1982 Spanish general election
The 1982 Spanish general election was held on Thursday, 28 October 1982, to elect the 2nd Cortes Generales of the Kingdom of Spain. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies were up for election, as well as 208 of 254 seats in the Senate; as opinion polls showed a collapse in support for the ruling Union of the Democratic Centre, Leopoldo Calvo-Sotelo called for a snap election after party splits and infighting through the summer of 1982 had left him without a workable majority to remain in power. The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party led by Felipe González won a landslide victory, with 48.1% of the vote and a strong majority of 202 out of 350 seats in the Congress, sweeping across the country, running a mainstream modern social democratic campaign and appealing to political change. The UCD, on the other hand, was decimated, losing 93% of its 1979 seats and 80% of its 1979 vote—still the worst defeat that a sitting government has suffered since the restoration of democracy, one of the worst defeats suffered by a western European governing party.
The right-wing People's Alliance, led into the election by former Francoist minister Manuel Fraga, benefitted from the UCD's losses, becoming the main opposition party to the Socialists with over 100 seats and 26.4% of the vote. Former Prime Minister Adolfo Suárez's party, the Democratic and Social Centre —split from the UCD some months previously—had a modest entry into the Congress with 2 seats and 2.9% of the vote, while the Communist Party of Spain vote plummeted, suffering from tactical voting to the PSOE. Turnout was, at 79.97%, the highest recorded in a general election held in Spain to date. The 1982 election was the last general election to be held on a day other than Sunday. González took office on 2 December, heading the first government in 43 years in which none of its members had served under Francoism; the Spanish Cortes Generales were envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system. The Congress of Deputies had greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a Prime Minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes.
Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a few exclusive, yet limited in number functions—such as its role in constitutional amendment—which were not subject to the Congress' override. Voting for the Cortes Generales was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over eighteen and in full enjoyment of their political rights. For the Congress of Deputies, 348 seats were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with a threshold of 3 percent of valid votes—which included blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Parties not reaching the threshold were not taken into consideration for seat distribution. Additionally, the use of the D'Hondt method might result in an effective threshold over three percent, depending on the district magnitude. Seats were allocated to corresponding to the provinces of Spain; each constituency was entitled to an initial minimum of two seats, with the remaining 248 fixed among the constituencies in proportion to their populations, at a rate of one seat per each 144,500 inhabitants or fraction greater than 70,000.
Ceuta and Melilla were allocated the two remaining seats. For the Senate, 208 seats were elected using an open list partial block voting, with electors voting for individual candidates instead of parties. In constituencies electing four seats, electors could vote for up to three candidates; each of the 47 peninsular provinces was allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts were the islands themselves, with the larger—Majorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife—being allocated three seats each, the smaller—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each. Ceuta and Melilla elected two seats each; the law provided for by-elections to fill seats vacated up to two years into the legislature. Additionally, autonomous communities could appoint at least one senator each and were entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants; the electoral law provided that parties, federations and groupings of electors were allowed to present lists of candidates.
However, groupings of electors were required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of the electors registered in the constituency for which they sought election—needing to secure, in any case, the signature of 500 electors—. Electors were barred from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently and federations intending to enter in coalition to take part jointly at an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within fifteen days of the election being called; the term of each House of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expired four years from the date of their previous election, unless they were dissolved earlier. An election was required to be held within from thirty to sixty days after the date of expiry of the Cortes Generales; the previous election was held on 1 March 1979, which meant that the legislature's term would expire on 1 March 1983. An election was to take place no than the sixtieth day from the expiry, setting the latest possible election date for the Cortes Generales on Saturday, 30 April 1983.
The Prime Minister had the prerogative to dissolve both Houses at any given time—either jointly or separately—and call a snap election, provided that no motion of no confidence was in process, no state of emergency was in force and that dissolution did not occ
Jaime Mayor Oreja
Jaime Mayor Oreja is a Spanish politician of the People's Party. He has served as a member in the Basque Parliament, the Spanish Parliament, the European Parliament, as well as serving in various ministries, within both Spanish and autonomous Basque Governments, he is known for his outspoken anti-ETA rhetoric. Mayor Oreja's family is rooted in conservative Spanish politics, his grandfather Marcelino Oreja Elósegui, Catholic activist, Carlist politician, was a victim of the Asturian strike action of 1934, his uncle Marcelino Oreja Aguirre served extensively in the civil service of Spain and the European Parliament, introduced his nephew to politics, he was born and raised in San Sebastián, he attended a school run by Marianists, studied law before quitting to enter politics. Oreja joined the Union of the Democratic Centre in 1977, after failing to be elected in the first elections to the Cortes Generales in a democratic Spain, was elected with the UCD in 1979. Shortly after the elections, he was appointed delegate of the Spanish government to the Basque Government, he was involved in the implementation of the Basque Statute of Autonomy, serving in the Basque General Council, precursor to the autonomous parliament, as a tourism minister.
