Christianized, the crucial role played Byzantine mission of Methodius; the Duchy of Bohemia emerged in the late 9th century. In 880, Prague Castle was constructed by Prince Bořivoj, founder of the Přemyslid dynasty and the city of Prague was established.
Vratislav II was the first Czech king in 1085 and the duchy was raised to a hereditary kingdom under Ottokar I in 1198. The second half of the 13th century was a period of advancing German immigration into the Czech lands; the number of Czechs who have at least German ancestry today runs into hundreds of thousands. The Habsburg Monarchy focused much of its power on religious wars against the Protestants. While these religious wars were taking place, the Czech estates revolted against Habsburg from 1546 to 1547 but were defeated. Defenestrations of Prague in 1618, signaled an open revolt by the Bohemian estates against the Habsburgs and started the Thirty Years' War. After the Battle
Central Council of Ukraine
The Central Council of Ukraine was the All-Ukrainian council that united the political, public and professional organizations of the Ukrainian People's Republic. After the All-Ukrainian National Congress, the Council became the revolutionary parliament in the interbellum lasting until the Ukrainian-Soviet War. From its beginning the council directed the Ukrainian national movement and with its four Universals led the country from autonomy to full sovereignty. During its brief existence from 1917 to 1918, the Central Rada, headed by the Ukrainian historian and ethnologist Mykhailo Hrushevsky, evolved into the fundamental governing institution of the Ukrainian People's Republic and set precedents in parliamentary democracy and national independence that formed the basis of an independent Ukrainian identity after the dissolution of the Soviet Union. During the Soviet-era official ideology described the Central Council as a counter-revolutionary body of the bourgeoisie and petty-bourgeois nationalist parties.
The Central Council was founded in Kiev on 17 March 1917 at the initiative of the Society of Ukrainian Progressionists and with the participation of various Ukrainian political parties, Ukrainian military activists, religious activists, entrepreneurs and cultural organizations such as the Ukrainian Science Society, the Ukrainian Pedagogic Society, the Society of Ukrainian Technicians and Agriculturists, etc. Mykhailo Hrushevsky was elected as the Head of the Rada while Volodymyr Naumenko, Dmytro Doroshenko, Dmytro Antonovych were appointed as his deputies. On March 22, 1917 the Rada published its first declaration - To the Ukrainian people - in support of the Russian Provisional Government; when Mykhailo Hrushevsky assumed his duties on March 27, 1917, the Rada became an acting center of the Ukrainian national movement. But straight after the convocation of the All-Ukrainian National Congress, the Rada transformed into a provisional parliament that consisted of 150 members elected from the Ukrainian political parties and cultural organizations and delegates from the guberniyas.
During the National Congress Hrushevsky was reelected as the chairman of the Rada, while the leaders of the most popular political parties Serhiy Yefremov and Volodymyr Vynnychenko were appointed as his deputies. During the lifetime of the Central Rada nine plenary sessions took place - eight in 1917, one in 1918 - and one extended session of the Mala Rada. Prior to the First Ukrainian Universal the Central Rada was increased by 130 representatives that were delegated by the II Military Congress and 133 members of the Peasants' Deputies Council who were elected at the I All-Ukrainian Peasants' Congress; the Mala Rada was the Central Executive Committee of the Central Rada. It was consisted of 30 members; the elected Chairman of the Small Council was Hrushevsky who held the position in addition to his role as Chairman of the Central Rada. His deputies were Yefremov. All important matters were addressed at meetings of the Mala Rada in the first instance and the designed projects were ratified at the plenum of the Central Rada.
After the declaration of autonomy the Central Rada elected the General Secretariat, an autonomous government of Ukraine consisting of eight secretariats. The Soviet Encyclopedia pointed to the fact that autonomy was declared in spite of the Provisional Government and the Central Rada compromised and postponed the declaration until the convention of a Constituent Assembly; the Encyclopedia did not discuss the details and the factors upon which the Rada based its decision and described it as deceptive. While in fact the Russian Provisional Government and Alexander Kerensky, in particular issued the Instruktsiya on 16 July 1917 in which it recognized regional autonomy and the General Secretariat, although it declared substantial changes to the Rada's proposition and decided to "appoint as the supreme body of government of regional affairs in Ukraine a separate body, the General Secretariat, the composition of which will be determined in agreement with the Central Rada". According to the instruction the Secretariat was to be the representative body of the Provisional Government.
