Great Fish River
The Great Fish River is a river running 644 kilometres through the South African province of the Eastern Cape. The coastal area between Port Elizabeth and the Fish River mouth is known as the Sunshine Coast; the Great Fish River was named Rio do Infante, after João Infante, the captain of one of the caravels of Bartolomeu Dias. Infante visited the river in the late 1480s; the Great Fish River runs through Cradock. Further south the Tarka River joins its left bank. Thence it makes a zig-zag turn to Cookhouse, from where it meanders down the escarpment east of Grahamstown before its final near-straight run to its estuary 8 km northeast of Seafield, into the Indian Ocean; the river is permanent, having water all year round, although its headwaters rise in an arid region, the natural flow can be sluggish in the dry season beyond the ebb and flow of the tidal reaches. The river is tidal for 20 km, its main tributaries are the Groot Brak River, the Tarka River and the Kap River on the left side, the Little Fish River on the right side.
The Great Fish River is part of the Fish to Tsitsikama Water Management Area. Egerton Dam Elandsdrift Dam River mouth: The climate is temperate with around 650mm of rainfall that falls during spring and autumn. Mean temperatures range from 12 °C to 24 °C with extremes as low as 2 °C or as high as 40 °C. In the 1970s, a major water project brought Orange River water, via the Fish River, for agricultural and industrial use; the tunnel for this was a major engineering undertaking, with the intake at Oviston. Oviston is on the shores of the Gariep Dam. A hydro-electric generating plant is placed at the Fish River egress, but is uneconomic and is not in use. Mixing of waters from two watersheds has been environmentally disastrous - much of the Fish River ecosystem is now taken over by Orange River flora and fauna. River mouth: Valley thicket, dune thicket, riparian vegetation and fynbos; the eastern Cape giant cycad, the red and the white milkwood are protected trees. Other significant species include the acacia, white pear, Karoo boer-bean, Strelitzia nicolai, dune poison bush, wild plum, coral tree and small knobwood.
There is a small population of the endangered Eastern Province rocky in the Kat River, part of the Great Fish river basin. The Fish River mouth area supports several species of large and small mammals including five antelope species, various rodent species including mongoose, hares and mice, the shy Southern African wildcat, the small spotted genet, striped polecat and the Cape porcupine; the most viewed wild mammal is the vervet monkey, known to grab food under the nose of unsuspecting guests at the Fish River Sun Resort. There are over 135 species of marine and terrestrial birds found along the river including the colourful Knysna lourie, giant kingfisher and the majestic fish eagle. There are 26 species of snakes. During the 19th century, the river formed the border of the Cape Colony and was hotly contested during the Xhosa Wars of 1779 to 1878 between the Xhosa nation on the one side and the Dutch farmers and the 1820 Settlers from England on the other, in 1835, the Fingo tribe was permitted to settle on the river's banks.
During apartheid, the lower reaches formed the western boundary of the nominally independent Ciskei homeland. Between 1846 and 1847, the Fish River mouth area became a hive of activity during the War of the Axe, one of several frontier wars at the time between the Xhosa nation and the British colonists. A ferry was constructed at the Fish River to link the Cape Colony with Waterloo Bay. Waterloo Bay, named after the first ship which unloaded cargo in the bay, served as a landing place for soldiers and supplies in the war. Several ships wrecked along the Fish River coast during these years; the following are notable historical sites at the Fish River mouth encompassed within the Fish River Sun Resort premises which the establishment has endeavoured to protect: The main military camp was on the eastern bank of the Old Woman’s River, called Cape Maitland, in honour of Sir Peregrine Maitland, Governor of the Cape Colony. The name was changed to Fort Albert in honour of Queen Victoria’s husband; the camp consisted of huts and tents surrounded by an earthwork and was abandoned at the end of the war.