He left the Cortes Generales in 1982, as the Socialist Party won a majority, he kept his position as delegate of the Spanish government to the Basque Government until 1983, when the UCD began collapsing. He joined the People's Coalition, stood as their candidate for lehendakari in the 1984 Basque elections. Disagreements within the governing party, the Basque Nationalist Party, a snap election was called in 1986. Mayor Oreja took this opportunity to retire from the Basque Parliament the world of politics. In 1989, at the request of Manuel Fraga, Mayor Oreja returned to politics to help the newly founded People's Party, he led the party in the Basque elections of 1990, directed the European Parliament elections in 1989, where the party made no significant gains or losses. In 1994, the party nearly doubled its seats. Fellow party member in the Basque Parliament, Gregorio Ordóñez, was assassinated in 1995 by the Euskara Ta Askatsuna, which helped the PP's win the following year. José María Aznar, led the PP to government in 1996, Mayor Oreja was back in the Cortes Generales, representing Alava, was appointed by Aznar as Minister of the Interior.
Upon entering government, he had to deal with the ETA's kidnapping of José Antonio Ortega Lara, after a false truce, he coined the term "tregua-trampa", or "truce-trap". In a 1998 interview, Mayor Oreja said, "The PP government, I what I did was close the dialogue and negotiation with ETA when ETA approached the Government to seek a political negotiation." His tenure as Minister of the Interior marked Mayor Oreja's height of influence, thereafter his political career experienced an irregular decline. In 2001, his party chose him as candidate to the Basque regional presidency in that year's election, so he resigned as Minister of the Interior to focus on running the campaign; the 2001 Basque elections took place in the aftermath of the collapse of ETA's 1998 ceasefire. Mayor Oreja ran on an aggressive ticket, defending the Spanish Constitution and the Statute of Gernika as the main framework to defeat ETA, vigorously attacked the incumbent Basque Nationalist Party due to their alleged complicity with terrorism.
Although his ticket never polled high enough to secure a plurality of seats in the Basque parliament, Mayor Oreja and the Spanish Socialist Party made it clear that were the incumbent lehendakari Juan José Ibarretxe to fail to secure an absolute majority in the Basque parliament, Mayor Oreja would form a minority government instead with the Socialist's support. Albeit Mayor Oreja improved his party's results and attained 22.9% of the votes, this proved insufficient to unseat Ibarretxe, who obtained 42.4% of the votes with a 6.2% swing in his favour. As a result, Mayor Oreja failed to become lehendakari, Ibarretxe was re-elected, he remained leader of the opposition in the Basque country until 2004. During this time, he developed a reputation as an absentee parliamentarian after missing a key vote in 2002 that enabled the Ibarretxe government to pass its budget by just one vote. In 2004 he was named as a potential successor to the outgoing Spanish prime minister José María Aznar, but the latter opted for Mariano Rajoy instead.
Shortly afterwards, Mayor Oreja quit his seat in the Basque parliament and ran for MEP in that year's European parliament elections, where he secured a seat. For the next ten years, he occupied several senior positions in the European People's Party group of the European Parliament, his positions opposing abortion and LGBT rights, his hard-line stance against terrorism, placed him at the far right of his party. After a series of public spats with his party's leadership over their strategy in the final days of ETA, Mayor Oreja decided not to run again for the European Parliament in the 2014 election, abandoned public life. Personal profile of Jaime Mayor Oreja in the European Parliament's database of members Declaration of financial interests
People's Party (Spain)
The People's Party is a conservative, liberal-conservative and Christian-democratic political party in Spain. The People's Party was a re-foundation in 1989 of the People's Alliance, a party led and founded by Manuel Fraga Iribarne, a former Minister of the Interior and Minister of Tourism during Francisco Franco's dictatorship; the new party combined the conservative AP with several small Christian democratic and liberal parties. In 2002, Manuel Fraga received the honorary title of "Founding Chairman"; the party's youth organization is New Generations of the People's Party of Spain. The PP is a member of the center-right European People's Party, in the European Parliament its 16 MEPs sit in the EPP Group; the PP is a member of the Centrist Democrat International and the International Democrat Union. The PP was one of the founding organizations of the Budapest-based Robert Schuman Institute for Developing Democracy in Central and Eastern Europe. On 24 May 2018, the National Court found that the PP profited from the illegal kickbacks-for-contracts scheme of the Gürtel case, confirming the existence of an illegal accounting and financing structure that ran in parallel with the party's official one since the party's foundation in 1989 and ruling that the PP helped establish "a genuine and effective system of institutional corruption through the manipulation of central and local public procurement".