Such a response disappointed Vynnychenko who dissolved his cabinet. After acknowledgment by the Central Rada of the Provisional Government Instruktsiya, it issued its Second Universal confirming the agreement between both governments; the composition of the Rada was increased by 100 representatives elected at the I All-Ukrainian Workers' Congress and other representatives of minorities. Texts of the Tsentralna Rada UniversalsText of the I Universal Text of the II Universal Soviet Encyclopedia outlookThe Soviet Encyclopedia claims that the Rada took an aggressive opposition against the October Revolution as well as the Kiev Bolshevik Uprising; the Rada, by pulling towards Kiev the nationalist military units, overtook the government and on November 13 occupied the city. A week it declared itself the supreme government of the UNR and established a strict terrorist regime. On 25 December 1917 the All-Ukrainian Congress of Soviet Ukraine declared the Rada illegitimate while its participants organized an parallel government to oppose it.
The Soviet Encyclop
Boykos, or Highlanders are a Ukrainian ethnographic group located in the Carpathian Mountains of Ukraine, Slovakia and Poland. Along with the neighboring Lemkos and Hutsuls, the Boykos are a sub-group of the Ukrainian people and speak a dialect of the Ukrainian language. Boykos differ from their neighbors in dialect, folk architecture, customs. In Ukraine, the classification of Boykos and other Rusyns as an East Slavic ethnicity, distinct from Ukrainians is controversial. According to the 2011 Ukraine census only 131 people identified themselves as Boykos, separate from Ukrainians. However, this figure is distorted because some people otherwise identifiable as Boykos regard that name as derogatory. In the Polish census of 2011, 258 people identified their nationality as Boyko, with 14 people listing it as their only national identification. Poland: southeasternmost part of Poland. Ukraine: central and western half of the Carpathians in Ukraine across such regions as the southern Lviv Oblast, western Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast and parts of the northeastern Zakarpattia Oblast northeast SlovakiaTo the west of Boykos live Lemkos, east or southeast - Hutsuls, to the south or southwest - Carpathian Rusyns.
The name "Boyko" is thought by some to originate in their patterns of speech the use of the affirmative exclamation "bo-ye!", meaning the only or because it is so. Example: "Nu, bo vono tak i ye.", "This is the way it is." In modern Ukrainian language, the word bo is not common and considered to be an archaism, yielding to its alternative ale. The word bo was first coined by the priest Joseph Levytsky in the foreword of his Hramatyka. One view proposed by Soviet scholars considers the Boykos an autochthonous population with specific language and dialectal features, of which their use of bo ye meaning "yes" is a prominent example. An older view proposed by the 19th century authors I. Vahylevych, Ya. Holovatsky, P. Šafárik links the Boyos to the Celtic Boii, a tribe unattested since the beginning of the Christian Era. According to some researchers, the Boykos have a Vlach/Romanian origin Most Boykos belong to the Ukrainian Greek Catholic Church, with a minority belonging to the Ukrainian Orthodox Church.
The distinctive wooden church architecture of the Boyko region is a three-domed church, with the domes arranged in one line, the middle dome larger than the others. In memory of Boykos, Ukraine's national parliament, the Verkhovna Rada, renamed Telmanove Raion into Boykivske Raion where Boykos were deported from Czarna, Bieszczady County after the 1951 Polish–Soviet territorial exchange. Hutsuls Lemko Ukrainians Ruthenians Bojka Ukrainian dance Boychuk Boichuk Anatoliy Ponomariov. "Ethnic groups of Ukrainians". Available online. Nakonechny, Ye. "How Ruthenians became Ukrainians", Zerkalo Nedeli, July, 2005. Available online in Russian and in Ukrainian. Short photo essay about contemporary Boiko life. Boikos in the Encyclopedia of Ukraine Romaniuk, K. Characteristics of Boikos dialect use in Kherson region in the mid 20th century. "Domiv". 8 March 2016
Human rights movement in the Soviet Union
In the 1960s a human rights movement began to emerge in the USSR. Those involved did not share a single set of beliefs. Many wanted a variety of civil rights — freedom of expression, of religious belief, of national self-determination. To some it was crucial to provide a truthful record of what was happening in the country, not the censored version provided in official media outlets. Others still were "reform Communists" who thought it possible to change the Soviet system for the better. Under the pressure of official actions and responses these groups and interests coalesced in the dissident milieu; the fight for civil and human rights focused on issues of freedom of expression, freedom of conscience, freedom to emigrate, punitive psychiatry, the plight of political prisoners. It was characterized by a new openness of dissent, a concern for legality, the rejection of any'underground' and violent struggle. Like other dissidents in the post-Stalin Soviet Union, human rights activists were subjected to a broad range of repressive measures.
