Libertarianism is a collection of political philosophies and movements that uphold liberty as a core principle. Libertarians seek to maximize political freedom and autonomy, emphasizing freedom of choice, voluntary association and individual judgment. Libertarians share a skepticism of authority and state power, but they diverge on the scope of their opposition to existing political and economic systems. Various schools of libertarian thought offer a range of views regarding the legitimate functions of state and private power calling for the restriction or dissolution of coercive social institutions. Traditionally, libertarianism was a term for a form of left-wing politics; such left-libertarian ideologies seek to abolish capitalism and private ownership of the means of production, or else to restrict their purview or effects, in favor of common or cooperative ownership and management, viewing private property as a barrier to freedom and liberty. Classical libertarian ideologies include—but are not limited to—anarcho-communism, anarcho-syndicalism and egoism, alongside many other anti-paternalist, New Left schools of thought centered around economic egalitarianism.
Modern right-libertarian ideologies, such as minarchism and anarcho-capitalism, co-opted the term in the mid-20th century to instead advocate laissez-faire capitalism and strong private property rights such as in land and natural resources. The first recorded use of the term libertarian was in 1789, when William Belsham wrote about libertarianism in the context of metaphysics; as early as 1796, the word libertarian came to mean an advocate or defender of liberty in the political and social spheres, when the London Packet printed on 12 February the following: "Lately marched out of the Prison at Bristol, 450 of the French Libertarians". The word was again used in a political sense in 1802 in a short piece critiquing a poem by "the author of Gebir" and has since been used with this meaning; the use of the word libertarian to describe a new set of political positions has been traced to the French cognate libertaire, coined in a letter French libertarian communist Joseph Déjacque wrote to mutualist Pierre-Joseph Proudhon in 1857.
Déjacque used the term for his anarchist publication Le Libertaire, Journal du mouvement social, printed from 9 June 1858 to 4 February 1861 in New York City. Sébastien Faure, another French libertarian communist, began publishing a new Le Libertaire in the mid-1890s while France's Third Republic enacted the so-called villainous laws which banned anarchist publications in France. Thus, libertarianism has been used as a synonym for anarchism and libertarian socialism since this time; the term libertarianism was first used in the United States as a synonym for classical liberalism in May 1955 by writer Dean Russell, a colleague of Leonard Read and a classical liberal himself. Russell justified the choice of the word as follows: "Many of us call ourselves'liberals.' And it is true that the word'liberal' once described persons who respected the individual and feared the use of mass compulsions. But the leftists have now corrupted that once-proud term to identify themselves and their program of more government ownership of property and more controls over persons.
As a result, those of us who believe in freedom must explain that when we call ourselves liberals, we mean liberals in the uncorrupted classical sense. At best, this is subject to misunderstanding. Here is a suggestion: Let those of us who love liberty trade-mark and reserve for our own use the good and honorable word'libertarian'". Subsequently, a growing number of Americans with classical liberal beliefs began to describe themselves as libertarian. One person responsible for popularizing the term libertarian in this sense was Murray Rothbard, who started publishing libertarian works in the 1960s. Rothbard describes this modern use of the words overtly as a "capture" from his enemies, saying that "for the first time in my memory, we,'our side,' had captured a crucial word from the enemy.'Libertarians' had long been a polite word for left-wing anarchists, for anti-private property anarchists, either of the communist or syndicalist variety. But now we had taken it over". Robert Nozick was responsible for popularizing this usage of the term in philosophical circles and Europe instead.
According to common meanings of conservative and liberal, libertarianism in the United States has been described as conservative on economic issues and liberal on personal freedom and it is often associated with a foreign policy of non-interventionism. All libertarians begin with a conception of personal autonomy from which they argue in favor of civil liberties and a reduction or elimination of the state. Left-libertarianism encompasses those libertarian beliefs that claim the Earth's natural resources belong to everyone in an egalitarian manner, either unowned or owned collectively. Contemporary left-libertarians such as Hillel Steiner, Peter Vallentyne, Philippe Van Parijs, Michael Otsuka and David Ellerman believe the appropriation of land must leave "enough and as good" for others or be taxed by society to compensate for the exclusionary effects of private property. Libertarian socialists promote usufruct and socialist economic theories, including communism, collectivism and mutualism.