This prompted a no confidence vote on Mariano Rajoy's government, brought down on 1 June 2018 in the first successful motion since the Spanish transition to democracy. On 5 June 2018, Rajoy announced his resignation as PP leader; the party has its roots in the People's Alliance founded on 9 October 1976 by former Francoist minister Manuel Fraga. Although Fraga was a member of the reformist faction of the Franco regime, he supported an gradual transition to democracy. However, he badly underestimated the public's distaste for Francoism. Additionally, while he attempted to convey a reformist image, the large number of former Francoists in the party led the public to perceive it as both reactionary and authoritarian. In the June 1977 general election, the AP garnered only 8.3 percent of the vote, putting it in fourth place. In the months following the 1977 elections, dissent erupted within the AP over constitutional issues that arose as the draft document was being formulated. Fraga had wanted from the beginning to brand the party as a traditional European conservative party, wanted to move the AP toward the political centre in order to form a larger centre-right party.
Fraga's wing won the struggle. The AP joined with other moderate conservatives to form the Democratic Coalition, it was hoped that this new coalition would capture the support of those who had voted for the Union of the Democratic Centre in 1977, but who had become disenchanted with the Adolfo Suárez government. In the March 1979 general election, the CD received 6.1 percent of the vote, again finishing a distant fourth. At the AP's Second Party Congress in December 1979, party leaders re-assessed their involvement in the CD. Many felt that the creation of the coalition had confused the voters, they sought to emphasise the AP's independent identity. Fraga resumed control of the party, the political resolutions adopted by the party congress reaffirmed the conservative orientation of the AP. In the early 1980s, Fraga succeeded in rallying the various components of the right around his leadership, he was aided in his efforts to revive the AP by the increasing disintegration of the UCD. In the general elections held in October 1982, the AP gained votes both from previous UCD supporters and from the far right.
It became the major opposition party to the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, securing 25.4 percent of the popular vote. Whereas the AP's parliamentary representation had dropped to 9 seats in 1979, the party allied itself with the small Christian democratic People's Democratic Party and won 106 seats in 1982; the increased strength of the AP was further evidenced in the municipal and regional elections held in May 1983, when the party drew 26 percent of the vote. A significant portion of the electorate appeared to support the AP's emphasis on law and order as well as its pro-business policies. Subsequent political developments belied the party's aspirations to continue increasing its base of support. Prior to the June 1986 elections, the AP joined forces with the PDP and the Liberal Party to form the People's Coalition, in another attempt to expand its constituency to include the centre of the political spectrum; the coalition called for stronger measures against terrorism, for more privatisation, for a reduction in public spending and in taxes.
The CP failed to increase its share of the vote in the 1986 elections, it soon began to disintegrate. When regional elections in late 1986 resulted in further losses for the coalition, Fraga resigned as AP chairman, although he retained his parliamentary seat. At the party congress in February 1987, Antonio Hernández Mancha was chosen to head the AP, declaring that under his leadership the AP would become a "modern right-wing European party", but Hernández Mancha lacked political experience at the national level, the party continued to decline. When support for the AP plummeted in the municipal and regional elections held in June 1987, it was clear that it would be overtaken as major opposition party by Suarez's Democratic and Social Centre. After the resignation of Manuel Fraga and the success
La Vanguardia is a Spanish daily newspaper, founded in 1881. It is printed in Spanish and, since 3 May 2011 in Catalan, it is Catalonia's leading newspaper. La Vanguardia, despite being distributed in Catalonia, has Spain's fourth-highest circulation among general-interest newspapers, trailing only the three main Madrid dailies – El País, El Mundo and ABC, all of which are national newspapers with offices and local editions throughout the country, its editorial line leans to the centre of politics and is moderate in its opinions, although under Franco it followed Francoist ideology and to this day has Catholic sensibilities and strong ties to the Spanish nobility through the Godó family. La Vanguardia's newspaper history began in Barcelona on 1 February 1881 when two businessmen from Igualada and Bartolomé Godó, first published the paper, it was defined as a Diario político de avisos y notícias, intended as a means of communication for a faction of the Liberal Party that wanted to gain control over the Barcelona city council.