They received warnings from the police and the KGB. The documentation of political repressions as well as citizens' reactions to them through samizdat methods played a key role in the formation of the human rights movement. Dissidents collected and distributed transcripts, open letters and appeals relating to specific cases of political repressions; the prototype for this type of writing was journalist Frida Vigdorova's record of the trial of poet Joseph Brodsky. Similar documenting activity was taken up by dissidents in publications such as Alexander Ginzburg's White Book and Pavel Litvinov's The Trial of the Four. From 1968 on, the samizdat periodical A Chronicle of Current Events played a key role for the human rights movement. Founded in April 1968, the Chronicle ran until 1983, it documented the extensive human rights violations committed by the Soviet government and the ever-expanding samizdat publications circulating among the critical and opposition-minded. Podpisanty signatories, were individuals who signed a series of petitions to officials and the Soviet press against political trials of the mid- to late-1960s.
The podpisanty surge reached its high water mark during the trial of writers Aleksandr Ginzburg and Yuri Galanskov in January 1968. The authorities responded to this challenge by offering each podpisant a choice between recantation and some kind of professional punishment. By 1968 more than 1500 people had signed appeals protesting various cases; the first Soviet dissidents to appeal to the world public were Larisa Bogoraz and Pavel Litvinov, who wrote an open letter protesting the trial of samizdat authors Alexander Ginsburg and Yuri Galanskov in January 1968. Appeals to the international community and human rights bodies became a central method of early civic dissident groups such as the Action Group and the Committee on Human Rights, as well as the Helsinki Watch Groups. Limited in scope and number, several demonstrations became significant landmarks of the human rights movement. On 5 December 1965 a small rally in Moscow, which became known as the, the first public and overtly political demonstration took place in the post-Stalin USSR.
Responding to the criminal charges against the writers Andrei Sinyavsky and Yuli Daniel, a few dozen people gathered on Pushkin Square, calling for a trial open to the public and the media, as required by the 1961 RSFSR Code of Criminal Procedure. The demonstration was one of the first organized actions by the civil right movement in the Soviet Union. Silent gatherings on that date became an annual event. A similar demonstration followed in January 1967, when a group of young demonstrators protested against the recent arrests of samizdat authors, against the introduction of new articles to the Criminal Code that restricted the right to protest. Responding to the Soviet invasion of Czechoslovakia, on 25 August 1968 seven dissidents demonstrated on Red Square; the participants were subsequently sentenced to terms of imprisonment in labor camps, banishment to Siberia or incarceration in psychiatric prison-hospitals. On 30 October 1974, dissidents initiated a Day of the Political Prisoner in the USSR, intended to raise awareness of the existence and conditions of political prisoners throughout the Soviet Union.