They criticize the state for being the defender of private property and believe capitalism entails wage slavery. Right-libertarianism developed in the United States in the mid-20th century from the works of Euro
The homestead principle is the principle by which one gains ownership of an unowned natural resource by performing an act of original appropriation. Appropriation could be enacted by putting an unowned resource to active use, joining it with acquired property or by marking it as owned. Proponents of intellectual property hold that ideas can be homesteaded by creating a virtual or tangible representation of them. Others however argue that since tangible manifestations of a single idea will be present in many places, including within the minds of people, this precludes their being owned in most or all cases. Homesteading is one of the foundations of Rothbardian anarcho-capitalism. Enlightenment philosopher John Locke in his work Second Treatise of Government, published in 1690 advocated the Lockean proviso, which allows for homesteading. Locke famously sees the "mixing of labour" with land as the source of ownership via homesteading, he writes: Though the earth and all inferior creatures be common to all men, yet every man has a property in his own person.
This nobody has any right to but himself. The labour of his body and the work of his hands, are properly his. Whatsoever he removes out of the state that Nature hath provided and left it in, he hath mixed his labour with it, joined to it something, his own, thereby makes it his property. However, Locke held that individuals have a right to homestead private property from nature only so long as "there is enough, as good, left in common for others"; the Lockean proviso maintains that appropriation of unowned resources is a diminution of the rights of others to it, would only be acceptable if it does not make anyone else worse off. Libertarian philosopher and Austrian School economist Murray Rothbard argues that homesteading includes all the rights needed to engage in the homesteading action, including nuisance and pollution rights, he writes: Most of us think of homesteading unused resources in the old-fashioned sense of clearing a piece of unowned land and farming the soil. … Suppose, for example, that an airport is established with a great deal of empty land around it.
The airport exudes a noise level of, say, X decibels, with the sound waves traveling over the empty land. A housing development buys land near the airport; some time the homeowners sue the airport for excessive noise interfering with the use and quiet enjoyment of the houses. Excessive noise can be considered a form of aggression but in this case the airport has homesteaded X decibels worth of noise. By its prior claim, the airport now "owns the right" to emit X decibels of noise in the surrounding area. In legal terms, we can say that the airport, through homesteading, has earned an easement right to creating X decibels of noise; this homesteaded easement is an example of the ancient legal concept of "prescription," in which a certain activity earns a prescriptive property right to the person engaging in the action. Rothbard interprets the physical extent to which a homesteading act establishes ownership in terms of the relevant "technological unit", the minimal amount necessary for the practical use of the resource.
He writes: If A uses a certain amount of a resource, how much of that resource is to accrue to his ownership? Our answer is; the size of that unit depends on the type of good or resource in question, must be determined by judges, juries, or arbitrators who are expert in the particular resource or industry in question. Hungarian political philosopher Anthony de Jasay argued that a homesteader, having a claim prior to any other, must be prima facie considered the owner of the resource, in accordance with the principle "let ownership stand", he writes: taking first possession of a thing is a feasible act of his, admissible if it is not a tort and violates no right. Taking exclusive possession of it is, in terms of our classification of possible acts, a liberty, as such only a contrary right can obstruct or oppose it. 14 The opponent of this simple thesis is trying to have it both ways: he is both asserting that the thing has no legitimate first owner from whom a second or nth owner could have legitimately obtained it by agreed transfer, that there is somebody, still is entitled to use the thing and therefore can validly object to being excluded from it.
