Cuban intervention in Angola
In November 1975, on the eve of Angola's independence, Cuba launched a large-scale military intervention in support of the leftist People's Movement for the Liberation of Angola against United States-backed interventions by South Africa and Zaire in support of two right-wing independence movements competing for power in the country, the National Liberation Front of Angola and the National Union for the Total Independence of Angola. By the end of 1975 the Cuban military in Angola numbered more than 25,000 troops. Following the withdrawal of Zaire and South Africa, Cuban forces remained in Angola to support the MPLA government against UNITA in the continuing Angolan Civil War. In 1988, Cuban troops intervened again to avert military disaster in a Soviet-led People's Armed Forces for the Liberation of Angola offensive against UNITA, still supported by South Africa, leading to the Battle of Cuito Cuanavale and the opening of a second front; this turn of events is considered to have been the major impetus to the success of the ongoing peace talks leading to the New York Accords, the agreement by which Cuban and South African forces withdrew from Angola while South West Africa gained its independence from South Africa.
Cuban military engagement in Angola ended in 1991, while the Angolan civil war continued until 2002. The Carnation Revolution of 25 April 1974 in Portugal took the world by surprise and caught the independence movements in its last African colonies unprepared. After smooth negotiations, Mozambique's independence was granted on 25 June 1975, but Angolan control remained disputed between the three rival independence movements: MPLA, FNLA and UNITA in Angola-proper and Front for the Liberation of the Enclave of Cabinda in Cabinda; until independence, the independence movements' priority lay in fighting the colonial power and they had no clear alliances. With the disappearance of Portugal as their common foe and ideological rivalries moved to the fore. Fighting between the three broke out in November 1974, starting in Luanda and spreading across all of Angola; the new leftist Portuguese government showed little interest in interfering but favored the MPLA. The country soon fell apart into different spheres of influence, the FNLA taking hold of northern Angola and UNITA in the central south.
The MPLA held the coastline, the far south-east and, in November 1974 gained control of Cabinda. The disunity of the three main movements postponed the handing over of power; the Alvor Agreement, which the three and Portugal signed on 15 January, proved to be no solid foundation for the procedure. The transitional government the agreement provided for was composed of the three big independence movements and Portugal, it was sworn in on 31 January 1975. FLEC was not part of the deal because it fought for the independence of Cabinda, which the Portuguese had administratively joined as an exclave to Angola. Fighting in Luanda resumed hardly a day. FNLA troops, flown in from Zaire, had been taking positions in Luanda since October 1974; the MPLA had followed in smaller numbers. To that point, the MPLA and UNITA "had given every sign of intending to honour the Alvor agreement". Fighting broke out in Luanda between the FNLA and the MPLA; the FNLA were backed by Mobutu and the US. By March, the FNLA from northern Angola was driving on Luanda joined by units of the Zairian army which the U.
S. had encouraged Mobutu to provide. On 28 April, the FNLA unleashed a second wave of attacks and in early May, 200 Zairian troops crossed into northern Angola in its support; the weaker MPLA retreated south but with supplies arriving from the Soviet Union succeeded in driving the FNLA out of Luanda by 9 July. The FNLA took up positions east of Kifangondo at the eastern outskirts of the capital, from where it kept up its pressure, eliminated all remaining MPLA presence in the northern provinces of Uige and Zaire; the fighting was taken up throughout the whole country. The independence movements attempted to seize key strategic points, most the capital on the day of independence. In a meeting of the United States National Security Council on 27 June 1975, U. S. President Gerald Ford said that, in spite of planned elections, it was important to get "his man" in first, referring to UNITA leader Jonas Savimbi being in control of Luanda before the elections. Arthur Schlesinger pointed out at the same meeting that the U.