The camp site was ‘rediscovered’ when large quantities of artifacts were unearthed during the construction of the Fish River Sun golf course. A certain Sergeant C. Broxholm is rumoured to have built the only structure that survived the war, located on the eastern side of the river. Built in 1846, he sold the building a year to Mr. J Kidd of the Wesleyan Missionary Society who hoped to undertake missionary work at Waterloo Bay; some of the soldiers that died during the occupation of Waterloo Bay were buried in a small cemetery near the eastern bank of the Old Woman’s River. The graves were not marked but it is believed that members of the 6th and 45th regiments and Cape Levy were buried there. A clearing among the dune scrub marks the site on the Fish River Sun Resort property. A large civilian camp with the accompanying trading stores and inns which followed the military activities was situated on the western side of the Old Woman’s River. All historical remains are covered by the golf playing surface.
The Zulu are a Bantu ethnic group of Southern Africa and the largest ethnic group in South Africa, with an estimated 10–12 million people living in the province of KwaZulu-Natal. Small numbers live in Zimbabwe, Zambia and Mozambique; the Zulu were a major clan in what is today Northern KwaZulu-Natal, founded ca. 1709 by Zulu kaMalandela. In the Nguni languages, iZulu means weather. At that time, the area clans. Nguni communities had migrated down Africa's east coast over centuries, as part of the Bantu migrations The Zulu formed a powerful state in 1818 under the leader Shaka. Shaka, as the Zulu King, gained a large amount of power over the tribe; as commander in the army of the powerful Mthethwa Empire, he became leader of his mentor Dingiswayo's paramouncy and united what was once a confederation of tribes into an imposing empire under Zulu hegemony. Zulu expansion was a major factor of the Mfecane. In mid-December of 1878, envoys of the British crown delivered an ultimatum to 11 chiefs representing the then-current king of the Zulu empire, Cetshwayo.
Under the British terms delivered to the Zulu, Cetshwayo would have been required to disband his army and accept British sovereignty. Cetshwayo refused, war between the Zulus and African contingents of the British crown began on January 12th, 1879. Despite an early victory for the Zulus at the Battle of Isandlwana on the 22nd of January, the British fought back and won the Battle at Rorke's Drift, definitively defeated the Zulu army by July at the Battle of Ulundi. After Cetshwayo's capture a month following his defeat, the British divided the Zulu Empire into 13 "kinglets"; the sub-kingdoms fought amongst each other until 1883 when Cetshwayo was reinstated as king over Zululand. This still did not stop the fighting and the Zulu monarch was forced to flee his realm by Zibhebhu, one of the 13 kinglets, supported by Boer mercenaries. Cetshwayo died in February 1884, killed by Zibhebhu's regime, leaving his son, the 15-year-old Dinuzulu, to inherit the throne. In-fighting between the Zulu continued for years, until Zululand was absorbed into the British colony of Natal.
Under apartheid, the homeland of KwaZulu was created for Zulu people. In 1970, the Bantu Homeland Citizenship Act provided that all Zulus would become citizens of KwaZulu, losing their South African citizenship. KwaZulu consisted in what is now KwaZulu-Natal. Hundreds of thousands of Zulu people living on owned "black spots" outside of KwaZulu were dispossessed and forcibly moved to bantustans – worse land reserved for whites contiguous to existing areas of KwaZulu. By 1993 5.2 million Zulu people lived in KwaZulu, 2 million lived in the rest of South Africa. The Chief Minister of KwaZulu, from its creation in 1970 was Chief Mangosuthu Buthelezi. In 1994, KwaZulu was joined with the province of Natal. Inkatha YeSizwe means "the crown of the nation". In 1975, Buthelezi revived the Inkatha YaKwaZulu, predecessor of the Inkatha Freedom Party; this organization was nominally a protest movement against apartheid, but held more conservative views than the ANC. For example, Inkatha was opposed to the armed struggle, to sanctions against South Africa.
