Permanent revolution is a term within Marxist theory, coined by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels by at least 1850, but which has since become most associated with Leon Trotsky. The uses of the term by different theorists are not identical. Marx used it to describe the strategy of a revolutionary class to continue to pursue its class interests independently and without compromise, despite overtures for political alliances, despite the political dominance of opposing sections of society. Trotsky put forward his conception of "permanent revolution" as an explanation of how socialist revolutions could occur in societies that had not achieved advanced capitalism. Trotsky's theory argues, that the bourgeoisie in late-developing capitalist countries are incapable of developing the productive forces in such a manner as to achieve the sort of advanced capitalism which will develop an industrial proletariat. Second, that the proletariat can and must, seize social and political power, leading an alliance with the peasantry.
Marx first used the phrase in the following passage from The Holy Family. He wrote: Napoleon presented the last battle of revolutionary terror against the bourgeois society, proclaimed by this same Revolution, against its policy. Napoleon, of course discerned the essence of the modern state, he decided to protect this basis. He was no terrorist with his head in the clouds, yet at the same time he still regarded the state as an end in itself and civil life only as a treasurer and his subordinate which must have no will of its own. He perfected the terror by substituting permanent war for permanent revolution, he fed the egoism of the French nation to complete satiety but demanded the sacrifice of bourgeois business, wealth, etc. whenever this was required by the political aim of conquest. If he despotically suppressed the liberalism of bourgeois society—the political idealism of its daily practice—he showed no more consideration for its essential material interests and industry, whenever they conflicted with his political interests.
His scorn of industrial hommes d'affaires was the complement to his scorn of ideologists. In his home policy, too, he combated bourgeois society as the opponent of the state which in his own person he still held to be an absolute aim in itself, thus he declared in the State Council that he would not suffer the owner of extensive estates to cultivate them or not as he pleased. Thus, too, he conceived the plan of subordinating trade to the state by appropriation of roulage. French businessmen took steps to anticipate the event. Paris exchange-brokers forced him by means of an artificially created famine to delay the opening of the Russian campaign by nearly two months and thus to launch it too late in the year. In this passage, Marx says that Napoleon prevented the "bourgeois revolution" in France from becoming fulfilled: that is, he prevented bourgeois political forces from achieving a total expression of their interests. According to Marx, he did this by suppressing the "liberalism of bourgeois society".
Thus, he substituted "permanent war for permanent revolution". The final two sentences, show that the bourgeoisie did not give up hope, but continued to pursue their interests. Thus, for Marx, "permanent revolution" involves a revolutionary class continuing to push for, achieve, its interests despite the political dominance of actors with opposing interests. By 1849, Marx and Engels were able to quote the use of the phrase by other writers, suggesting that it had achieved some recognition in intellectual circles. Marx's most famous use of the phrase "permanent revolution" is his March 1850 Address of the Central Committee to the Communist League, his audience is the proletariat in Germany, faced with the prospect that "the petty-bourgeois democrats will for the moment acquire a predominant influence" – i.e. temporary political power. He enjoins them: While the democratic petty bourgeois want to bring the revolution to an end as as possible, achieving at most the aims mentioned, it is our interest and our task to make the revolution permanent until all the more or less propertied classes have been driven from their ruling positions, until the proletariat has conquered state power and until the association of the proletarians has progressed sufficiently far – not only in one country but in all the leading countries of the world – that competition between the proletarians of these countries ceases and at least the decisive forces of production are concentrated in the hands of the workers.
In the remainder of the text, Marx outlines his proposal that the proletariat "make the revolution permanent". In essence, it consists of the working class maintaining a militant and independent approach to politics both before and after the "struggle" which will bring the "petty-bourgeois democrats" to power. Marx is concerned that throughout the process of this impending political change, the petty-bourgeoisie will seek to ensnare the workers in a party organization in which general social-democratic phrases prevail while their particular interests are kept hidden behind, in which, for the sake of preserving the peace, the specific demands of the proletariat may not be presented; such a unity would be to their advantage alone and to the complete disadvantage of the proletariat
C. L. R. James
Cyril Lionel Robert James, who sometimes wrote under the pen-name J. R. Johnson, was a Trinidadian historian and socialist, his works are influential in various theoretical and historiographical contexts. His work is a staple of subaltern studies, he figures as a pioneering and influential voice in postcolonial literature. A tireless political activist, James is the author of the 1937 work World Revolution outlining the history of the Communist International, which stirred debate in Trotskyist circles, his history of the Haitian Revolution, The Black Jacobins, is a seminal text in the literature of the African Diaspora. Characterised by one literary critic as an "anti-Stalinist dialectician", James was known for his autodidactism, for his occasional playwriting and fiction – his 1936 book Minty Alley was the first novel by a black West Indian to be published in Britain — and as an avid sportsman, he is famed as a writer on cricket, his 1963 book, Beyond a Boundary, which he himself described as "neither cricket reminiscences nor autobiography", is named as the best single book on any sport written.