S. "might wish to encourage the disintegration of Angola. Cabinda in the clutches of Mobutu would mean far greater security of the petroleum resources." Starting in the early 1960s the three big independence movements enjoyed support from a wide range of countries, in some cases from the same. By the time of independence FNLA and UNITA received aid from the U. S. Zaire, South Africa and North Korea; as long as Portugal was present in Angola, the movements had to have their headquarters in independent neighbouring countries, making Congo-Léopoldville, for both MPLA and FNLA a logical choice. After its expulsion from Léopoldville in November 1963 the MPLA moved across the Congo River to French Congo-Brazzaville, where it was invited by its new leftist government; the FNLA stayed in Congo-Léopoldville to which it remained tied and from where it received the bulk of its support. FNLA leader Holden Roberto was linked to Mobutu by marriage and obligated to him for many past favours. Over the years the FNLA had become little more than an extension of Mobutu's own
Guantánamo is a municipality and city in southeast Cuba and capital of Guantánamo Province. Guantánamo is served by the Caimanera port near the site of a U. S. naval base. The area produces sugarcane and cotton wool; these are traditional parts of the economy. The city was founded in 1797 in the area of a farm named Santa Catalina; the toponym "Guantánamo" means, in Taíno language, "land between the rivers". The municipality is mountainous in the north, at Alejandro de Humboldt National Park, where it overlays the Sierra Maestra, borders the Windward Passage of the Caribbean Sea in the south, it is crossed by the Bano, Guantánamo, Guaso, San Andrés and Sabanalamar rivers. The city is crossed in the middle by the Carretera Central highway. Guantánamo Bay is a natural harbour south of it; the municipality borders with El Salvador, Niceto Pérez, Yateras, Manuel Tames and Sagua de Tánamo. It includes the villages of Argeo Martínez, Arroyo Hondo, Las Lajas and Paraguay. Prior to 1976 it was divided into the barrios and villages Arroyo Hondo, Baitiquirí, Bayate, Camarones, Corralillo, Cuatro Caminos, Glorieta, Guaso, Indios, Jaibo Abajo, Las Lajas, Mercado, Parroquia, Palma de San Juan, Tiguabos and Vínculo.
After 1976 reform part of municipal territory was split in the municipalities of El Salvador, Niceto Pérez and San Antonio del Sur. About 15 km away from the city lies the Guantánamo Bay, a superior natural harbor, utilized by the United States since 1898, when it was captured from Spain in the Battle of Guantánamo Bay. In 1903 Cuba leased it to the U. S. as it had committed to in the Cuban–American Treaty of Relations, remains the site of a US Navy base, as well as the Guantanamo Bay detention camp. In 2004, the municipality of Guantánamo had a population of 244,603. With a total area of 741 km2, it has a population density of 330.1/km2. Notable natives of Guantánamo include athletes Joel Casamayor, Erislandy Lara, Yuriorkis Gamboa, Yumileidi Cumbá, Jaime Jefferson, Yargelis Savigne, Dayron Robles, Luis Delís, Cuban-American gymnast Annia Hatch, musician Diamela del Pozo, cosmonaut Arnaldo Tamayo Méndez; the city is served by the Carretera Central highway, is the eastern terminus of the A1 motorway, under construction and will link Guantánamo with Havana.
The city airport "Mariana Grajales" is located near the villages of Las Paraguay. "Guantanamera" is the best known Cuban song and that country's most noted patriotic song. In 1966, a version by American vocal group The Sandpipers, based on an arrangement by Pete Seeger, became an international hit; the song was also one of Cuban superstar singer Celia Cruz's biggest hits. Oriente Province List of cities in Cuba Jonathan M. Hansen, Guantánamo: An American History. New York: Hill and Wang, 2011. Complete guide to Guantánamo City Detailed information about Zoologico de Piedra Article about the prison history City webpage
Las Tunas (city)
Las Tunas is a city and municipality in central-eastern Cuba. It is the capital of the Las Tunas Province and was named Victoria de Las Tunas from 1869 to 1976; the city of Las Tunas is located in along the Carretera Central, between the cities of Camagüey, Holguín and Bayamo. In 1943 the municipality was divided into the barrios of Primero, Antonio Machado, Caisimú, Cauto del Paso, Curana, Dumañuecos, Ojo de Agua, Palmarito and San José de la Plata; the city is divided into the repartos of Primero, Segundo, La Victoria, Santo Domingo, Pena, La Loma, Velázquez, Casa Piedra, Israel Santos, Buena Vista, Alturas de Buena Vista, Propulsión, Aeropuerto and Reparto Militar. The city was founded in 1796 around the Parish of San Jerónimo. In 1853, after a Royal Decree, it received the title of "city". In 1976, following the suppression of the Oriente Province and its split up, Las Tunas became the capital of the new and homonym province. In 2004, the municipality of Las Tunas had a population of 187,438.