Inkatha was on good terms with the ANC, but the two organizations came into increasing conflict beginning in 1976 in the aftermath of the Soweto Uprising. The modern Zulu population is evenly distributed in both urban and rural areas. Although KwaZulu-Natal is still their heartland, large numbers have been attracted to the relative economic prosperity of Gauteng province. Indeed, Zulu is the most spoken home language in the province, followed by Sotho; the language of the Zulu people is "isiZulu", a Bantu language. Zulu is the most spoken language in South Africa, where it is an official language. More than half of the South African population are able to understand it, with over 9 million first-language and over 15 million second-language speakers. Many Zulu people speak Xitsonga and others from among South Africa's 11 official languages. Zulus wear a variety of attire, both traditional for ceremonial or culturally celebratory occasions, modern westernized clothing for everyday use; the women engaged, or married.
The men wore a leather belt with two strips of hide hanging down back. Most Zulu people state their beliefs to be Christian; some of the most common churches to which they belong are African Initiated Churches the Zion Christian Church, United African Apostolic Church, although membership of major European Churches, such as the Dutch Reformed and Catholic Churches are common. Many Zulus retain their traditional pre-Christian belief system of ancestor worship in parallel with their Christianity. Zulu religion includes belief in a creator God, above interacting in day-to-day human life, although this belief appears to have originated from efforts by early Christian missionaries to frame the idea of the Christian God in Zulu terms. Traditionally, the more held Zulu belief was in ancestor spirits, who had the power to intervene in people's lives, for good or ill; this belief continues to be widespread among the modern Zulu population. Traditionally, the Zulu recognize several elements to b
Southern Ndebele people
The Southern African Ndebele are an eMbo ethnic group native to South Africa who speak Southern Ndebele, distinct both from the "Northern Transvaal Ndebele" languages known as SiNrebele or SiSumayela, as well as the Zimbabwean Ndebele language. The former are the people of Gegana and the latter are the people of Mzilikazi's "Matabele Empire", whereas Southern Ndebele people are those of Ndzundza and Manala. Although sharing the same name, they should not be confused with Northern Ndebele people of modern Zimbabwe, a breakaway from the Zulu nation, with whom they came into contact only after Mfecane. Northern Ndebele people speak the Ndebele language. Mzilikazi's Khumalo clan have a different history and their language is more similar to Zulu and Xhosa. Southern Ndebele inhabit the provinces of Mpumalanga and Limpopo, all of which are in the northeast of the country; the Southern Ndebele people’s history has been traced back to King Ndebele, King Ndebele fathered King Langa, King Langa fathered King Mntungwa, King Mntungwa fathered King Jonono, King Jonono fathered King Nanasi, King Nanasi fathered King Mafana, King Mafana fathered King Mhlanga and Chief Libhoko, King Mhlanga fathered King Musi and Chief Skhube.
Ndebele Some of his sons were left behind with the Hlubi tribe Langa Some of his sons branched and formed the BakaLanga tribe Mntungwa Founder of the amaNtungwa clan Njonono He died in Jononoskop near Ladysmith – Surname Jonono is in the Hlubi tribe Nanasi He died in Jononoskop near Ladysmith – Surname Nanasi is in the Hlubi tribe Mafana He died in Randfontein Mhlanga He died in Randfontein Musi He died in kwaMnyamana King Musi’s kraal was based at eMhlangeni a place named after his father Mhlanga, the name of the place is known as Randfontein and moved to KwaMnyamana, now called Emarula or Bon Accord in Pretoria. King Musi was a polygamist and fathered the following sons, Manala, Thombeni, Sibasa and Mphafuli and others; the first born son of king Musi was Skhosana from the third wife, he was called Masombuka. The name “sombuka” means to begin. Manala was the first son from the great wife and Ndzundza was the son of the second wife. According to Ndebele custom, the heir to the throne of the king is the first born son from the great wife.