On 31 December 1887, the paper published its last edition as a party organ, the next day, 1 January 1888, the first day of the Universal Exposition of Barcelona, it presented a new, politically independent format with morning and afternoon editions. It is one of the oldest papers in Spain, is the only Catalan newspaper that has survived all the Spanish regime changes, from the restoration of Alfonso XII to the 21st century. La Vanguardia is part of the Grupo Godó. Carlos Godó Valls took over the business in 1931, his death was one year after the death of his wife, Montserrat Muntañola Trinxet, succeeding as President his son Javier Godó Muntañola in 1987. From 1939 to 1978 its title included the word Española in order to better accommodate the new state ideology; the paper was one of two major dailies in Spain during the Franco regime together with ABC. In the late 1970s and 1980s La Vanguardia had close connections with Union alliance. In 1987 La Vanguardia received the second largest amount of state aid.
La Vanguardia was published in berliner format until 2 October 2007 when it began to use tabloid format. The daily was awarded the World's Best Designed Newspaper for 1994 by the Society for News Design; the circulation of La Vanguardia was 221,451 copies in February 1970 and 218,390 copies in February 1975. Five years the circulation of the paper was 188,555 copies in February 1980. In 1993 La Vanguardia had a circulation of 208,029 copies, making it the fifth best selling newspaper in Spain. In 1994 it was the fourth best selling newspaper in the country with a circulation of 207,112 copies. La Vanguardia had a circulation of 205,000 copies in 2001, its circulation was 203,000 copies in 2003. Between June 2006 and July 2007 the daily had a circulation of 209,735 copies; the 2008 circulation of the paper was 213,413 copies. It was 196,824 copies in 2011; the newspaper prints daily in two parallel editions, one in Spanish and, since 3 May 2011, another one in Catalan. The Spanish name La Vanguardia is used for both editions.
Before the birth of the Catalan edition, letters to the editor submitted in Catalan were always left untranslated. John Carlin Julià Guillamon Quim Monzó Fernando Krahn Pedro Madueño Sergi Pàmies Pilar Rahola Xavier Sala-i-Martin Gaziel Merrill, John C. and Harold A. Fisher; the world's great dailies: profiles of fifty newspapers pp 334–37 La Vanguardia newspaper website
A political spectrum is a system of classifying different political positions upon one or more geometric axes that represent independent political dimensions. Most long-standing spectra include a left wing, which referred to seating arrangements in the French parliament after the Revolution. On a left–right spectrum and socialism are regarded internationally as being on the left, Liberalism can mean different things in different contexts: sometimes on the left; those with an intermediate outlook are sometimes classified as centrists. That said and neoliberals are called centrists too. Politics that rejects the conventional left–right spectrum is known as syncretic politics, though the label tends to mischaracterize positions that have a logical location on a two-axis spectrum because they seem randomly brought together on a one-axis left-right spectrum. Political scientists have noted that a single left–right axis is insufficient for describing the existing variation in political beliefs and include other axes.
Though the descriptive words at polar opposites may vary in popular biaxial spectra the axes are split between socio-cultural issues and economic issues, each scaling from some form of individualism to some form of communitarianism. The terms right and left refer to political affiliations originating early in the French Revolutionary era of 1789–1799 and referred to the seating arrangements in the various legislative bodies of France; as seen from the Speaker's seat at the front of the Assembly, the aristocracy sat on the right and the commoners sat on the left, hence the terms right-wing politics and left-wing politics. The defining point on the ideological spectrum was the Ancien Régime. "The Right" thus implied support for aristocratic or royal interests and the church, while "The Left" implied support for republicanism and civil liberties. Because the political franchise at the start of the revolution was narrow, the original "Left" represented the interests of the bourgeoisie, the rising capitalist class.