With a total area of 891 km2, it has a population density of 210.4/km2. Las Tunas counts a railway station on the principal Havana-Santiago de Cuba line and on a secondary line to Manatí. A planned extension of the A1 motorway, that will span the entire island, will interest the City; the local airport is the Hermanos Ameijeiras, located in the northern suburb. Known in Cuba as the "City of Sculpture" Las Tunas is in the least visited province in Cuba. In spite of this, the city has two international hotels and 219 B&Bs However, the local and the central government are both working in order to increase tourism in the province. In July 2015. Within the framework of the Foreign Investment Law, the government is trying to attract foreign partners to build large hotel complexes in the still unspoilt Covarrubia beach; the local baseball club is Las Tunas, nicknamed Leñadores and its home ground is the Julio Antonio Mella Stadium. The association football club is the FC Las Tunas, its home ground is the Ovidio Torres Stadium.
Vicente Garcia González Arroyo Seco Hermanos Ameijeiras Airport Municipalities of Cuba List of cities in Cuba Las Tunas on EcuRed Las Tunas on Guije website Las Tunas on YourCasaParticular website
Cienfuegos, capital of Cienfuegos Province, is a city on the southern coast of Cuba. It is located about 250 km from Havana and has a population of 150,000; the city is dubbed La Perla del Sur. Cienfuegos translates to "one hundred fires"—cien meaning "one hundred", fuegos meaning "fires"; the area where the city lies was identified as Cacicazgo de Jagua by early Spanish conquistadors. It was settled by Taino indigenous people. Cacicazgo translates from the Taino language as "chiefdom". Cacicazgo de Jagua was therefore the chiefdom of Chief Jagua; the city was settled by French immigrants from Bordeaux and Louisiana led by Don Louis de Clouet on April 22, 1819. The settlers named the city Fernandina de Jagua in honor of King Ferdinand VII of Spain and Chief Jagua; the settlement successively became a town in 1829, renamed for José Cienfuegos, Captain General of Cuba, a city in 1880. Many of the streets in old town reflect French origins in their names: Bouyón, D'Clouet, Hourruitiner and Griffo, for instance.
Cienfuegos port, despite being one of the latest settlements established during the colonial era, soon grew to be a powerful town due to the fertile fields surrounding it and its position on the trade route between Jamaica and South American cities to the southeast and the hinterland provincial capital of Santa Clara to the northeast. Its advantageous trading location on the eponymous Bay of Jagua was used by the Cuban sugar oligarchy when a railroad was built between both cities between 1853 and 1860. Near Cienfuegos was the scene of a battle during the Spanish–American War on May 11, 1898, between American Marines attempting to sever underwater Spanish communication lines and the Spanish defenders. During the Cuban Revolution, the city saw an uprising against Fulgencio Batista and was bombed in retaliation on September 5, 1957. In 1969 and 1970, Soviet naval vessels visited the city; this appeared to be in violation of the Kennedy-Khrushchev agreements of 1962. However, there was no notice given by the United States and no confrontation ensued.
In 2005, Hurricane Dennis made its second landfall near Cienfuegos at about 1:00PM AST with winds of 232 km/h and gusts reaching 285 km/h. Near the entrance to Cienfuegos Bay is Castillo de Jagua, a fortress erected in 1745 for protection against Caribbean pirates. Cienfuegos, one of the chief seaports of Cuba, is a center of the sugar trade as well as coffee and tobacco. While sugarcane is the chief crop, local farmers grow coffee. In 2004, the municipality of Cienfuegos had a population of 163,824. With a total area of 333 km2, it has a population density of 492.0/km2. According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Cienfuegos has a tropical savanna climate, abbreviated "Aw" on climate maps. In 2005, UNESCO inscribed the Urban Historic Centre of Cienfuegos on the World Heritage List, citing Cienfuegos as the best extant example of early 19th century Spanish Enlightenment implementation in urban planning; the downtown area contains six buildings from 1819–50, 327 buildings from 1851–1900, 1188 buildings from the 20th century.
