Marcel Liebman was a Belgian Marxist historian of political sociology and theory, active at the Université Libre de Bruxelles and Vrije Universiteit Brussel. A historian of socialism and of communism, he published a number of well known essays, notably on the Russian Revolution and the history of the labour movement in Belgium, he was an early initiator of Israeli-Palestinian dialogue. His intellectual methodology was engaged and rigorous. On 9 July 1943, Marcel's older brother, was arrested by the Gestapo and sent to Malines. Several weeks on 31 July, he was transported to Auschwitz with 1,555 other deportees where he was in all probability sent to the gas chambers upon arrival as he had not yet turned 16 years of age. Henri was born 15 October 1927 in Brussels and died in August 1943. Of the 1,556 deportees sent to Auschwitz on 31 July, only 40 returned after the camps were liberated. From 1962 to 1967, he was editor of the weekly journal La Gauche and in 1968 founded the journal Mai which existed until 1973.
In 1976, he participated in the creation of the Association Belgo-Palestinienne, with Naïm Khader and Pierre Galand, where he was General-Secretary. His son Riton Liebman is a comedian and director. Riton's actual name is Henri, named after Marcel's lost brother. A foundation under the directorship Mateo Alaluf was created at the Université Libre de Bruxelles upon Liebman's death in 1986. In December 2005, the foundation was converted into the Marcel Liebman Institute, it aims to contribute to socialist thought and the study of the left as well as a critical reflection on the practices of social movements. "Introduction" in Isaac Deutscher, Russia After Stalin. The Russian Revolution. Leninism Under Lenin. Born Jewish: A Childhood in Occupied Europe "The Webbs and the New Civilisation". Survey. 41. April 1962. "Communication on'Survey'". New Left Review. New Left Review. I. January–February 1963. "1914: The Great Schism". Socialist Register. 1. 1964. "The Crisis of Belgian Social Democracy". Socialist Register.
3. 1966. "Israel and Zionism". Socialist Register. 7. 1970. Liebman, Marcel, "Lenin in 1905: A Revolution that Shook a Doctrine", in Sweezy, Paul M.. Socialist Register. 12. 1975. Liebman, Marcel. "Reflections on Anti-Communism". Socialist Register. Liebman, Marcel. "Reflections on Anti-Communism". Monthly Review. 37. Liebman, Marcel. "Preface". Socialist Register. 22. "Reformism Yesterday and Social Democracy Today". Socialist Register. 22. December 1985. Liebman, Marcel. "Beyond Social Democracy". Socialist Register. 22. "Trotsky assassiné," La Gauche. "Lenin in 1905. A revolution that shook a doctrine," Monthly Review. Institut Marcel Liebman Articles in French
Mark H. Levine is the Democratic Delegate to the Virginia House of Delegates from Virginia's 45th district, which encompasses the eastern half of Alexandria, some of the northern West End, parts of South Arlington, the Alexandria portion of Fairfax County. A Constitutional lawyer, Levine served as legislative counsel to Congressman Barney Frank from 2001 to 2003 and was an early advocate in the "Marriage Equality" movement. Since 2003, Levine has hosted a nationally syndicated progressive public policy radio program and worked as a TV pundit. Levine was elected as a Democrat to the Virginia House of Delegates in 2015. Born in Nashville, Levine earned an economics degree magna cum laude from Harvard University, was a Fulbright scholar in Switzerland, obtained a Juris Doctor from Yale Law School. Levine worked as a Nazi hunter, Jewish historian, inner-city school teacher before becoming a trial attorney at Hughes Hubbard & Reed LLP in Los Angeles, California. Levine is jewish. In 1996, Levine's sister Janet Levine March was murdered by her husband Perry.
In response, Levine drafted a Tennessee law to protect victims of domestic violence and their children. The law passed unanimously. A commentator wrote: Rather than dwelling on his own misery, Mark turned the vision derived from his family's personal tragedy into a political action that would protect other women from suffering as his sister did. Levine testified in court against him. March was sentenced to 56 years in prison for murdering Janet and conspiring to kill Levine's parents. According to the Washington Post, the murder spawned "Levine's interest in lawmaking." In 1994, Levine helped organize a march on Hollywood and met with high-ranking studio executives to demand they depict gay and lesbian characters in a positive light. In 1999, Levine was one of the four original founders of Marriage Equality California, he "barnstormed across California to oppose Proposition 22 and arranged America's first public "mass-marriage" protest for gay and lesbian couples. This modest attempt on February 14, 2000 to marry at a Beverly Hills courthouse became the first of the "Valentine's Day Marriage Protests" that would sweep the country.