But an entitlement to use the thing is an at least partial antecedent ownership claim needing an owner, or the permission of an owner, before it can be made. If, on the other hand, the objectors have been using the thing without being entitled to it, because no third party had excluded them by taking first possession, because they were unable, unwilling, or uninterested to perform the act of taking first possession themselves, their enjoyment of the thing was precarious, not vested, its appropriation by a third party may have deprived them of an uncovenanted advantage, but it did not violate their rights. To de-Jasay, Hans Hermann Hoppe argues that the denial of the homesteading rule entails a performative contradiction; that is because honest argumentation must presuppose an intersubjectively ascertainable norm, all norms not relying on the original establishment of a physical link to the owner are subjective in nature, therefore contradict the presuppositions of argumentation. He writes: Further, if one were not allowed
Free trade is a trade policy that does not restrict imports or exports. In government, free trade is predominantly advocated by political parties that hold liberal economic positions while economically left-wing and nationalist political parties support protectionism, the opposite of free trade. Most nations are today members of the World Trade Organization multilateral trade agreements. Free trade is additionally exemplified by the European Economic Area and the Mercosur which have established open markets. However, most governments still impose some protectionist policies that are intended to support local employment, such as applying tariffs to imports or subsidies to exports. Governments may restrict free trade to limit exports of natural resources. Other barriers that may hinder trade include import quotas and non-tariff barriers, such as regulatory legislation. There is a broad consensus among economists that protectionism has a negative effect on economic growth and economic welfare while free trade and the reduction of trade barriers has a positive effect on economic growth.
However, liberalization of trade can cause significant and unequally distributed losses, the economic dislocation of workers in import-competing sectors. Free trade policies may promote the following features: Trade of goods without taxes or other trade barriers. Trade in services without taxes or other trade barriers; the absence of "trade-distorting" policies that give some firms, households, or factors of production an advantage over others. Unregulated access to markets. Unregulated access to market information. Inability of firms to distort markets through government-imposed monopoly or oligopoly power. Trade agreements which encourage free trade. Two simple ways to understand the proposed benefits of free trade are through David Ricardo's theory of comparative advantage and by analyzing the impact of a tariff or import quota. An economic analysis using the law of supply and demand and the economic effects of a tax can be used to show the theoretical benefits and disadvantages of free trade.
Most economists would recommend that developing nations should set their tariff rates quite low, but the economist Ha-Joon Chang, a proponent of industrial policy, believes higher levels may be justified in developing nations because the productivity gap between them and developed nations today is much higher than what developed nations faced when they were at a similar level of technological development. Underdeveloped nations today, Chang believes, are weak players in a much more competitive system. Counterarguments to Chang's point of view are that the developing countries are able to adopt technologies from abroad whereas developed nations had to create new technologies themselves and that developing countries can sell to export markets far richer than any that existed in the 19th century. If the chief justification for a tariff is to stimulate infant industries, it must be high enough to allow domestic manufactured goods to compete with imported goods in order to be successful; this theory, known as import substitution industrialization, is considered ineffective for developing nations.
The chart at the right analyzes the effect of the imposition of an import tariff on some imaginary good. Prior to the tariff, the price of the good in the world market is Pworld; the tariff increases the domestic price to Ptariff. The higher price causes domestic production to increase from QS1 to QS2 and causes domestic consumption to decline from QC1 to QC2; this has three main effects on societal welfare. Consumers are made worse off. Producers are better off; the government has additional tax revenue. However, the loss to consumers is greater than the gains by the government; the magnitude of this societal loss is shown by the two pink triangles. Removing the tariff and having free trade would be a net gain for society. An identical analysis of this tariff from the perspective of a net producing country yields parallel results. From that country's perspective, the tariff leaves producers worse off and consumers better off, but the net loss to producers is larger than the benefit to consumers. Under similar analysis, export tariffs, import quotas and export quotas all yield nearly identical results.
Sometimes consumers are better off and producers worse off and sometimes consumers are worse off and producers are better off, but the imposition of trade restrictions causes a net loss to society because the losses from trade restrictions are larger than the gains from trade restrictions. Free trade creates winners and losers, but theory and empirical evidence show that the size of the winnings from free trade are larger than the losses. According to mainstream economics theory, the selective application of free trade agreements to some countries and tariffs on others can lead to economic inefficiency through the process of trade diversion, it is economically efficient for a good to be produced by the country, the lowest cost producer, but this does not always take place if a high cost producer has a free trade agreement while the low cost producer faces a high tariff. Applying free trade to the high cost producer and not the low cost producer as well can lead to trade diversion and a net economic loss.