There is no other place in the Caribbean which contains such a remarkable cluster of Neoclassical structures. Cienfuegos fields a team in the Cienfuegos Elefantes. Since joining the league in 1977–78, the best finish the Camaroneros have achieved is a 3rd place showing in the 2010–11 Cuban National Series. Despite finishing with the best record at 59–31, the Elefantes lost the semifinals in six games to the eventual champions, the Pinar del Río Vegueros. Castillo de Nuestra Señora de los Ángeles de Jagua – fortress Arco de Triunfo – the only Arco de Triunfo in Cuba Catedral de Nuestra Señora de la Purísima Concepción – cathedral with stained glass work, built 1833–1869 Delfinario – dolphins and sea lions in a saltwater lagoon Jardín Botánico de Cienfuegos – 97 hectares of botanic garden Museo Provincial – furniture and porcelain museum Palacio de Valle – built 1913–1917 in neo-gothic style Palmira Yorubá Pantheon – museum of religious afro-catholic syncretism Parque José Martí – park in Plaza de Armas Quintero cigar factory University of Cienfuegos "Carlos Rafael Rodríguez" – the province's high education institution Rancho Luna Beach Nicho José Abreu, MLB player for the Chicago White Sox Osmel Sousa, Cuban-Venezuelan entrepreneur and former president of the Miss Venezuela Organization.
María Conchita Alonso, Cuban-Venezuelan-American singer.
Pinar del Río
Pinar del Río is a Cuban city, capital of Pinar del Río Province. With a city population of 139,336, in a municipality of 190,332, it is the 10th largest city in Cuba. Inhabitants of the area are called Pinareños; the municipality borders with San Juan y Martínez, Viñales and Consolación del Sur. The villages included in the municipality are Briones Montoto, Cayo Conuco, La Coloma, La Conchita and Las Ovas. Pinar del Río was one of the last major cities in Cuba founded by the Spanish September 10, 1867; the city and province was founded as Nueva Filipinas in regard to influx of Asian laborers coming from the Philippine Islands to work on tobacco plantations. Pinar del Rio's history begins with the Guanahatabeys, a group of nomadic Indians who lived in caves and procured most of their livelihood from the sea. Less advanced than the other indigenous natives who lived on the island, the Guanahatabey were a peaceful and passive race whose culture more or less independently of the Taino and Siboney cultures further east.
Extinct by the time of the Spanish arrived in 1492, little firsthand documentation remains on how the archaic Guanahatabey society was structured and organized although some archeological sites have been found on the Guanahacabibes Peninsula. Post-Colombus the conquistadors left rugged Pinar del Rio to its own devices, the area developed lackadaisically only after Canary Islanders started arriving in late the 1500s; these Canarians became the tobacco farmers of the region. It was called Nueva Filipina, but the region was renamed Pinar del Rio in 1778 for the pine forests crowded along the Rio Guama. Tobacco plantations and cattle ranches sprang up in the rich soil and open grazing land that typifies Pinar and farmers who made a living from the delicate and well-tended crops were colloquially christened Guajiros, a native word that means - -'one of us'. By the mid 1800s, Europeans were hooked on the region flourished. Sea routes opened up and the railways was extended to facilitate the shipping of the perishable product.
Pinar del Rio is known to be the Mecca of Tobacco. The city is a centre of the cigar industry; the main farming tool in this province is the carabao. The main secondary education institution is the University of Pinar del Río. In the 2002 national census, the following statistics were recorded: Area: 70.7 km². With a total area of 708 km2, it has a population density of 269.1/km2. The city is served by the A4 motorway. Pinar del Río Airport is abandoned and La Coloma Airport has no scheduled flights. There is a railway station on the line to Havana; the local baseball club is Pinar del Río, nicknamed Vegueros, the association football one is the FC Pinar del Río. Both the clubs have their home ground in the Capitán San Luis Stadium; the "Vegueros" are the Serie del Caribe 2015 champions. Filipino Cuban List of cities in Cuba Municipalities of Cuba Pinar del Río.cu Pinar del Río on EcuRed Pinar del Río on guije.com
The Cortes Generales are the bicameral legislative chambers of Spain, consisting of two chambers: the Congress of Deputies and the Senate. The members of the Cortes are the representatives of the Spanish people; the Congress of Deputies meets in the Palacio de las Cortes, the Senate meets in the separate Palacio del Senado, both located in Madrid. The Cortes are elected through universal, equal and secret suffrage, with the exception of some senatorial seats, which are elected indirectly by the legislatures of the autonomous community; the Cortes Generales is composed of 616 members: 266 Senators. The members of the Cortes Generales serve four-year terms, they are representatives of the Spanish people. In both chambers, the seats are divided by constituencies that correspond with the fifty provinces of Spain, plus Ceuta and Melilla. However, the Canary and Balearic islands form different constituencies in the Senate; as a parliamentary system, the Cortes confirms and dismisses the Prime Minister of Spain and his or her government.