Born in Tunapuna, Trinidad a British Crown colony, C. L. R. James was the first child of Elizabeth James and Robert Alexander James, a schoolteacher. In 1910 he won a scholarship to Queen's Royal College, the island's oldest non-Catholic secondary school, in Port of Spain, where he became a club cricketer and distinguished himself as an athlete, as well as beginning to write fiction. After graduating in 1918 from QRC, he worked there as History in the 1920s. Together with Ralph de Boissière, Albert Gomes and Alfred Mendes, James was a member of the anticolonialist "Beacon Group", a circle of writers associated with The Beacon magazine, in which he published a series of short stories. In 1932, James left Trinidad for the small town of Nelson in Lancashire, England, at the invitation of his friend, West Indian cricketer Learie Constantine, who needed his help writing his autobiography Cricket and I. James had brought with him to England the manuscript of his first full-length non-fiction work based on his interviews with the Trinidad labour leader Arthur Andrew Cipriani, published with financial assistance from Constantine in 1932.
During this time James took a job as cricket correspondent with the Manchester Guardian. In 1933 he moved to London; the following year he joined a Trotskyist group. Louise Cripps, one of its members, recalled: "We felt our work could contribute to the time when we would see Socialism spreading." James had begun to campaign for the independence of the West Indies while in Trinidad. An abridged version of his Life of Captain Cipriani was issued by Leonard and Virginia Woolf's Hogarth Press in 1933 as the pamphlet The Case for West-Indian Self Government, he became a champion of Pan-Africanism, was named Chair of the International African Friends of Abyssinia renamed the International African Friends of Ethiopia – a group formed in 1935 in response to the Italian fascist invasion of Ethiopia. Leading members included Jomo Kenyatta and Chris Braithwaite; when the IAFE was transformed into the International African Service Bureau in 1937, James edited its newsletter and the World, its journal, International African Opinion.
The Bureau was led by his childhood friend George Padmore, who would be a driving force for socialist Pan-Africanism for several decades. Both Padmore and James wrote for the New Leader, published by the Independent Labour Party, which James had joined in 1934, finding its anticommunist socialism compatible with his views. In 1934, James wrote a three-act play about the Haitian revolutionary Toussaint L'Ouverture, staged in London's West End in 1936 and starred Paul Robeson, Orlando Martins, Robert Adams and Harry Andrews; the play went on to become the first production from Talawa Theatre Company in 1986, coinciding with the overthrow of Baby Doc Duvalier. That same year saw the publication in London by Secker & Warburg of James's novel, Minty Alley, which he had brought with him in manuscript from Trinidad, it was the first novel to be published by a black Caribbean author in the UK. Amid his frenetic political activity, James wrote what are his best known works of non-fiction: World Revolution, a history of the rise and fall of the Communist International, critically praised by Leon Trotsky, George Orwell, E. H. Carr and Fenner Brockway.