Support for laissez-faire commerce and free markets were expressed by politicians sitting on the left because these represented policies favorable to capitalists rather than to the aristocracy, but outside parliamentary politics these views are characterized as being on the Right. The reason for this apparent contradiction lies in the fact that those "to the left" of the parliamentary left, outside official parliamentary structures represent much of the working class, poor peasantry and the unemployed, their political interests in the French Revolution lay with opposition to the aristocracy and so they found themselves allied with the early capitalists. However, this did not mean that their economic interests lay with the laissez-faire policies of those representing them politically; as capitalist economies developed, the aristocracy became less relevant and were replaced by capitalist representatives. The size of the working class increased as capitalism expanded and began to find expression through trade unionist, socialist and communist politics rather than being confined to the capitalist policies expressed by the original "left".
This evolution has pulled parliamentary politicians away from laissez-faire economic policies, although this has happened to different degrees in different countries those with a history of issues with more authoritarian-left countries, such as the Soviet Union or China under Mao Zedong. Thus the word "Left" in American political parlance may refer to "liberalism" and be identified with the Democratic Party, whereas in a country such as France these positions would be regarded as more right-wing, or centrist overall, "left" is more to refer to "socialist" or "social-democratic" positions rather than "liberal" ones. For a century, social scientists have considered the problem of how best to describe political variation. In 1950, Leonard W. Ferguson analyzed political values using ten scales measuring attitudes toward: birth control, capital punishment, communism, law, theism, treatment of criminals and war. Submitting the results to factor analysis, he was able to identify three factors, which he named religionism and nationalism.
He defined religionism as belief in God and negative attitudes toward birth control. This system was derived empirically, as rather than devising a political model on purely theoretical grounds and testing it, Ferguson's research was exploratory; as a result of this method, care must be taken in the interpretation of Ferguson's three factors, as factor analysis will output an abstract factor whether an objectively real factor exists or not. Although replication of the nationalism factor was inconsistent, the finding of religionism and humanitarianism had a number of replications by Ferguson and others. Shortly afterward, Hans Eysenck began researching political attitudes in Great Britain, he believed that there was something similar about the National Socialists on the one hand and the communists on the other, despite their opposite positions on the left–right axis. As Hans Eysenck described in his 1956 book Sense and
1987 European Parliament election in Spain
The 1987 European Parliament election in Spain was held on Wednesday, 10 June 1987, to elect the MEP delegation from the country for the 2nd European Parliament. All 60 seats allocated to Spain as per the 1985 Treaty of Accession were up for election; the election was held with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain. Spain had acceded the European Communities on 1 January 1986 and had been represented in the European Parliament by 60 temporarily-appointed delegates until a proper election could be held; as a European-wide election was due in 1989, elected MEPs only served for the remainder of the European Parliament term. The ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party designated former Foreign Affairs Minister Fernando Morán to lead their campaign; the main opposition People's Alliance party, running on its own after the People's Democratic Party and Liberal Party broke away from the People's Coalition, chose Manuel Fraga—who had resigned as party leader in December 1986—to lead the party list.
Adolfo Suárez had considered running as main candidate for his Democratic and Social Centre party, but declined after the electoral law was amended by the ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party to make elected MEPs incompatible for posts in the Cortes Generales—Suárez was deputy in the Congress of Deputies, would have been forced to renounce one of the two offices if elected—. The 60 members of the European Parliament allocated to Spain as per the 1985 Treaty of Accession were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with no threshold being applied in order to be entitled to enter seat distribution. However, the use of the D'Hondt method might result in an effective threshold depending on the district magnitude. Seats were allocated to a single multi-member constituency comprising the entire national territory. Voting was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over eighteen and in full enjoyment of their political rights; the electoral law provided that parties, federations and groupings of electors were allowed to present lists of candidates.
However, they were required to secure the signature of at least 15,000 registered electors. Electors were barred from signing for more than one list of candidates. Parties and coalitions were allowed to replace this requirement with the signature of at least 50 elected officials—deputies, senators, MEPs or members from the legislative assemblies of autonomous communities or from local city councils—. Concurrently and federations intending to enter in coalition to take part jointly at an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within ten days from the election call. Below is a list of the main parties and coalitions which contested the election: The table below lists voting intention estimates in reverse chronological order, showing the most recent first and using the dates when the survey fieldwork was done, as opposed to the date of publication. Where the fieldwork dates are unknown, the date of publication is given instead; the highest percentage figure in each polling survey is displayed with its background shaded in the leading party's colour.