It was marked by hunger strikes in prisons and labor camps, became an annual event marked by political prisoners in labor camps. Starting with the Action Group formed in 1969 by 15 dissidents and the Committee on Human Rights in the USSR founded in 1970 by Andrei Sakharov, early Soviet human rights groups legitimized their work by referring to the principles enshrined in the Soviet constitution and to international agreements; these attempts were succeeded by the more successful Moscow Helsinki Group. The group as well as the watch groups modeled after it brought the human rights dissidents to increased international attention; the dissident civil and human rights groups were faced with harsh repressions, with most members facing imprisonment, punitive psychiatry, or exile. Families of arrested dissidents suffered repercussions such as the loss of jobs and opportunities to study. Relatives and friends of political prisoners supported each other through informal networks of
Ivano-Frankivsk is a historic city located in Western Ukraine. It is the administrative centre of Ivano-Frankivsk Oblast. Administratively, it is designated as a city of regional significance within the oblast, together with a number of rural localities, is incorporated as Ivano-Frankivsk Municipality. Population: 230,929 . Built in the mid-17th century as a fortress of the Polish Potocki family, Stanisławów was annexed to the Habsburg Empire during the First Partition of Poland in 1772, after which it became the property of the State within the Austrian Empire; the fortress was transformed into one of the most prominent cities at the foothills of the Carpathian Mountains. After World War I, for several months, it served as a temporary capital of the West Ukrainian People's Republic. Following Peace of Riga, Stanisławów became part of the Second Polish Republic. After the Soviet invasion of Poland at the onset of World War II, the city was annexed by the Soviet Union, only to be occupied by Nazi Germany two years later.
With the liberation of Soviet Ukraine in 1944 and the shifting of borders, the Communist regime ran the city for the next four-and-a-half decades. A few years before the fall of the Soviet Union, the blue-yellow flag was raised in the city as the symbol of an independent Ukraine. A city visitor may find elements of various cultures intertwined within Ivano-Frankivsk, the Polish city hall, the Austro-Hungarian city's business center, the Soviet prefabicated apartment blocks at the city's rural–urban fringe, others. Ivano-Frankivsk is one of the principal cities of the Carpathian Euroregion. Stanisławów was founded as a fortress and was named after the Polish hetman Stanisław "Rewera" Potocki; some sources claim. Following the First Partition of Poland in 1772, the name was transliterated as Stanislau in German, as the city became part of the Austrian Empire. Other spellings used in the local press media included: Russian: Станиславов and Yiddish: סטאַניסלאוו. After World War II it was changed by the Soviet authorities into a simplified version Stanislav.
In 1962, on the city's 300th anniversary, it was renamed to honor the Ukrainian writer Ivan Franko. Due to the city's wordy name, unofficially it is sometimes called Franyk by its residents. Though Ivano-Frankivsk is the accepted name, the city's original name has never been abandoned and/or forgotten and can be found throughout the city in all kinds of variations; the name of the city was altered several times through the centuries. It was founded as Stanisławów. In 1939 transliteration changed to Stanislav, in 1941 in 1944 again to Stanislav, and on November 9, 1962, the name was changed by the First Secretary Nikita Khrushchev as an honour to poet Ivan Franko. The town of Stanisławów was founded as a fortress in order to protect the Polish–Lithuanian Commonwealth from Tatar invasions and to defend the multi-ethnic population of the region in case of armed conflicts such as the Khmelnytsky Uprising of 1648; the fort was built next to Zabolotiv village, Knyahynyn. The village of Zabolotiv and the land around it were purchased by Andrzej Potocki from another Polish nobleman, Rzeczkowski.
Stanisławów was issued by Potocki and his declaration establishing the city with Magdeburg rights on May 7, 1662. By 1672, the fortress had been rebuilt from wood to stone and mortar. A new large fortified Potocki palace was erected in the place of an older wood structure. Today this building serves as the military hospital. In the same year Jews were granted the right to become permanent residents, who could work, conduct commerce and travel in and out of the city as they pleased; the city was divided into two districts: Tysmenytsia and Halych. Sometime in 1817–1819 the neighbouring village of Zabolottya, that had a special status, was incorporated into the city as a new district, while Tysmenytsia district was divided into Tysmenytsia and Lysets districts; each district had its main street corresponded with its name: Halych Street, Tysmenytsia Street which today is Independence Street, Zabolotiv Street – Mykhailo Hrushevsky Street and Street of Vasylyanok, Lysets Street – Hetman Mazepa Street.
The city was split into six small districts: midtown where the rich Catholic population and patricians lived and four suburbs – Zabolotiv, Tysmenytsia and Lysets where the plebeians lived. In October 1918, the Austro-Hungarian Empire collapsed and the Western Ukrainian People's Republic was proclaimed. In the early months of 1919 the city became a temporary capital of the West Ukrainian National Republic, while still recovering from World War I. All state affairs took place in the building of Dnister Hot