This is why many economists place such high importance on negotiations for global tar
Anarchism is an anti-authoritarian political philosophy that advocates self-governed societies based on voluntary, cooperative institutions and the rejection of hierarchies those societies view as unjust. These institutions are described as stateless societies, although several authors have defined them more as distinct institutions based on non-hierarchical or free associations. Anarchism holds the state to be undesirable and harmful. Anarchism is considered a far-left ideology and much of its economics and legal philosophy reflect anti-authoritarian interpretations of communism, syndicalism, mutualism, or participatory economics; as anarchism does not offer a fixed body of doctrine from a single particular worldview, many anarchist types and traditions exist and varieties of anarchy diverge widely. Anarchist schools of thought can differ fundamentally, supporting anything from extreme individualism to complete collectivism. Strains of anarchism have been divided into the categories of social and individualist anarchism, or similar dual classifications.
The etymological origin of anarchism derives from ancient Greek word anarkhia. Anarkhia meant "without a ruler" as it was composed by the word arkhos; the suffix -ism is used to denote the ideological current that favours anarchism. The first known use of this word was in 1642. Various factions within the French Revolution labelled opponents as anarchists although few shared many views of anarchists. There would be many revolutionaries of the early 19th century who contributed to the anarchist doctrines of the next generation, such as William Godwin and Wilhelm Weitling, but they did not use the word anarchist or anarchism in describing themselves or their beliefs; the first political philosopher to call himself an anarchist was Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, marking the formal birth of anarchism in the mid-19th century. Since the 1890s and beginning in France, the term libertarianism has been used as a synonym for anarchism and its use as a synonym is still common outside the United States. On the other hand, some use libertarianism to refer to individualistic free-market philosophy only, referring to free-market anarchism as libertarian anarchism.
While opposition to the state is central, defining anarchism is not an easy task as there is a lot of talk among scholars and anarchists on the matter and various currents perceive anarchism differently. Hence, it might be true to say that anarchism is a cluster of political philosophies opposing authority and hierarchical organization in the conduct of all human relations in favour of a society based on voluntary association and decentralisation, but this definition has its own shortcomings as the definition based on etymology, or based on anti-statism or the anti-authoritarian. Major elements of the definition of anarchism include: a) the will for a non coercive society. During the prehistoric era of mankind, an established authority did not exist, it was after the creation of towns and cities that hierarchy was invented and anarchistic ideas espoused as a reaction. Most notable examples of anarchism in the ancient world were in Greece. In China, philosophical anarchism, meaning peaceful delegitimizing of the state, was delineated by Taoist philosophers.
In Greece, anarchist attitudes were articulated by tragedians and philosophers. Aeschylus and Sophocles used the myth of Antigone to illustrate the conflict of personal autonomy with the state rules. Socrates questioned Athenian authorities and insisted to the right of individual freedom of consciousness. Cynics associated authorities while trying to live according to nature. Stoics were supportive of a society based on unofficial and friendly relations among its citizens without the presence of a state. During the Middle Ages, there was no anarchistic activity except some ascetic religious movements in the Islamic world or in Christian Europe; this kind of tradition gave birth to religious anarchism. In Persia, a Zoroastrian Prophet known as Mazdak was calling for an egalitarian society and the abolition of monarchy, but he soon found himself executed by the king. In Basra, religious sects preached against the state. In Europe, various sects developed anti-state and libertarian tendencies; those currents were the precursor of religious anarchism in the centuries to come.