When the great wife of King Musi died, King Musi was sickly. He was nursed by mother of Ndzundza. Due to the fact that Musi was old, he was worried about the Kingship of the Ndebele Nation. Musi did not want Manala to be the King of the Nation hence one day Musi instructed Manala to come and see him in the morning. Musi instructed Manala to go and hunt for the iMbuduma and this was a ploy to keep Manala away from the household in order to hand over the kingship to Ndzundza. After Manala had left to hunt for the Wildebeest Musi instructed his wife to call her son Ndzundza. King Musi gave Ndzundza the accessory to the throne, customarily passed on from the incumbent to the successor. Musi knew that if he died then, the kingship will be passed to Manala, hence he passed the kingship to Ndzundza while he was alive, this was not common at that time for a king to give his son rulership while the king is still alive; this accessory called namrhali was a mysterious object that cries like a child, used to fortify the king.
Musi instructed Ndzundza to call a Royal meeting and notify the nation that he is the King and to live kwaMnyamana with his followers. Many people believed him and a few did not want to follow him. Ndzundza left with a huge number of people; when Manala came back from the hunt he realised that Ndzundza had received the namrhali, he went to see his father. His father informed him that he had given away the namrhali to Ndzundza. Manala called a Royal meeting with the few people left behind and announced that Ndzundza had stolen the namrhali. Musi instructed Manala that if he wants to be a king he must pursue Ndzundza and bring him back to the royal household and if Ndzundza refuses to come back Manala should kill him. Manala caught up with Ndzundza, with Thombeni and Skhosana, his half brothers, at Masongololo around Cullinan; the two factions fought at Cullinan. Manala and his supporters returned home to replenish their provisions. Upon their return, they caught up with Ndzundza at Bhalule River.
Manala did not kill Ndzundza but an old woman called NoQoli from a Mnguni family mediated between the two brothers. An agreement was reached, it was further agreed that henceforth their daughters would inter-marry, a practice which died out. The agreement was called “isivumelwano sakoNoQoli” and hence the Mnguni family was called Msiza because they helped Ndzundza and Manala not to kill each other. Ndzundza never returned to the royal household but settled across the Bhalule River with his followers. Ndzundza settled across the Bhalule River whilst Manala returned to KwaMnyamana and each ruled separately. Dlomu the son of Skhube went to Emboland, became the father of the amaNdebele clan in Hlubiland which were dominated by King Matiwane of the Hlubis; some of Dlomu’s descendants joined the Manala and Ndzundza under the shield of Skhosana. Mhwaduba formed a Batswana traditional community and became t
Oxford English Dictionary
The Oxford English Dictionary is the principal historical dictionary of the English language, published by Oxford University Press. It traces the historical development of the English language, providing a comprehensive resource to scholars and academic researchers, as well as describing usage in its many variations throughout the world; the second edition, comprising 21,728 pages in 20 volumes, was published in 1989. Work began on the dictionary in 1857, but it was only in 1884 that it began to be published in unbound fascicles as work continued on the project, under the name of A New English Dictionary on Historical Principles. In 1895, the title The Oxford English Dictionary was first used unofficially on the covers of the series, in 1928 the full dictionary was republished in ten bound volumes. In 1933, the title The Oxford English Dictionary replaced the former name in all occurrences in its reprinting as twelve volumes with a one-volume supplement. More supplements came over the years until 1989.
Since 2000, compilation of a third edition of the dictionary has been underway half of, complete. The first electronic version of the dictionary was made available in 1988; the online version has been available since 2000, as of April 2014 was receiving over two million hits per month. The third edition of the dictionary will most only appear in electronic form: the Chief Executive of Oxford University Press has stated that it is unlikely that it will be printed; as a historical dictionary, the Oxford English Dictionary explains words by showing their development rather than their present-day usages. Therefore, it shows definitions in the order that the sense of the word began being used, including word meanings which are no longer used; each definition is shown with numerous short usage quotations. This allows the reader to get an approximate sense of the time period in which a particular word has been in use, additional quotations help the reader to ascertain information about how the word is used in context, beyond any explanation that the dictionary editors can provide.