James went to Paris to research this work, where he met Haitian military historian Alfred Auguste Nemours. In 1936, James and his Trotskyist Marxist Group left the ILP to form an open party. In 1938, this new group took part in several mergers to form the Revolutionary Socialist League; the RSL was a factionalised organisation. When James was invited to tour the United States by the leadership of the Socialist Workers' Party the US section of the Fourth International, to facilitate its work among black workers, one Trotskyist, John Archer, encouraged him to leave in the hope of removing a rival. James's relationship with Loui
International Workers League – Fourth International
The International Workers League or IWLfi is a Morenist Trotskyist international organisation. The group's origins lie in the International Committee of the Fourth International. Moreno's supporters followed the American Socialist Workers Party in leaving the ICFI in 1963 to form the reunified Fourth International. In 1969, the USFI voted to support guerrilla war in Latin America. Moreno's group opposed this, it was reduced to sympathiser status. While critical of the Sandinistas, Moreno's group sent a Simon Bolivar Brigade to Nicaragua to aid the Civil War, with the aim of building a revolutionary party there; this brigade was opposed by the reunified Fourth International because it operated outside the discipline of the FSLN. Forty non-Nicaraguan members of the Brigade were expelled from the country by the FSLN. Moreno's and Lambert's tendencies joined to form the Parity Committee for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International. However, Moreno's supporters withdrew in 1981 complaining that Lambert had links to trade union bureaucrats, in 1982 formed the "International Workers League".
In addition to their former supporters, this attracted groups in Peru and Venezuela which split from the Lambertist currents. The group campaigned for the victory of Argentina in the Falklands War, for the non-payment of foreign debt, for the "defeat of imperialism in the Gulf War." In the mid-1990s, it helped launch Workers' Aid to Bosnia and began working with the Workers International to Rebuild the Fourth International, although that group is now inactive. Disagreements following the death of Moreno led several sections to leave the international, while others split; those who left founded the International Centre of Orthodox Trotskyism. The majority of this group rejoined the International Workers League in 2005, the minority forming the International Socialist League; the LITci publishes the bulletin International Courier and the journal Marxism Alive, both in various languages, principally Spanish. Alicia Sagra, A Brief Outline of the History of the IWL Alexander, Robert J.. International Trotskyism, 1929-1985: A Documented Analysis of the Movement.
Duke University Press. ISBN 0822309750. Official website List of IWLfi Parties
The October Revolution known in Soviet historiography as the Great October Socialist Revolution and referred to as the October Uprising, the October Coup, the Bolshevik Revolution, the Bolshevik Coup or the Red October, was a revolution in Russia led by the Bolshevik Party of Vladimir Lenin, instrumental in the larger Russian Revolution of 1917. It took place with an armed insurrection in Petrograd on 7 November 1917, it followed and capitalized on the February Revolution of the same year, which overthrew the Tsarist autocracy and resulted in a provisional government after a transfer of power proclaimed by Grand Duke Michael, the younger brother of Tsar Nicholas II, who declined to take power after the Tsar stepped down. During this time, urban workers began to organize into councils wherein revolutionaries criticized the provisional government and its actions. After the Congress of Soviets, now the governing body, had its second session, it elected members of the Bolsheviks and other leftist groups such as the Left Socialist Revolutionaries to important positions within the new state of affairs.
This initiated the establishment of the Russian Soviet Republic. On 17 July 1918, his family were executed; the revolution was led by the Bolsheviks, who used their influence in the Petrograd Soviet to organize the armed forces. Bolshevik Red Guards forces under the Military Revolutionary Committee began the occupation of government buildings on 7 November 1917; the following day, the Winter Palace was captured. The long-awaited Constituent Assembly elections were held on 12 November 1917. In contrast to their majority in the Soviets, the Bolsheviks only won 175 seats in the 715-seat legislative body, coming in second behind the Socialist Revolutionary Party, which won 370 seats, although the SR Party no longer existed as a whole party by that time, as the Left SRs had gone into coalition with the Bolsheviks from October 1917 to March 1918; the Constituent Assembly was to first meet on 28 November 1917, but its convocation was delayed until 5 January 1918 by the Bolsheviks. On its first and only day in session, the Constituent Assembly came into conflict with the Soviets, it rejected Soviet decrees on peace and land, resulting in the Constituent Assembly being dissolved the next day by order of the Congress of Soviets.
As the revolution was not universally recognized, there followed the struggles of the Russian Civil War and the creation of the Soviet Union in 1922. At first, the event was referred to as the October coup or the Uprising of 3rd, as seen in contemporary documents. In Russian, however, "переворот" has a similar meaning to "revolution" and means "upheaval" or "overturn", so "coup" is not the correct translation. With time, the term October Revolution came into use, it is known as the "November Revolution" having occurred in November according to the Gregorian Calendar. The February Revolution had toppled Tsar Nicholas II of Russia, replaced his government with the Russian Provisional Government. However, the provisional government was riven by internal dissension, it continued to wage World War I, which became unpopular. A nationwide crisis developed in Russia, affecting social and political relations. Disorder in industry and transport had intensified, difficulties in obtaining provisions had increased.