It was in the Renaissance and with the spread of reasoning and humanism through Europe that libertarian ideas emerged. Writers were outlining in their novels ideal societies that were based not on coercion but voluntarism; the Enlightenment further pushed towards anarchism with the optimism for social progress. The turning point towards anarchism was the French Revolution in which the anti-state and federalist sentiments began to take a form by Enragés and sans-culottes; some prominent figures of anarchism begun developing the first anarchist currents. That is the era of classical anarchism that lasted until the end of the Spanish Civil War of 1936 and was the golden age of anarchism. William Godwin espoused philosophical anarchism in England morally delegitimizing the state, Max Stirner's thinking paved the way to individualism and Pierre-Joseph Proudhon's theory of mutualism found fertile soil in France. Michael Bakunin took mutualism and extended
Tax resistance is the refusal to pay tax because of opposition to the government, imposing the tax, or to government policy, or as opposition to taxation in itself. Tax resistance is a form of direct action and, if in violation of the tax regulations a form of civil disobedience. Examples of tax resistance campaigns include those advocating home rule, such as the Salt March led by Mahatma Gandhi, those promoting women's suffrage, such as the Women's Tax Resistance League. War tax resistance is the refusal to pay some or all taxes that pay for war, may be practiced by conscientious objectors, pacifists, or those protesting against a particular war. Tax resisters are distinct from "tax protesters," who deny that the legal obligation to pay taxes exists or applies to them. Tax resisters may accept that some law commands them to pay taxes but they still choose to resist taxation; the earliest and most widespread forms of taxation were the corvée and tithe, both of which can be traced back to the beginning of civilization.
The corvée was state-imposed forced labour on peasants too poor to pay other forms of taxation. Low taxes helped the Roman aristocracy increase their wealth, which equalled or exceeded the revenues of the central government. An emperor sometimes replenished his treasury by confiscating the estates of the "super-rich", but in the period, the resistance of the wealthy to paying taxes was one of the factors contributing to the collapse of the Empire; because some believe taxation is oppressive, governments have always struggled with tax noncompliance and resistance. Indeed, it has been suggested that tax resistance played a significant role in the collapse of several empires, including the Egyptian, Roman and Aztec. Reports of collective tax refusal include Zealots resisting the Roman poll tax during the 1st century AD, culminating in the First Jewish–Roman War. Other historic events that originated as tax revolts include the Magna Carta, the American Revolution and the French Revolution. War tax resisters highlight the relationship between income tax and war.
In Britain income tax was introduced in 1799, to pay for weapons and equipment in preparation for the Napoleonic wars, whilst the US federal government imposed their first income tax in the Revenue Act of 1861 to help pay for the American Civil War. Tax resisters aims. For example, Henry David Thoreau and William Lloyd Garrison drew inspiration from the American Revolution and the stubborn pacifism of the Quakers; some tax resisters refuse to pay tax because their conscience will not allow them to fund war, whilst others resist tax as part of a campaign to overthrow the government. Tax resisters have been violent revolutionaries like John Adams and pacifist nonresistants like John Woolman. Leo Tolstoy, a Christian anarchist, urged government leaders to change their attitude to war and citizens to taxes: If only each King and President understood that his work of directing armies is not an honourable and important duty, as his flatterers persuade him it is, but a bad and shameful act of preparation for murder — and if each private individual understood that the payment of taxes wherewith to hire and equip soldiers, above all, army-service itself, are not matters of indifference, but are bad and shameful actions by which he not only permits but participates in murder — this power of Emperors and Presidents, which now arouses our indignation, which causes them to be murdered, would disappear of itself.
As an example of the numerous tax resistance methods, below are some of the legal and illegal techniques used by war tax resisters: A resister may lower their tax payments by using legal tax avoidance techniques. Some taxpayers include protest letters along with their tax forms. Others pay in a protesting form — for instance, by writing their cheque on a toilet seat or a mock-up of a missile. Others pay in a way that creates inconvenience for the collector — for instance, by paying the entire amount in low-denomination coins; this last method is less effective in countries where small coins are legal tender only in limited amounts, allowing the tax authority to reject such payments. Other tax resisters change their lifestyles. For instance. For example, UK citizens pay no income tax. In the US the equivalent tax-free annual income is the sum of the standard deduction and personal exemption, though many deductions and credits allow people to earn much more than this and still avoid income tax. Opposition to war has led some, such as Ammon Hennacy and Ellen Thomas, to a form of tax resistance in which they reduce their income below the tax threshold by taking up a simple living lifestyle.