Levine writes he: promised the court officials that we would not be violent in any way. And court officials, in turn, graciously agreed to waive the marriage license fee, since we all knew they would reject our attempts to get married. I remember it was a beautiful day, a joyful one: We all smiled ear-to-ear knowing we were attempting something, impossible but which every one of us thought would become possible; that year, Levine drafted the first law introduced in the United States to give lesbian and gay couples equal rights to straight couples at both the state and federal levels. Levine's law, introduced in California in February 2001 as AB 1338 by Assemblyman Paul Koretz, went further than Vermont's civil unions law which only protected same-sex couples at the state level. Levine says local and nationwide gay and lesbian organizations opposed Levine's marriage equality law at the time as too "radical" and "politically impossible" and forced Koretz to withdraw it. At the time Levine's bill was introduced, no same-sex couples could get married anywhere in the world.
Although Levine's first legislation to help same-sex couples did not become law, his second attempt was a success. In 2009, Levine worked with Councilman Phil Mendelson to draft the District of Columbia's marriage equality law which passed 11-2 and represented the Gertrude Stein Democratic Club pro bono in court to defeat the opponents of the new law who wanted to put it up for a referendum vote. Levine argued in court that such a referendum would be a violation of D. C.'s Human Rights Act." In 2001, Levine called President Bush's selection by the Supreme Court to be President "illegitimate" and argued: "If we can't have the right to vote how can we start thinking about anything else?" Michael Moore has called Levine's explanation of the Bush v. Gore opinion a "Simple Q&A that Every American Should Read" and "the best thing he's seen" on the issue. In December 2000, Levine was hired by the Congressional Black Caucus to appeal the United States Supreme Court decision in Bush v. Gore to the United States Congress.
At the joint session of Congress, when it came time to count Florida's electoral votes, the Congressional Black Caucus presented the legal challenge Levine had drafted. If the action had succeeded, it would have prevented George W. Bush from becoming President of the United States; the legal appeal was rejected, members of the Congressional Black Caucus and several other House Members walked out in protest. In January 2001, Levine moved from California to Alexandria, Virginia to serve three years as chief legislative counsel to Barney Frank, a high-ranking Democrat on the Judiciary, Homeland Security, Financial Services Committees. In that capacity Levine says he learned how Washington works: from the way bills become law to political negotiations, administration secrets, dangerous lapses in American security. While working for Frank, Levine used bipartisan back channels to ensure that LGBT 9/11 survivors were treated in distributions from the victims compensation fund, he personally persuaded Hillary Clinton to withdraw her endorsement from President Bush's faith-based initiative, which would have allowed the federal government to discriminate on the basis of religion.
Levine credits his one-on-one conversation with Clinton as. In 2003, Levine began hosting the radio show Mark Levine's In
The 2019 Florida Mayhem season was the second season of the Florida Mayhem's existence in the Overwatch League and the team's second season under head coach Vytis "Mineral" Lasaitis. The Mayhem looked to improve from their 2018 campaign. After finishing Stage 1 with only one win, the Mayhem announced their intention to implement an all-Korean team and fired two coaches, including head coach Mineral; the team's struggles continued in Stage 2. Prior to Stage 3, the Mayhem's all-Korean overhaul continued. Florida hired; the Mayhem found success in Stage 4, when the league implemented a 2-2-2 role lock, as they were able to win four of their final five matches. From August 1 to September 9, 2018, all Overwatch League teams that competed in the 2018 season could choose to extend their team's players' contracts. After a disappointing season, Mayhem retained three of their nine players, releasing Andreas "Logix" Berghmans, Tim "Manneten" Bylund, Johan "CWoosH" Klingestedt, Sebastian "Zebbosai" Olsson, Aleksi "Zuppeh" Kuntsi, Joonas "zappis" Alakurtti.
All non-expansion teams could not enter the free agency period until October 8. On September 11, when Mayhem acquired Koo "xepheR" Jae-mo from Seoul Dynasty. Mayhem promoted HyeonWoo "HaGoPeun" Jo and Damon "Apply" Conti from Mayhem Academy on September 21 and 24, respectively. Florida made three free agency signings on October 15, signing Junsu "Kris" Choe, Sangbum "bqb" Lee, Sangwon "SWoN" Yoon; the Mayhem opened their season on February 15 with a match against the Atlanta Reign. Despite some strong performances by DPS Kevyn "TviQ" Lindström and flex tank Jae-mo "xepheR" Koo, Florida was swept 0–4 in the match. A week Florida took on the Philadelphia Fusion in their first match of week two. With a standout performance by Lee "BQB" Sang-bum on Sombra and Zarya, the Mayhem were able to edge a win over the Fusion by a score of 2–1. A day after the victory, Mayhem announced the signing of flex tank Caleb "McGravy" McGarvey. Florida's next match was against the Chengdu Hunters on February 23. After splitting the first four maps 2–2, the match went to a tiebreaker map.