Gross industrial production in 1917 had decreased by over 36% from what it had been in 1914. In the autumn, as much as 50% of all enterprises were closed down in the Urals, the Donbas, other industrial centers, leading to mass unemployment. At the same time, the cost of living increased sharply. Real wages fell about 50% from what they had been in 1913. Russia's national debt in October 1917 had risen to 50 billion rubles. Of this, debts to foreign governments constituted more than 11 billion rubles; the country faced the threat of financial bankruptcy. Throughout June and August 1917, it was common to hear working-class Russians speak about their lack of confidence and misgivings with those in power in the Provisional Government. Factory workers around Russia felt unhappy with the growing shortages of food and other materials, they blamed their own managers or foremen and would attack them in the factories. The workers blamed many rich and influential individuals, such as elites in positions of power, for the overall shortage of food and poor living conditions.
Workers labelled these rich and powerful individuals as opponents of the Revolution, called them words such as "bourgeois and imperialist."In September and October 1917, there were mass strike actions by the Moscow and Petrograd workers, miners in Donbas, metalworkers in the Urals, oil workers in Baku, textile workers in the Central Industrial Region, railroad workers on 44 railway lines. In these months alone, more than a million workers took part in strikes. Workers established control over production and distribution in many factories and plants in a social revolution. Workers were able to organize these strikes through factory committees; the factory committees represented the workers and were able to negotiate better working conditions and hours. Though workplace conditions may have been increasing in quality, the overall quality of life for workers was not improving. There were still shortages of food and the increased wages workers had obtained did little to provide for their families.
By October 1917, peasant uprisings were common. By autumn the peasant movement ag
Leninism is the political theory for the organisation of a revolutionary vanguard party and the achievement of a dictatorship of the proletariat as political prelude to the establishment of socialism. Developed by and named for the Russian revolutionary Vladimir Lenin, Leninism comprises socialist political and economic theories, developed from Marxism and Lenin's interpretations of Marxist theories, for practical application to the socio-political conditions of the Russian Empire of the early 20th century. Functionally, the Leninist vanguard party was to provide the working class with the political consciousness and revolutionary leadership necessary to depose capitalism in Imperial Russia. After the October Revolution of 1917, Leninism became the dominant hegemonic force within the Russian revolutionary current, in establishing further Bolshevik supremacy, the Bolsheviks had defeated the socialist opposition such as the Mensheviks and factions of the Socialist Revolutionary Party and suppressed soviet democracy.
The Russian Civil War thus included left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks that were suppressed in the Russian Socialist Federative Soviet Republic before incorporation to the Union of Soviet Socialist Republics in 1922. At the Fifth Congress of the Communist International in July 1924, Grigory Zinoviev popularized the term "Leninism" to denote "vanguard-party revolution". From 1917 to 1922, Leninism was the Russian application of Marxist economics and political philosophy and realised by the Bolsheviks, the vanguard party who led the fight for the political independence of the working class. In the 1925–1929 period, Joseph Stalin established his interpretation of Leninism as the official and only legitimate form of Marxism in Russia by amalgamating the political philosophies as Marxism–Leninism, which became the state ideology of the Soviet Union. In the 19th century, The Communist Manifesto, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, called for the international political unification of the European working classes in order to achieve a communist revolution and proposed that because the socio-economic organization of communism was of a higher form than that of capitalism, a workers' revolution would first occur in the economically advanced, industrialized countries.
Marxist social democracy was strongest in Germany throughout the 19th century and the Social Democratic Party of Germany inspired Lenin and other Russian Marxists. In the early 20th century, the socio-economic backwardness of Imperial Russia —uneven and combined economic development—facilitated rapid and intensive industrialization, which produced a united, working-class proletariat in a predominantly rural, peasant society. Moreover, because the industrialization was financed with foreign capital, Imperial Russia did not possess a revolutionary bourgeoisie with political and economic influence upon the workers and the peasants. Although Russia's political economy principally was agrarian and semi-feudal, the task of democratic revolution therefore fell to the urban, industrial working class as the only social class capable of effecting land reform and democratization, in view that the Russian propertied classes would attempt to suppress any revolution, in town and country. In April 1917, Lenin published the April Theses, the political strategy of the October Revolution, which proposed that the Russian revolution was not an isolated national event, but a fundamentally international event—the first world socialist revolution.