The Congress can dismiss the Prime Minister through a vote of no confidence. The Cortes holds the power to enact a constitutional reform; the modern Cortes Generales was created by the Constitution of Spain, but the institution has a long history. Its direct precedent were the Cortes Españolas of military dictator Francisco Franco; the system of Cortes arose in the Middle Ages as part of feudalism. A "Corte" was an advisory council made up of the most powerful feudal lords closest to the king; the Cortes of León was the first parliamentary body in Western Europe. From 1230, the Cortes of Leon and Castile were merged. Prelates and commoners remained separated in the three estates within the Cortes; the king had the ability to call and dismiss the Cortes, but, as the lords of the Cortes headed the army and controlled the purse, the King signed treaties with them to pass bills for war at the cost of concessions to the lords and the Cortes. With the reappearance of the cities near the 12th century, a new social class started to grow: people living in the cities were neither vassals nor nobles themselves.
Furthermore, the nobles were experiencing hard economic times due to the Reconquista. So the King started admitting representatives from the cities to the Cortes in order to get more money for the Reconquista; the frequent payoffs were grants of autonomy to the cities and their inhabitants. At this time the Cortes had the power to oppose the King's decisions, thus vetoing them. In addition, some representatives were permanent advisors to the King when the Cortes were not. Isabella I of Castile and Ferdinand II of Aragon, the Catholic Monarchs, started a specific policy to diminish the power of the bourgeoisie and nobility, they reduced the powers of the Cortes to the point where they rubberstamped the monarch's acts, brought the nobility to their side. One of the major points of friction between the Cortes and the monarchs was the power of raising and lowering taxes, it was the only matter. The role of the Cortes during the Spanish Empire was to rubberstamp the decisions of the ruling monarch. However, they had some power over economic and American affairs taxes.
The Siglo de oro, the Spanish Golden Age of arts and literature, was a dark age in Spanish politics: the Netherlands declared itself independent and started a war, while some of the last Habsburg monarchs did not rule the country, leaving this task in the hands of viceroys governing in their name, the most famous being the Count-Duke of Olivares, Philip IV's viceroy. This allowed the Cortes to become more influential when they did not directly oppose the King's decisions; some lands of the Crown of Aragon and the Kingdom of Navarre were self-governing entities until the Nueva Planta Decrees of 1716 abolished their autonomy and united Aragon with Castile in a centralised Spanish state. The abolition in the realms of Aragon was completed by 1716, whilst Navarre retained its autonomy until the 1833 territorial division of Spain, it is the only one of the Spanish territories whose current status in the Spanish state is linked with the old Fueros: its Statute of Autonomy cites them and recognizes their special status, while recognizing the supremacy of the Spanish Constitution.
Cortes existed in each of Aragon, Catalonia and Navarre. It is thought that these legislatures exercised more real power over local affairs than the Castilian Cortes did. Executive councils existed in each of these realms, which were tasked with overseeing the implementation of decisions made by the Cortes. However, throughout the rule of the Habsburg and Bourbon dynasties the Crown pressed for more centralization, enforcing a unitary position in foreign affairs and empowering Councils outside the control of the Cortes of the several Kingdoms. Thus, the Cortes in Spain did not develop towards a parliamentary system as in the British case, but towards the mentioned rubberstamping of royal decrees. Never
Cuban Missile Crisis
The Cuban Missile Crisis known as the October Crisis of 1962, the Caribbean Crisis, or the Missile Scare, was a 13-day confrontation between the United States and the Soviet Union initiated by the American discovery of Soviet ballistic missile deployment in Cuba. The confrontation is considered the closest the Cold War came to escalating into a full-scale nuclear war. In response to the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion of 1961 and the presence of American Jupiter ballistic missiles in Italy and Turkey, Soviet leader Nikita Khrushchev agreed to Cuba's request to place nuclear missiles on the island to deter a future invasion. An agreement was reached during a secret meeting between Khrushchev and Fidel Castro in July 1962, construction of a number of missile launch facilities started that summer; the 1962 United States elections were under way, the White House had for months denied charges that it was ignoring dangerous Soviet missiles 90 miles from Florida. The missile preparations were confirmed when an Air Force U-2 spy plane produced clear photographic evidence of medium-range and intermediate-range ballistic missile facilities.