The format of the OED's entries has influenced numerous other historical lexicography projects. The forerunners to the OED, such as the early volumes of the Deutsches Wörterbuch, had provided few quotations from a limited number of sources, whereas the OED editors preferred larger groups of quite short quotations from a wide selection of authors and publications; this influenced volumes of this and other lexicographical works. According to the publishers, it would take a single person 120 years to "key in" the 59 million words of the OED second edition, 60 years to proofread them, 540 megabytes to store them electronically; as of 30 November 2005, the Oxford English Dictionary contained 301,100 main entries. Supplementing the entry headwords, there are 157,000 bold-type derivatives; the dictionary's latest, complete print edition was printed in 20 volumes, comprising 291,500 entries in 21,730 pages. The longest entry in the OED2 was for the verb set, which required 60,000 words to describe some 430 senses.
As entries began to be revised for the OED3 in sequence starting from M, the longest entry became make in 2000 put in 2007 run in 2011. Despite its considerable size, the OED is neither the world's largest nor the earliest exhaustive dictionary of a language. Another earlier large dictionary is the Grimm brothers' dictionary of the German language, begun in 1838 and completed in 1961; the first edition of the Vocabolario degli Accademici della Crusca is the first great dictionary devoted to a modern European language and was published in 1612. The official dictionary of Spanish is the Diccionario de la lengua española, its first edition was published in 1780; the Kangxi dictionary of Chinese was published in 1716. The dictionary began as a Philological Society project of a small group of intellectuals in London: Richard Chenevix Trench, Herbert Coleridge, Frederick Furnivall, who were dissatisfied with the existing English dictionaries; the Society expressed interest in compiling a new dictionary as early as 1844, but it was not until June 1857 that they began by forming an "Unregistered Words Committee" to search for words that were unlisted or poorly defined in current dictionaries.
In November, Trench's report was not a list of unregistered words. The Society realized that the number of unlisted words would be far more than the number of words in the English dictionaries of the 19th century, shifted their idea from covering only words that were not in English diction
Afrikaans is a West Germanic language spoken in South Africa, Namibia and, to a lesser extent and Zimbabwe. It evolved from the Dutch vernacular of South Holland spoken by the Dutch settlers of what is now South Africa, where it began to develop distinguishing characteristics in the course of the 18th century. Hence, it is a daughter language of Dutch, was referred to as "Cape Dutch" or "kitchen Dutch". However, it is variously described as a creole or as a creolised language; the term is derived from Dutch Afrikaans-Hollands meaning "African Dutch". Although Afrikaans has adopted words from other languages, including German and the Khoisan languages, an estimated 90 to 95% of the vocabulary of Afrikaans is of Dutch origin. Therefore, differences with Dutch lie in the more analytic-type morphology and grammar of Afrikaans, a spelling that expresses Afrikaans pronunciation rather than standard Dutch. There is a large degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages—especially in written form.
With about 7 million native speakers in South Africa, or 13.5% of the population, it is the third-most-spoken language in the country. It has the widest geographical and racial distribution of all the 11 official languages of South Africa, is spoken and understood as a second or third language, it is the majority language of the western half of South Africa—the provinces of the Northern Cape and Western Cape—and the first language of 75.8% of Coloured South Africans, 60.8% of White South Africans. In addition, many native speakers of Bantu languages and English speak Afrikaans as a second language, it is taught with about 10.3 million second-language students. One reason for the expansion of Afrikaans is its development in the public realm: it is used in newspapers, radio programs, TV, several translations of the Bible have been published since the first one was completed in 1933. In neighbouring Namibia, Afrikaans is spoken as a second language and used as a lingua franca, while as a native language it is spoken in 10.4% of households concentrated in the capital Windhoek, Walvis Bay and the southern regions of Hardap and ǁKaras.