Thus Lenin's practical application of Marxism and working-class urban revolution to the social and economic conditions of the agrarian peasant society, Tsarist Russia sparked the "revolutionary nationalism of the poor" to depose the absolute monarchy of the three-hundred-year Romanov dynasty. In the course of developing the Russian application of Marxism, the pamphlet Imperialism, the Highest Stage of Capitalism presented Lenin's analysis of an economic development predicted by Karl Marx, namely that capitalism would become a global financial system, wherein advanced industrial countries export financial capital to their colonial countries, to finance the exploitation of their natural resources and the labour of the native populations; such superexploitation of the poor countries allows the wealthy countries to maintain some homeland workers politically content with a higher standard of living and so ensure peaceful labour–capital relations in the capitalist homeland. Hence, a proletarian revolution of workers and peasants could not occur in the developed capitalist countries while the imperialist global-finance system remained intact.
In the United States of Europe Slogan, Lenin said: Workers of the world, unite!—Uneven economic and political development is an absolute law of capitalism. Hence the victory of socialism is possible, first in several, or in one capitalist country taken separately; the victorious proletariat of that country, having expropriated the capitalists and organised its own socialist production, would stand up against the rest of the world, the capitalist world. In Left-Wing Communism: An Infantile Disorder, Lenin said: The more powerful enemy can be vanquished only by exerting the utmost effort, by the most thorough, attentive and obligatory use of any the smallest, rift between the enemies, any conflict of interests among the
Pierre Lambert was a French Trotskyist leader, who for many years acted as the central leader of the French Courant Communiste Internationaliste which founded the Parti des Travailleurs. He was born in Paris to a family of Russian Jewish immigrants. Lambert began his activity as a Trotskyist militant before the Second World War when he was a member of the Internationalist Workers Party led by Raymond Molinier. After the war he continued his activism, as a member of the now united French section of the Fourth International, the Parti Communiste Internationaliste. In the PCI he was known as a specialist in trade union matters; when Michel Pablo, the secretary of the Fourth International, raised the question of entrism sui generis he came to oppose this and helped to challenge Pablo within the French Section of the FI, backing the PCI leadership around Marcel Bleibtreu. Differences between Lambert and Bleibtreu forced the latter to leave the PCI. By this time, 1952, the PCI had split into two mutually hostile groups on the question of entrism sui generis and the associated perspective of hundreds of years of deformed workers states propagated by Pablo.
As leader of the PCI by 1954 Lambert forged an alliance with the Socialist Workers Party in the United States and others opposed to Pablo. Lambert lead the PCI to join with these anti-Pabloist fores to form the International Committee of the Fourth International; this alliance would last for nearly a decade at which point the SWP and its international faction fused with the International Secretariat of the Fourth International, within which Pablo was now marginalised, to form the United Secretariat of the Fourth International. Lambert was left in 1963 to continue the ICFI in an alliance with the Gerry Healy-led Socialist Labour League, based in Britain; the much shrunken ICFI consisted at this point of the SLL, Lambert's Organisation Communiste Internationaliste and smaller groups around Europe and Latin America, most notably the POR in Bolivia led by Guillermo Lora and the Politica Obrera group in Argentina led by Jorge Altamira. By the time of the ICFI's congress in 1966, pressures were building between the OCI and the SLL.