These individuals believe that their government is engaged in immoral, unethical or destructive activities such as war, paying taxes funds these activities. These methods differ from tax evasion in that they stay within the tax laws, they differ from tax avoidance in that the goal is to pay as little tax as possible rather than to keep as much post-tax income as possible. A resister may decide to reduce their tax paid thro
Individualist anarchism refers to several traditions of thought within the anarchist movement that emphasize the individual and his will over external determinants such as groups, society and ideological systems. Individualist anarchism is not a single philosophy, but it refers to a group of individualistic philosophies that sometimes are in conflict. Benjamin Tucker, a famous 19th century individualist anarchist, held that "if the individual has the right to govern himself, all external government is tyranny". Among the early influences on individualist anarchism were William Godwin, Josiah Warren, Max Stirner, Lysander Spooner, Pierre-Joseph Proudhon, Henry David Thoreau, Herbert Spencer and Anselme Bellegarrigue. Individualist anarchism of different kinds have a few things in common; these are the following: The concentration on the individual and their will in preference to any construction such as morality, social custom, metaphysics, ideas or the will of others. The rejection of or reservations about the idea of revolution, seeing it as a time of mass uprising which could bring about new hierarchies.
Instead, they favor more evolutionary methods of bringing about anarchy through alternative experiences and experiments and education which could be brought about today. This is because it is not seen as desirable for individuals to wait for revolution to start experiencing alternative experiences outside what is offered in the current social system; the view that relationships with other persons or things can be in one's own interest only and can be as transitory and without compromises as desired since in individualist anarchism sacrifice is rejected. In this way, Max Stirner recommended associations of egoists. Individual experience and exploration therefore is emphasized; the egoist form of individualist anarchism, derived from the philosophy of Max Stirner, supports the individual doing what he pleases—taking no notice of God, state, or moral rules. To Stirner, rights were spooks in the mind, he held that society does not exist but "the individuals are its reality"—he supported property by force of might rather than moral right.
Stirner advocated self-assertion and foresaw "associations of egoists" drawn together by respect for each other's ruthlessness. For American anarchist historian Eunice Minette Schuster, American individualist anarchism "stresses the isolation of the individual – his right to his own tools, his mind, his body, to the products of his labor. To the artist who embraces this philosophy it is "aesthetic" anarchism, to the reformer, ethical anarchism, to the independent mechanic, economic anarchism; the former is concerned with the latter with practical demonstration. The economic anarchist is concerned with constructing a society on the basis of anarchism. Economically he sees no harm whatever in the private possession of what the individual produces by his own labor, but only so much and no more; the aesthetic and ethical type found expression in the transcendentalism and romanticism of the first part of the nineteenth century, the economic type in the pioneer life of the West during the same period, but more favorably after the Civil War".
It is for this reason that it has been suggested that in order to understand American individualist anarchism one must take into account "the social context of their ideas, namely the transformation of America from a pre-capitalist to a capitalist society the non-capitalist nature of the early U. S. can be seen from the early dominance of self-employment. At the beginning of the 19th century, around 80% of the working male population were self-employed; the great majority of Americans during this time were farmers working their own land for their own needs" and so "ndividualist anarchism is a form of artisanal socialism while communist anarchism and anarcho-syndicalism are forms of industrial socialism". Contemporary individualist anarchist Kevin Carson characterizes American individualist anarchism saying that "nlike the rest of the socialist movement, the individualist anarchists believed that the natural wage of labor in a free market was its product, that economic exploitation could only take place when capitalists and landlords harnessed the power of the state in their interests.
Thus, individualist anarchism was an alternative both to the increasing statism of the mainstream socialist movement, to a classical liberal movement, moving toward a mere apologetic for the power of big business". In European individualist anarchism, a different social context helped the rise of European individualist illegalism and as such "he illegalists were proletarians who had nothing to sell but their labour power, nothing to discard but their dignity. If they turned to illegality it was due to the fact that honest toil only benefited the employers and entailed a complete loss of dignity, while any complaints resulted in the sack. A European tendency of individualist anarchism advocated violent individual acts of individual reclamation, propaganda by the deed and criticism of organization; such individualist anarchist tendencies include French illegalism and Italian anti-organizational insurrectionarism. Bookchin reports that at the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th "it was in times of severe social repression and deadening social quiescence that individualist anarchists ca
An anti-war movement is a social movement in opposition to a particular nation's decision to start or carry on an armed conflict, unconditional of a maybe-existing just cause. The term anti-war can refer to pacifism, the opposition to all use of military force during conflicts, or to anti-war books and other works of art. Many activists distinguish between anti-war movements and peace movements. Anti-war activists work through protest and other grassroots means to attempt to pressure a government to put an end to a particular war or conflict. Substantial opposition to British war intervention in America led the British House of Commons on 27 February 1782 to vote against further war in America, paving the way for the Second Rockingham ministry and the Peace of Paris. Substantial anti-war sentiment developed in the United States during the period falling between the end of the War of 1812 and the commencement of the Civil War, or what is called the antebellum era; the movement reflected more moderate non-interventionist positions.