It, along with German, was among the official languages of Namibia until the country became independent in 1990, 25% of the population of Windhoek spoke Afrikaans at home. Both Afrikaans and German are recognised regional languages in Namibia, although only English has official status within the government. Estimates of the total number of Afrikaans speakers range between 23 million; the term is derived from the Dutch term Afrikaans-Hollands meaning "African Dutch". An estimated 90 to 95% of the Afrikaans lexicon is of Dutch origin, there are few lexical differences between the two languages. Afrikaans has a more regular morphology and spelling. There is a degree of mutual intelligibility between the two languages in written form. Afrikaans acquired some lexical and syntactical borrowings from other languages such as Malay, Khoisan languages and Bantu languages, Afrikaans has been influenced by South African English. Dutch speakers are confronted with fewer non-cognates when listening to Afrikaans than the other way round.
Mutual intelligibility thus tends to be asymmetrical, as it is easier for Dutch speakers to understand Afrikaans than for Afrikaans speakers to understand Dutch. In general, mutual intelligibility between Dutch and Afrikaans is better than between Dutch and Frisian or between Danish and Swedish; the South African poet writer Breyten Breytenbach, attempting to visualize the language distance for anglophones once remarked that the differences between Dutch and Afrikaans are comparable to those between the Received Pronunciation and Southern American English. The Afrikaans language arose in the Dutch Cape Colony, through a gradual divergence from European Dutch dialects, during the course of the 18th century; as early as the mid-18th century and as as the mid-20th century, Afrikaans was known in standard Dutch as a "kitchen language", lacking the prestige accorded, for example by the educational system in Africa, to languages spoken outside Africa. Other early epithets setting apart Kaaps Hollands as putatively beneath official Dutch standards included geradbraakt and onbeschaafd Hollands, as well as verkeerd Nederlands.
Den Besten theorizes that modern Standard Afrikaans derives from two sources: Cape Dutch, a direct transplantation of European Dutch to southern Africa, and'Hottentot Dutch', a pidgin that descended from'Foreigner Talk' and from the Dutch pidgin spoken by slaves, via a hypothetical Dutch creole. Thus in his view Afrikaans is neither a creole nor a direct descendant of Dutch, but a fusion of two transmission pathways. A relative majority of the first settlers whose descendants today are the Afrikaners were from the United Provinces, though up to one-sixth of the community was of French Huguenot origin, a seventh from Germany. African and Asian workers and slaves contributed to the development of Afrikaans; the slave population was made up of people from East Africa, West Africa, India and the Dutch East Indies. A number were indigenous Khoisan people, who were valued as i
Bartolomeu Dias, a nobleman of the Portuguese royal household, was a Portuguese explorer. He sailed around the southernmost tip of Africa in 1488, the first to do so, setting up the route from Europe to Asia on. Dias is the first European during the Age of Discovery to anchor at what is present-day South Africa. Bartolomeu Dias was a squire of the royal court, superintendent of the royal warehouses, sailing-master of the man-of-war São Cristóvão. Little is known of his early life. King John II of Portugal appointed him, on 10 October 1486, to head an expedition to sail around the southern tip of Africa in the hope of finding a trade route to India. Dias was charged with searching for the lands ruled by Prester John, a fabled Christian priest and ruler of territory somewhere beyond Europe, he left 10 months in August 1487. In the previous decades Portuguese mariners, most famously Prince Henry the Navigator, had explored the areas of the Atlantic Ocean off Southern Europe and Western Africa as far as the Cape Verde Islands and modern-day Sierra Leone, had gained sufficient knowledge of oceanic shipping and wind patterns to enable subsequent voyages of greater distance.