In 1971 the OCI left the ICFI to form the Organising Committee for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International and in 1973 and 1974 proposed discussions to the USFI. This was supported by the US SWP but the Nicaraguan Revolution intervened in 1979 and instead the OCRFI united with Nahuel Moreno's group to form the Parity Committee for the Reconstruction of the Fourth International; the parity commission failed. In 1996 the Fourth International goes by that name since. Under his real name of Pierre Boussel, Lambert was candidate at the presidential election in 1988, he gathered 116,823 votes. Lambert died in Paris. Lambert biography De la IVe Internationale au Parti des travailleurs Tribute in Libération, 16 January 2008
Canvassing is the systematic initiation of direct contact with individuals used during political campaigns. Canvassing operations are performed for many reasons: political campaigning, grassroots fundraising, community awareness, membership drives, more. Campaigners will knock on doors to engage in personalized contact with an individual, it is used by political parties and issue groups to identify supporters, persuade the undecided, add voters to the voters list through voter registration, it is central to get out the vote operations. It is the core element of what political campaigns call field. Organized political canvassing became a central tool of contested election campaigns in Britain, has remained a core practice performed by thousands of volunteers each election there, in many of the countries descended from its political system, it is less common in campaigns of Continental East Asian democracies. Canvassing can refer to a neighborhood canvass performed by law enforcement in the course of an investigation.
A neighborhood canvass is a systematic approach to interviewing residents and others who are in the immediate vicinity of a crime and may have useful information. A modern election canvass is conducted either by paid canvassers; the canvassers are given lists known in the UK as reading pads. These are a list of households to be contacted, generated from a voter database; some campaigns today have replaced paper sheets with smartphone apps. The canvasser will attempt to reach each of the households on their list, deliver a script containing questions and persuasive messaging provided by the campaign. All election canvassing includes asking how a person plans to vote. Supporters may be asked themselves to volunteer, or to take a lawn sign; those who are wavering or undecided may be given a message of persuasion. If foot canvassing, the canvasser may distribute flyers. Upon completing the canvass, the results will be entered into the voter database; this will update the campaign's list of voters, removing those who have moved or are deceased and adding new residents who may have been found.
The data on the questions will be used for further contact, a supporter may be added to a list for get out the vote or fundraising, while a hostile voter might be dropped from future contact. The origin of the term is an older spelling of "canvas", to sift by shaking in a sheet of canvas, hence to discuss thoroughly. An organized canvass can be seen as early as the elections of the Roman Republic. In those campaigns candidates would shake the hands of all eligible voters in the Forum. Whispering into the ear of some candidates would be a nomenclator, a slave, trained to memorize the names of all the voters, so that the candidate could greet them all by name. Modern canvassing traces back to the rise of contested elections in England. For the first centuries of the English Parliament elections were contested. Losing an election was considered a dishonor to oneself, to friends and family. Campaigning thus involved quiet sounding out of the small pool of voters. Only once this process had convinced a candidate that he had enough votes to win would he declare his interest in the seat.
Beginning in the Elizabethan era, expanding during the conflicts under the Stuarts, elections began to be contested. Canvassing was a controversial strategy. In both 1604 and 1626 canvassing for votes was banned, it was seen as a violation to free elections, as votes would be won by persuasion rather than a voter making up his own mind. Despite this, by the late 17th century, canvassing was standard practice in English elections. Rival campaigns would attempt a full canvass of all voters, which in the largest districts would only be a few thousand people. There were many reasons why candidates invested much money in canvassing; as in the previous tradition of sounding out supporters before announcing, many candidates would use the canvass to determine their level of support, would drop out before election day if it proved insufficient. Part of the concern would be financial. Campaigning was expensive in an era where voters expected to be plied with drink. In this period the candidates had to cover the costs of the election itself.
If candidates did not find enough votes during their canvass they would drop out before wasting more money on a losing campaign. Building the list of voters was important, as only some districts kept full poll books. Legal wrangling over who met the property requirements to vote was important in many campaigns, canvassing was used to add supporters to the rolls, while investigating the claims of opponents; the growing list of supporters would be essential to an election day operation. In early elections all voters had to travel to a central town some distance from their home, polling could last several days. During this time voters would be away from their fields; as an example of the challenges, one losing candidate had identified 639 supporters in Kent for the Short Parliament election of 1640, but only 174 voted, most going home after finding out the polling would take three days. A candidate would make sure to knock on as many doors as possible to win over the voters. Speaking to as many voters as possible was seen as an essential tool to win the "wavering multitudes."
By the 18th century canvassing was standard practice, but this was an era of gross electoral corruption, canvassing was used to bribe and threaten voters, as famously depicted in William Hogarth's Humours of an Election series of paintings. Most directly this would take the form of direct bribes to voters; this was only the prac