If a tie ensues, this is applied to the figures with the highest percentages. The "Lead" column on the right shows the percentage-point difference between the parties with the highest percentages in a given poll; when available, seat projections are displayed below the voting estimates in a smaller font. Opinion poll sources Other European elections Spain in Europe Politique
European People's Party
The European People's Party is a conservative and Christian democratic European political party. A transnational organisation, it is composed of other political parties, not individuals. Founded by Christian democratic parties in 1976, it has since broadened its membership to include liberal-conservative parties and parties with other centre-right political perspectives; the EPP has been the largest party in the European Parliament since 1999 and in the European Council since 2002. It is by far the largest party in the current European Commission; the President of the European Council, President of the European Commission and the President of the European Parliament are all from the EPP. Many of the Founding fathers of the European Union were from parties that formed the EPP. Outside the EU the party controls a majority in the Parliamentary Assembly of the Council of Europe; the EPP has alternated with its centre-left rival the Party of European Socialists as the largest European political party and parliamentary group.
The EPP includes major centre-right parties such as the Union of Germany, The Republicans of France, CD&V of Belgium, KDU-ČSL of the Czech Republic, Fine Gael of Ireland, New Democracy of Greece, Forza Italia of Italy, the People's Party of Spain, the Social Democratic Party of Portugal, the Civic Platform of Poland but Fidesz of Hungary. According to its website, the EPP is "the family of the political centre-right, whose roots run deep in the history and civilisation of the European continent, has pioneered the European project from its inception"; the EPP was founded in Luxembourg on 8 July 1976 on the initiative of Jean Seitlinger. It had been preceded by the Secretariat International des partis démocratiques d'inspiration chrétienne, founded in 1925, the Nouvelles Equipes Internationales, founded in 1946, the European Union of Christian Democrats, founded in 1965. In the late 1990s the Finnish politician Sauli Niinistö negotiated the merger of the European Democrat Union, of which he was President, into the EPP.
In October 2002 the EDU ceased its activities after being formally absorbed by the EPP at a special event in Estoril, Portugal. In recognition of his efforts Niinistö was elected Honorary President of the EPP the same year; the EPP has had five Presidents: During its Congress in Bucharest in 2012 the EPP updated its political platform after 20 years and approved a political manifesto in which it summarised its main values and policies. The manifesto highlights: Freedom as a central human right, coupled with responsibility Respect for traditions and associations Solidarity to help those in need, who in turn should make an effort to improve their situation Ensuring solid public finances Preserving a healthy environment Subsidiarity Pluralist democracy and a Social Market EconomyThe manifesto describes the EPP's priorities for the EU, including: European Political Union Direct election of the President of the European Commission Completion of the European Single Market Promotion of the family, improvements in education and health Strengthening of the common immigration and asylum policy, integrating immigrants Continuation of enlargement of the EU, enhancement of the European Neighbourhood Policy and special relationship frameworks for countries that cannot, or do not want to, join the EU Defining a true common EU energy policy Strengthening European political parties As a central part of its campaign for the European elections in 2009 the EPP approved its election manifesto at its Congress in Warsaw in April that year.
The manifesto called for: Creation of new jobs, continuing reforms and investment in education, lifelong learning, employment in order to create opportunities for everyone. Avoidance of protectionism, coordination of fiscal and monetary policies. Increased transparency and surveillance in financial markets. Making Europe the market leader in green technology. Increasing the share of renewable energy to at least 20 per cent of the energy mix by 2020.. Family-friendly flexibility for working parents, better child care and housing, family-friendly fiscal policies, encouragement of parental leave. A new strategy to attract skilled workers from the rest of the world to make Europe’s economy more competitive, more dynamic and more knowledge-driven; the dispute about the right-wing politics of the Hungarian Fidesz-leader Viktor Orbán has produced a split in the EPP in the run-up of the 2019 European Parliament election. On the one hand the EPP over years was reluctant to address the stance against the rule of law of Fidesz, expressed by the Article 7 proceedings of the European Parliament, on the other hand European Commission President Jean-Claude Juncker, a prominent EPP-member, stated “I believe his place is not in the European People’s Party”.
Orbán’s campaigns targeting billionaire George Soros and Jean-Claude Juncker carried wide reverberations for Europe questioning the EPP’s effort to install its lead candidate Manfred Weber as the next Commission president. After years of deferring a decision about the Fidesz issue, the EPP felt compelled to address the problem two months before the 2019 European elections, as 13 outraged member parties requested its exclusion from the EPP due to its billboard campaign featuring Jean-Claude Juncker. 190 of the 193 EPP-delegates decided on 20 March 2019 to suspend Fidesz membership. According to this, Fidesz is "until further notice" excluded from EPP meetings and inte