In the early 1480s Diogo Cão in two voyages had explored the mouth of the Congo River and sailed south of the Equator to present-day Angola and Namibia. São Cristóvão was piloted by Pêro de Alenquer. A second caravel, the São Pantaleão, was piloted by Álvaro Martins. Dias' brother Pêro Dias was the captain of the square-rigged support ship with João de Santiago as pilot; the expedition sailed around the west coast of Africa. And more provisions were picked up on the way at the Portuguese fortress of São Jorge de Mina on the Gold Coast. After having sailed south of modern day Angola, Dias reached the Golfo da Conceicão by December. Continuing south, he discovered first Angra dos Ilheus, being hit by a violent storm. Thirteen days from the open ocean, he searched the coast again to the east and using the westerlies winds - the ocean gyre, but finding just ocean. Having rounded the Cape of Good Hope at a considerable distance to the west and southwest, he turned towards the east, taking advantage of the winds of Antarctica that blow in the South Atlantic, he sailed northeast.
After 30 days without seeing land, he entered what he named Aguada de São Brás —later renamed Mossel Bay—on 4 February 1488. Dias's expedition reached its furthest point on 12 March 1488 when they anchored at Kwaaihoek, near the mouth of the Boesmans River, where a padrão—the Padrão de São Gregório—was erected before turning back. Dias wanted to continue sailing to India, but he was forced to turn back when his crew refused to go further and the rest of the officers unanimously favoured returning to Portugal, it was only on the return voyage that he discovered the Cape of Good Hope, in May 1488. Dias returned to Lisbon in December of that year, after an absence of sixteen months and seventeen days; the discovery of the passage around southern Africa was significant because, for the first time, Europeans could trade directly with India and the Far East, bypassing the overland Euro-Asian route with its expensive European, Middle Eastern and Central Asian middlemen. The official report of the expedition has been lost.
Bartolomeu Dias named the Cape of Good Hope the Cape of Storms. It was renamed the Cape of Good Hope because it represented the opening of a route to the east. After these early attempts, the Portuguese took a decade-long break from Indian Ocean exploration. During that hiatus, it is that they received valuable information from a secret agent, Pêro da Covilhã, sent overland to India and returned with reports useful to their navigators. Using his experience with explorative travel, Dias helped in the construction of the São Gabriel and its sister ship the São Rafael that were used in 1498 by Vasco da Gama to sail past the Cape of Good Hope and continue to India. Dias only participated until the Cape Verde Islands. Two years he was one of the captains of the second Indian expedition, headed by Pedro Álvares Cabral; this flotilla first reached the coast of Brazil, landing there in 1500, continued eastwards to India. Dias perished near the Cape of Good Hope. Four ships encountered a huge storm off the cape and were lost, including Dias', on 29 May 1500.
A shipwreck found in 2008 by the Namdeb Diamond Corporation off Namibia was at first thought to be Dias' ship. Bartolomeu Dias was married and had two children: Simão Dias de Novais, who died unmarried and without issue. António Dias de Novais, a Knight of the Order of Christ, married to Joana Fernandes, daughter of Fernão Pires and wife Guiomar Montês. Dias' grandson Paulo Dias de Novais was a Portuguese colonizer of Africa in the 16th century. Dias' granddaughter, Guiomar de Novais married twice, as his second wife to Dom Rodrigo de Castro, son of Dom Nuno de Castro and wife Joana da Silveira, by whom she had Dona Paula de Novais and Dona Violante de Castro, both died unmarried and without issue, to Pedro Correia da Si
Battle of Gqokli Hill
The Battle of Gqokli Hill was conducted in about April 1818, a part of the Mfecane, between Shaka of the Zulu nation and Zwide of the Ndwandwe, in Shaka's territory just south of present-day Ulundi. This was to be Shaka's first major battle against the dominant power in southeastern Africa, the Ndwandwe Paramountcy, led by nKosi Zwide; the Ndwandwe king, who had assassinated the nKosi of the Mthethwa Paramountcy, the year before, was trying to absorb or exterminate the surviving members of that kingdom, including the then-small Zulu clan under their new chief, Shaka. In spite of being outnumbered, masterful strategy and tactics won the battle for Shaka. To delay the Ndwandwe invasion army, under command of Zwide's eldest son and heir, Shaka posted forces along the drifts of the White Umfolozi River to delay the enemy while the river was still high. Meanwhile, he laid waste to the area on the south side the river,and moved most of his clan's noncombatants and cattle into hiding in the Nkandla Forest, on the southern extremities of Zulu land.
