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Ovo-lacto vegetarianism

An ovo-lacto vegetarian or lacto-ovo vegetarian is a vegetarian who consumes some animal products, such as eggs and dairy. Unlike pescatarians, they do not consume other seafood. A typical ovo-lacto vegetarian diet may include fruits, grains, seeds, roots, milk, yogurt and eggs; the terminology stems from the Latin lac meaning "milk", ovum meaning "egg", the English term vegetarian, so as giving the definition of a vegetarian diet containing milk and eggs. In the Western world, ovo-lacto vegetarians are the most common type of vegetarian. Speaking, when one uses the term vegetarian, an ovo-lacto vegetarian is assumed. Ovo-lacto vegetarians are well-catered to in restaurants and shops in some parts of Europe and metropolitan cities in North America. Jainism prohibits causing harm to anything with potential life. Traditionally this includes eggs and certain kinds of vegetables, as well as animals, but dairy products are permitted. Jains are therefore lacto vegetarians, not ovo-lacto vegetarians. In Hinduism, many individuals are either raised as ovo-lacto vegetarians or lacto vegetarians.

The Bible Christian Church was a Christian vegetarian sect founded by William Cowherd in 1809. Cowherd was one of the philosophical forerunners of the Vegetarian Society founded in 1847; the Bible Christian Church promoted the use of eggs and honey as God's given food per "the promised land flowing with milk and honey". Many Seventh-day Adventist followers are ovo-lacto vegetarians. For over 130 years, Seventh-day Adventists have recommended a vegetarian diet which may include milk products and eggs. In India, eggs are not universally considered vegetarian. To accommodate this, products containing eggs are specially marked to differentiate them from otherwise vegetarian food products; some manufacturers advise that their products contain eggs but not meat or animal products to avoid diminishing interest among those who practice ovo-vegetarianism

The Mechanical Universe

The Mechanical Universe... And Beyond is a 52-part telecourse, filmed at the California Institute of Technology, that introduces university level physics, covering topics from Copernicus to quantum mechanics; the 1985-86 series was produced by Caltech and INTELECOM, a nonprofit consortium of California community colleges now known as Intelecom Learning, with financial support from Annenberg/CPB. Produced starting in 1982, the videos make heavy use of historical dramatizations and visual aids to explain physics concepts; the latter were state of the art at the time, incorporating eight hours of computer animation created by computer graphics pioneer Jim Blinn. Each episode opens and closes with bookend segments in which Caltech professor David Goodstein, speaking in a lecture hall, delivers explanations "that can't quite be put into the mouth of our affable, faceless narrator". After more than a quarter century, the series is still used as a supplemental teaching aid, for its clear explanation of fundamental concepts such as special relativity.

The bookend segments featuring Goodstein were specially staged versions of actual freshman physics lectures from Caltech's courses Physics 1a and 1b. The organization and the choice of topics to emphasize in the television show reflect a then-recent revision of Caltech's introductory physics curriculum, the first total overhaul since the one represented by The Feynman Lectures on Physics two decades earlier. While Feynman sought contemporary examples of topics, the revision of the curriculum brought a more historical focus:In essence, the earlier Feynman course had sought to make physics exciting by relating each subject, wherever possible, to contemporary scientific problems; the new course took the opposite tack, of trying to recreate the historical excitement of the original discovery. For example, classical mechanics—a notoriously difficult and uninspiring subject for students—is treated as the discovery of "our place in the universe". Accordingly, celestial mechanics is the backbone of the subject and its climax is Newton's solution of the Kepler problem.

The room seen in the bookend segments is the Bridge lecture hall at Caltech. Many of the extras were students from other schools, the front rows of the lecture hall were deliberately filled with more women than would have been seen at Caltech lectures; the TV production team added fake wood paneling to the lecture hall so that it would more resemble that seen in the show The Paper Chase. The Caltech physics department was sufficiently impressed by the result that panels were installed permanently. Many seats in the lecture hall had to be removed in order to make room for the camera track and studio lights. To cover this, additional reaction shots of a full lecture hall were filmed so that the illusion of a complete audience could be created in editing. For most of the footage of Goodstein himself, only two rows of students were present. Many other video segments were shot on location, for example at a Linde industrial plant that produced liquid air. Historical scenes were made to be generic, in order to facilitate their reuse across multiple episodes: "Young Newton strolls through an apple orchard, old Newton testily refuses a cup of tea from a servant, so on".

Footage featuring historical reenactment of Johannes Kepler was purchased from Carl Sagan's 1980 television series Cosmos: A Personal Voyage. The series was planned to consist of 26 episodes; this was expanded to 60 episodes, a number cut back to the eventual total of 52 for budget and production-schedule reasons. The show was intended not to require previous experience with calculus. Instead, the basics of differential and integral calculus would both be taught early in the series itself. Caltech mathematician Tom M. Apostol joined the Mechanical Universe production staff in order to ensure that the series did not compromise on the quality of the mathematics it presented. Seeing an example of Blinn's computer animation for the first time convinced Apostol that the series could bring mathematics "to life in a way that cannot be done in a textbook or at the chalkboard"; when test screenings to humanities students revealed that their greatest difficulty learning calculus was a weak background in trigonometry, Apostol wrote a primer on the subject to be distributed with the telecourse.