The Mayhem faced the Guangzhou Charge on February 28 in their first match of week three. The match saw the debut of McGravy, but to their previous match, the team lost 2–3 after falling in a tiebreaker map; the team took on the Houston Outlaws two days later. Florida's lone match of week four was against the Boston Uprising on March 10. Unable to pick up a map, Florida was swept for the second time in Stage 1, losing 0–4; the team's final match of Stage 1 was against the winless Washington Justice on March 17. For the third time in the Mayhem's 2019 season, the match went to a fifth tiebreaker map, for the third time, Florida was unable to win map five, falling to the Justice 2–3 and ending their first stage with a 1–6 record. One day prior to their first match of Stage 2, Florida announced its plan to implement an all-Korean roster, citing that there were "multiple issues with communication and overall team synergy, in part due to the lack of a common language among players and coaching staff."
As such, Mayhem released head coach Vytis "Mineral" Lasaitis and assistant coach Jung "Yeah" Young-su. Florida began Stage 2 with a match against the 2018 champions London Spitfire on April 5. After splitting the two maps and tying the third map, Florida was full-held on the fourth map Watchpoint: Gibraltar, leading to a 1–2 loss. A day the Mayhem took on the Philadelphia Fusion, who Florida defeated in their only victory of Stage 1. Despite taking the first map Oasis in convincing fashion, the Mayhem dropped the following three maps, falling to the Fusion 1–3. In their first match of week two, the Mayhem took on the Paris Eternal. Florida struggled in the first half of the match, going 0–2 into halftime, but put up a stronger showing in the second half. Three days on April 14, Florida faced the undefeated New York Excelsior; the Mayhem were unable to contain the Excelsior throughout the entirety of the match, getting swept 0–4. Florida's first match of week three was against the Los Angeles Gladiators on April 18.
The team was able to win the first map Busan but subsequently lost the final three to lose the match 1–3. Two days the Mayhem took on the Shanghai Dragons, the only team they placed ahead of in the 2018 season. Despite strong showings from DPS Lee "BQB" Sang-bum and tank Yoon "Swon" Seong-won, Florida was unable to secure a win, losing the match by a 1–3 scoreline. After a week off, the Mayhem, for their final match of Stage 2, faced the Dallas Fuel on May 2. Looking to find their first win of the stage, Florida was able to split the first two maps to head into halftime 1–1. However, after losing a close map three, Florida was rolled in the final map Rialto to lose 1–3 and end the stage without a win. After the end of Stage 2, Mayhem made several roster moves. Mayhem traded Caleb "Mcgravy" McGarvy and Mayhem Academy players Russell "FCTFCTN" Campbell and Johannes "Shax" Nielsen to Los Angeles Valiant in exchange for Koo "Fate" Pan-seung on May 10, signed Lee "Byrem" Seong-ju on May 13, released Damon "Apply" Conti on May 29, released Kevyn "TviQ" Lindström and Kim "SNT" Sung-hoon on June 2.
The Mayhem opened Stag
Graham Charles MacKinnon CMG ED was an Australian politician, a Liberal Party member of the Legislative Council of Western Australia from 1956 to 1986. He served as a minister in the governments of Charles Court. MacKinnon was born in Bridgetown, Western Australia, to Rhoda Myrtle and Charles Archibald MacKinnon, he attended Bunbury Senior High School, subsequently worked as a clerk and shop assistant. MacKinnon enlisted in the Australian Army in 1940, during the war served with the 2/4th Machine Gun in Malaya and Singapore, reaching the rank of lieutenant, he was a Japanese prisoner of war for three years after the Fall of Singapore. After the war's end, MacKinnon moved to Bunbury, where he owned a caravan manufacturer and managed a sewing machine company, he was president of the local branch of the Returned Services League. At the 1956 Legislative Council elections, MacKinnon was elected to the two-member South-West Province, replacing the retiring Les Craig, he was made deputy chairman of committees in 1958, served in that position until 1965.
At the 1965 state election, MacKinnon transferred to the new Lower West Province. He made an honorary minister after the election, a few months was given a substantive position in the ministry, becoming Minister for Health and Minister for Fisheries and Fauna, he was made Minister for Environmental Protection in December 1970, held those positions until the Brand government's defeat at the 1971 election. MacKinnon returned to the ministry just three years appointed Minister for Education, Minister for Cultural Affairs, Minister for Recreation in the new Court government. Following a reshuffle after the 1977 election, MacKinnon was made Minister for Conservation and the Environment, Minister for Fisheries and Wildlife, Minister for Tourism. Another reshuffle occurred in August 1978, his titles thereafter were Minister for Works, Minister for Water Supplies, Minister for Tourism, which he held until leaving the ministry at the 1980 election. MacKinnon left parliament at the 1986 election, having returned to his original constituency in 1974.