Many prominent intellectuals of the time, including Ralph Waldo Emerson, Henry David Thoreau and William Ellery Channing contributed literary works against war. Other names associated with the movement include William Ladd, Noah Worcester, Thomas Cogswell Upham and Asa Mahan. Many peace societies were formed throughout the United States, the most prominent of which being the American Peace Society. Numerous periodicals and books were produced; the Book of Peace, an anthology produced by the American Peace Society in 1845, must rank as one of the most remarkable works of anti-war literature produced. A recurring theme in this movement was the call for the establishment of an international court which would adjudicate disputes between nations. Another distinct feature of antebellum anti-war literature was the emphasis on how war contributed to a moral decline and brutalization of society in general. A key event in the early history of the modern anti-war stance in literature and society was the American Civil War, where it culminated in the candidacy of George McClellan for President of the United States as a "Peace Democrat" against incumbent President Abraham Lincoln.
The outlines of the anti-war stance are seen: the argument that the costs of maintaining the present conflict are not worth the gains which can be made, the appeal to end the horrors of war, the argument that war is being waged for the profit of particular interests. During the war, the New York Draft Riots were started as violent protests against Abraham Lincoln's Enrollment Act of Conscription plan to draft men to fight in the war; the outrage over conscription was augmented by the ability to "buy" your way out. After the war, The Red Badge of Courage described the chaos and sense of death which resulted from the changing style of combat: away from the set engagement, towards two armies engaging in continuous battle over a wide area. William Thomas Stead formed an organization against the Second Boer War: the Stop the War Committee. In Britain, in 1914, the Public Schools Officers' Training Corps annual camp was held at Tidworth Pennings, near Salisbury Plain. Head of the British Army Lord Kitchener was to review the cadets, but the immenence of the war prevented him.
General Horace Smith-Dorrien was sent instead. He surprised the two-or-three thousand cadets by declaring that war should be avoided at any cost, that war would solve nothing, that the whole of Europe and more besides would be reduced to ruin, that the loss of life would be so large that whole populations would be decimated. In our ignorance I, many of us, felt ashamed of a British General who uttered such depressing and unpatriotic sentiments, but during the next four years, those of us who survived the holocaust-probably not more than one-quarter of us – learned how right the General's prognosis was and how courageous he had been to utter it. Having voiced these sentiments did not hinder Smith-Dorrien's career, or prevent him from carrying out his duty in the First World War to the best of his abilities. With the increasing mechanization of war, opposition to its horrors grew in the wake of the First World War. European avant-garde cultural movements such as Dada were explicitly anti-war.
The Espionage Act of 1917 and the Sedition Act of 1918 gave the American authorities the right to close newspapers and jailed individuals for having anti-war views. On June 16, 1918, Eugene V. Debs made an anti-war speech and was arrested under the Espionage Act of 1917, he was convicted, sentenced to serve ten years in prison, but President Warren G. Harding commuted his sentence on December 25, 1921. In 1924 Ernst Friedrich published Krieg dem Krieg!: an album of photographs drawn from German military and medical archives from the first world war. In Regarding the pain of others Sontag describes the book as'photography as shock therapy', designed to'horrify and demoralize', it was in the 1930s that the Western anti-war movement took shape, to which the political and organizational roots of most of the existing movement can be traced. Characteristics of the anti-war movement included opposition to the corporate interests perceived as benefiting from war, to the status quo, trading the lives of the young for the comforts of those who are older, the concept that those who were drafted were from poor families and would be fighting a war in place of privileged individuals who were able to avoid t