After advising the production of The Mechanical Universe, Apostol decided that a similar series, geared to high-school mathematics, would be beneficial. This became the Caltech series Project Mathematics!, which featured computer animation by Blinn. Some of Blinn's animations for The Mechanical Universe were reused in the new series, in order to illustrate applications of algebra and trigonometry; the 1990 science-fiction action movie Total Recall used portions of the Mechanical Universe title sequence, in a scene where the protagonist is offered virtual vacations in locales around the Solar System. The animation was used without licensing, Caltech and Intelecom sued Carolco Pictures for $3 million. In order to present detailed mathematical equation derivations, the show employed a technique its creators called the "algebraic ballet". Computer animation presented derivations in step-by-step detail and with touches of whimsy, such as algebraic terms being canceled by a Monty Python-esque stomping foot or the hand of God from Michelangelo's The Creation of Adam.

Blinn felt that Cosmos had taken itself "too seriously", so he aimed to include more humor in the Mechanical Universe animations. The goal was to avoid putting the viewers' "brains into a 60-cycle hum", without sacrificing rigor.

Economy of the Western Cape

The economy of the Western Cape in South Africa is dominated by the city of Cape Town, which accounts for 72% of the Western Cape's economic activity in 2016. The single largest contributor to the region's economy is the financial and business services sector, followed by manufacturing. Close to 30% of the gross regional product comes from foreign trade with agricultural products and wine dominating exports. High-tech industries, international call centres, fashion design, advertising and TV production are niche industries gaining in importance; the Western Cape province had a total GDP for 2016 of R424.38 billion growing from R268.26bn in 2008. In 2016 the economy grew by 2.7% with an annual inflation rate of 6.3%. The province accounts for 14% of South Africa's total GDP with Cape Town accounting for 9.9% of the country's total GDP in 2016. The Western Cape has a GDP per capita of R74,274 in comparison to the South African average of R55,609 per capita in 2016. At 19.7% the province has a lower unemployment rate than the national average standing at 23.2% in 2009.

In 2018 the number of unemployed people declined by 38,000 with employment rates increasing by 3.9% since 2017. Between 2013 and 2017 the province generated a disproportionately large number of jobs relative to the region's size to the rest of the country's economy; the province's Gini coefficient of 0.58 in 2010 is lower than South Africa's Gini coefficient of 0.65 making it more equal than the rest of the country whilst still being high and unequal by international standards. The Western Cape's Human Development Index is the highest in South Africa at 0.7708, compared to the South African average of 0.6675 in 2003. Since the founding of Cape Town by the Dutch East India Company in 1652, the two pillars of the Cape Colony's economy until the Kimberley diamond strike of 1868 and the opening of the opening of the Suez Canal in 1869 were shipping and agriculture. Cape Town's strategic position as the halfway point between Europe and Asia meant that prior to the opening of the Suez Canal every ship involved in the spice trade between those two continents docked at Cape Town to resupply.

The supplying of these ships with fresh provisions and wine provided a large market for the surplus produce of the colony. By the late 18th century, the Cape Colony was one of the best developed European settlements outside of Europe or the Americas. During the 18th century, pastoral production was the dominant economic activity in the more arid north-western Cape whilst mixed agriculture was dominant in the south-western Cape. During this period, the VOC exercised enormous control over the economy of the colony and imposed high and unpopular taxes in an effort to offset the high costs of running the colony. For much of the Dutch rule in the Cape, income inequality is thought to have been amongst the highest in the pre-industrial world with pockets of wealthy living amongst an and poor farming community; the biggest drivers of this inequality-apart from labour and race relations—was wheat and wine production. The wealthy segments of society were dominated by wine producers, alcohol merchants and those farmers that managed to dominate wheat production.

Slavery played a large role in the early economy of the province until the British takeover of the Cape Colony in 1806 and the abolition of slavery in the British Empire in 1833. Slaves from across the Dutch Empire, in addition to political prisoners from the Dutch East Indies, were imported to work on the farms and workshops in the area of the colony closest to Cape Town. At the beginning of the 18th century, labour relations between Dutch colonists—particularly the Trekboers in the interior—and the native Khoisan was characterised by semi-cooperative symbiosis. By the beginning of the 19th century, the majority of the Khoisan had been turned into a class of wage labourers whose status and situation was similar to serfs. After 1833, the resistance of free burghers to the creation of a permanent wage-labour force as a result of the abolition of slavery as well as the'resistance of freed slaves and Khoi to full proletarianization' produced labour relations characterised by a greater degree of dependency.

The main export staple of the Cape Colony for most of its history was wine and brandy, but by 1845 it had been overtaken in value by wool. The wool boom continued into the 1850s and in addition to a speculative boom in copper-mining shares investment in the region grew considerably; this sparked the growth of the region's financial industry and by 1860 there were 23 local banks operating in fifteen towns. Increases in costs of production, falling wool prices, poor quality wools and severe drought from 1862 were among the causes of an economic recession that affected the region for most of the 1860s. Increasing competition from Port Elizabeth for the trade of the interior of Southern Africa encouraged Capetonian business interests to lobby for the construction of a railway. By 1865, nine towns in the region had a population of over 2000 people. After the MSP Suez Canal was constructed in 1869, Cape Town's importance as a refuelling point declined as the canal obviated the need to navigate the longer sea lane around the southern coast of Africa.

The recession of the 1860s and the construction of the canal forced the colony to search for new opportunities and adopt new products in rural production. The raising of Angora goats and ostriches for their mohair and feathers date from this period and became important export commodities; the discovery of diamonds and gold in the interior again increas