The US established a naval blockade on October 22 to prevent further missiles from reaching Cuba. The US announced it would not permit offensive weapons to be delivered to Cuba and demanded that the weapons in Cuba be dismantled and returned to the Soviet Union. After several days of tense negotiations, an agreement was reached between US President John F. Kennedy and Khrushchev. Publicly, the Soviets would dismantle their offensive weapons in Cuba and return them to the Soviet Union, subject to United Nations verification, in exchange for a US public declaration and agreement to avoid invading Cuba again. Secretly, the United States agreed that it would dismantle all US-built Jupiter MRBMs, deployed in Turkey against the Soviet Union; when all offensive missiles and Ilyushin Il-28 light bombers had been withdrawn from Cuba, the blockade was formally ended on November 21, 1962. The negotiations between the United States and the Soviet Union pointed out the necessity of a quick and direct communication line between Washington and Moscow.
As a result, the Moscow–Washington hotline was established. A series of agreements reduced US–Soviet tensions for several years until both parties began to build their nuclear arsenal further. With the end of World War II and the start of the Cold War, the United States had grown concerned about the expansion of communism. A Latin American country allying with the Soviet Union was regarded by the US as unacceptable, it would, for example, defy the Monroe Doctrine, a US policy limiting US involvement in European colonies and European affairs but holding that the Western Hemisphere was in the US sphere of influence. The Kennedy administration had been publicly embarrassed by the failed Bay of Pigs Invasion in May 1961, launched under President John F. Kennedy by CIA-trained forces of Cuban exiles. Afterward, former President Dwight Eisenhower told Kennedy that "the failure of the Bay of Pigs will embolden the Soviets to do something that they would otherwise not do." The half-hearted invasion left Soviet premier Nikita Khrushchev and his advisers with the impression that Kennedy was indecisive and, as one Soviet adviser wrote, "too young, not prepared well for decision making in crisis situations... too intelligent and too weak".
US covert operations against Cuba continued in 1961 with the unsuccessful Operation Mongoose. In addition, Khrushchev's impression of Kennedy's weaknesses was confirmed by the President's response during the Berlin Crisis of 1961 to the building of the Berlin Wall. Speaking to Soviet officials in the aftermath of the crisis, Khrushchev asserted, "I know for certain that Kennedy doesn't have a strong background, nor speaking, does he have the courage to stand up to a serious challenge." He told his son Sergei that on Cuba, Kennedy "would make a fuss, make more of a fuss, agree". In January 1962, US Army General Edward Lansdale described plans to overthrow the Cuban government in a top-secret report, addressed to Kennedy and officials involved with Operation Mongoose. CIA agents or "pathfinders" from the Special Activities Division were to be infiltrated into Cuba to carry out sabotage and organization, including radio broadcasts. In February 1962, the US launched an embargo against Cuba, Lansdale presented a 26-page, top-secret timetable for implementation of the overthrow of the Cuban government, mandating guerrilla operations to begin in August and September.
"Open revolt and overthrow of the Communist regime" would occur in the first two weeks of October. When Kennedy ran for president in 1960, one of his key election issues was an alleged "missile gap" with the Soviets leading; the US at that time led the Soviets by a wide margin that would only increase. In 1961, the Soviets had only four intercontinental ballistic missiles. By October 1962, they may have had a few dozen, with some intelligence estimates as high as 75; the US, on the other hand, had 170 ICBMs and was building more. It had eight George Washington- and Ethan Allen-class ballistic missile submarines, with the capability to launch 16 Polaris missiles, each with a range of 2,500 nautical miles. Khrushchev increased the perception of a missile