In June 1980, he had been made a Companion of the Order of St Michael and St George, for "political and public service". MacKinnon died in Perth in June 1992, aged 75, he had married Mary Theresa Shaw in 1940, with. One of his nephews, Barry MacKinnon, was a Liberal Party MP, the two served together in parliament from 1977 to 1986. Members of the Western Australian Legislative Council
The Party Chancellery, was the name of the head office for the German Nazi Party, designated as such on 12 May 1941. The office existed as the Staff of the Deputy Führer but was renamed after Rudolf Hess flew to Scotland in an attempt to negotiate a peace agreement without Hitler's authorization. Hess was denounced by Hitler, his former office was dissolved, the new Party Chancellery was formed in its place under Hess' former deputy, Martin Bormann. Starting in 1933, the party office had its seat in Munich under the leadership of Adolf Hitler's Deputy Führer Rudolf Hess, who held the rank of a Reich Minister in the Hitler Cabinet. Hess's department was responsible for handling party affairs; the organisation rivaled for influence not only with the Reich Chancellery under Hans Lammers but with the Führer's Chancellery and the Nazi Gau- and Reichsleiter. Typical of the Nazi regime in many regards, the Party Chancellery competed for spheres of interest with the other two chancelleries, creating several areas of functional duplication, additionally complicating "the relationship between party and state."Another problem that Hitler's Chancellery faced was the administrative confusion that arose from all the competing interests of the various subordinated constituent Party organizations like the SA, the SS, the Hitler Youth, the Labor Front among others.
There was a seeming lack of a centralized administrative authority for the Nazi Party, so Gauleiters bypassed the office of Hess as they believed themselves only responsible to Hitler alone. Though Hess was Deputy Führer, his office was unable to manage the administrative tasks until Martin Bormann was appointed Chief of Staff to Hess's office in July 1933. Bormann, personal secretary and chief of staff to Hess, was the man behind the scenes managing the day-to-day business of the Party Chancellery. Bormann used his position to create an extensive bureaucracy and involved himself in as much of the decision making as possible. Bormann soon became an efficient and indispensable representative of the party's interests, dis-empowering the regional leaders at the intermediate level and extending the Party Chancellery's involvement in state affairs through the enactment of laws and Führer's decrees. In 1935 Bormann began managing Hitler's "rural headquarters" at the Obersalzberg in Bavaria. In 1935, he was given charge over Hitler's personal finances and used his proximity to increase the office's authority over the Party's numerous organizations.
Bormann set up the Adolf Hitler Fund of German Trade and Industry, which collected money from German industrialists on Hitler's behalf. Some of the funds received through this programme were disbursed to various party leaders, but Bormann retained most of it for Hitler's personal use. By 1936, Bormann was passing orders directly from Hitler to Party officials. After Hess' flight to the United Kingdom to seek peace negotiations with the British government on 10 May 1941, Hitler abolished the post of Deputy Führer on 12 May 1941. Hitler assigned Hess's former duties to Bormann, with the title of Head of the Parteikanzlei. In this position he was responsible for all NSDAP appointments, was answerable only to Hitler; the Party Chancellery was privy to the extreme violence being carried out in the eastern theater by the SS Task Forces in the summer and fall of 1941, as Gestapo chief, Heinrich Müller, distributed reports, which were signed by senior officials from throughout the Reich. Legal and administrative questions governing jurisdictional matters related to the Wannsee Conference were shared by Heydrich with Party organizations, including Bormann's Party Chancellery in late January 1942, rendering them all complicit for the orchestration of the Final Solution.
Bormann used his position to restrict access to Hitler for his own benefit and, supported by deputies like Albert Hoffmann, Gerhard Klopfer and Helmuth Friedrichs, to further party influence in areas such as armaments and manpower. Armaments Minister Albert Speer complained about Bormann's interfering with his staff in this manner. On 12 April 1943, Bormann was appointed the Führer's Private Secretary, reaching a unique position of power and trust with Hitler. Sometime in the autumn of 1943, Goebbels expressed misgivings with Hitler's dependence on Bormann concerning domestic affairs, his focus on military matters and his seeming neglect of politics—Goebbels recorded this moment as "a leadership crisis" in his diary. Goebbels further believed that "the Party Chancellery chief was managing Hitler." By that time, Bormann had de facto control over all domestic matters. He held the position of leader of the Nazi Party Chancellery until 30 April 1945. Late in waning months of the war, Bormann was still "working feverishly" to restructure the Nazi Party for a post-war Germany.
Sharing in Hitler's delusions, Bormann was exercising his power over the Party by issuing decrees and directives on a wide variety of issues at the end, meanwhile Hitler was moving "non-existent armies" around on a map deep inside the bunker