He placed the bulk of his troops around the top of Gqokli hill, with a reserve and all his supplies out of sight in a depression at the top of the hill. To Nomahlanja, it seemed like a much smaller force of Zulus at the top of the hill and he anticipated it would be an easy massacre, "Like butchering cattle in a kraal," his is reputed to have said. Before the Ndwandwe army was across the river and surrounding his hilltop position, Shaka dispatched about 700 from his small army, with a fraction of the clan's cattle herd, to make a display about ten kilometers south of Gqokli and tempt Nomahlanjana to split his force to capture them; the Ndwandwe general, thinking he was seeing the entire Zulu herd and half their army, obliged by sending four regiments off to chase the cattle down. By about nine o'clock in the morning, once all eight of the remaining Ndwandwe regiments were arrayed at the bottom of Gqokli Hill, Nomahlanjana gave the signal for the attack. In the first charge up the slopes, it became apparent that the Ndwandwe superiority in numbers would be a hindrance, for the converging formations began to crowd into each other, making it difficult to throw their spears effectively.
And when Shaka ordered a counter-attack, his men, who had no throwing spears but were armed with the new, stabbing assegai, charged downhill and routed the packed mob of Ndwandwes. Nomahlanjana, no fool, saw that his overconfidence was premature, he reasoned that the problem presented by the Zulu's central hilltop position, the congestion that caused in his own forces, needed more thoughtful, flexible tactics. As many as five attacks were made during the day, each one trying a different technique, but all failed to overwhelm the perceptively small band of Zulus. The Ndwandwe commander was aware that his men, who had drunk all of their carried water, were becoming thirsty and exhausted in the hot, dry weather, they were starting to slip away in increasing numbers to make their way back to the nearest water, the Umfolozi river, about two kilometers from the battlefield. Shaka's men, by contrast and thanks to his foresight, had plenty of water and first aid supplies in the depression on top of the summit, so were not nearly so taxed by the weather.
But Shaka didn't have all day to win his battle. He had arranged for the decoy force to the south to signal him with smoke when the 4,000 Ndwandwes on the cattle raiding expedition were heading back. Just after the fourth Ndwandwe attack had been repulsed, Shaka turned and saw that ominous smoke signal to the south; that meant he had little time left to destroy Nomahlanjana's main army before it was reinforced. Both sides had suffered casualties during the day, the Ndwandwes in greater proportion than the Zulus, but Nomahlanjana calculated, based on the thinning ranks of the four Zulu regiments he could see on the hill, that he still had a vastly superior force. He concluded that the Zulus must be getting as hot and thirsty as his own men, he decided to make one, decisive attack. He moved 1,500 of his warriors, including his crack amaNkayia brigade, to the north of the hill in a gigantic attack column, about twenty men wide and seventy-five ranks deep. There were only, from what he could see, about 500 Zulus left on this side of the hill.
He would lead this charge in person and roll over the remnant of the Zulu force. He left the remainder of his regiments in an arc to the south of the hill as a pinning force to keep Shaka from reinforcing his threatened flank, but Shaka could see well what was coming and felt that the time was ripe for him to spring his trap. All day long he had been fighting off the Ndwandwe assaults with just four of his six regiments, keeping his own elite brigade, consisting of the uFasimba and iziChwe regiments, out of sight and fresh in the hilltop depression; as the Ndwandwe shock column charged up the hill and into the waiting amaWombe regiment, Shaka launched his reserves in two encircling wings enveloping the Ndwandwe column. These men had not expected such a large force to come out of nowhere, and they were thrown into a panic. This enveloping ploy on the part of Shaka was the first trial of a maneuver that would thereafter become the signature tactic of the Zulu army, the Impondo Zenkomo, or "beast's horns".
In several minutes, vi