Senate of Spain
The Senate is the upper house of Spain's parliament, the Cortes Generales. It is made up of 266 members: 208 elected by popular vote, 58 appointed by the regional legislatures. All senators serve four-year terms, though regional legislatures may recall their appointees at any time; the Senate was first established under the constitution of 1837 under the regency of Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies. It remained under the regimes of the constitutions of 1845, 1856, 1869 and 1876, it was composed, at that latter time, of three main categories: senators by their own right, senators for life and senators elected. This chamber, along with the Congress of Deputies, was suppressed after the coup of General Miguel Primo de Rivera in 1923. Only after the Spanish transition to democracy in 1978 was it reestablished. Senators form groups along party lines. Parties with fewer than ten senators form the Mixed Group. If the membership of an existing group falls below six during a session, it is merged into the Mixed Group at the next session.
For example, Coalición Canaria lost its senate caucus in 2008 after electoral losses reduced its group from six to two. The Basque Nationalist Party, falling from seven to four, "borrowed" senators from the ruling Socialist Party to form their group; the PNV group is again under threshold after returning the borrowed Socialists, it faces dissolution after the current session. 133 seats are required for an absolute majority, vacant seats notwithstanding. To date, senate elections have coincided with elections to the lower house, but the President of the Government may advise the king to call elections for one chamber only, under article 115 of the Spanish Constitution. While the Congress of Deputies is chosen by party list proportional representation, the members of the senate are chosen in two distinct ways: popular election by limited voting and appointment from regional legislatures. Most members of the senate are directly elected by the people; each province elects four senators without regard to population.
Insular provinces are treated specially. The larger islands of the Balearics and Canaries —Mallorca, Gran Canaria, Tenerife—are assigned three seats each, the smaller islands—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Gomera, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each; this allocation is weighted in favor of small provinces. In non-insular constituencies, each party nominates three candidates. Candidates' names are organized in columns by party on a large ochre-colored ballot called a sábana or bedsheet; each voter may mark up from any party. This is the only occasion. Panachage is allowed, but voters cast all three votes for candidates of a single party; as a result, the four Senators are the three candidates from the most popular party and the first placed candidate from the next most popular. Before 2011, a party could not choose the order of its candidates on the ballot paper; when a party did not get all three of its candidates elected, this arrangement favored candidates with surnames early in the alphabet. This was the case for 2nd placed parties in every province and for both parties in tight races when voters did not vote for three candidates of the same party.
Article 69.5 of the Spanish Constitution empowers the legislative assembly of each autonomous community of Spain to appoint a senate delegation from its own ranks, with one Senator per one million citizens, rounded up. Demographic growth increased the combined size of the regional delegations from 51 to 56 in 2008 for the 9th term. Conventionally, the proportions of the regional delegations mimic their legislative assemblies, as required in principle by Article 69.5 of the constitution. However, Autonomous Communities have considerable leeway, a motion to appoint the delegation requires no more than a plurality. Two anomalous examples are: After the 2007 election, the single senator from the Balearic Islands was from neither the largest bloc, nor the second-largest, but in fact from the fourth-largest bloc, the Socialist Party of Majorca, which held only four of 59 seats; this arrangement was part of a five-party coalition agreement. This anomaly was resolved in 2008, when the Balearic Islands gained a second senate seat, filled by the PP.
Since 2003, the PSOE has ruled Aragon with support from regionalist parties. In the 2007 election, it won 30 of 67 seats. Aragon's two appointed senators came from the opposition People's Party and the regionalist Aragonese Party. Due to population growth, the Balearic and Canary Islands and Madrid each gained a new senator in 2008. Andalusia was the last Autonomous Community; the distribution after the 2015 election was: The last election was held on 26 June 2016. The composition of the 12th Senate is: The Spanish parliamentary system is bicameral but asymmetric; the Congress of Deputies has more independent functions, it can override most Senate measures. Only the Congress can revoke confidence to a Prime Minister. In the ordinary lawmaking process, either house may be the initiator, the Senate can amend hostilely or veto, the propos
Ceuta is an 18.5 km2 Spanish autonomous city on the north coast of Africa, separated by 14 km from Cadiz province on the Spanish mainland by the Strait of Gibraltar and sharing a 6.4 km land border with M'diq-Fnideq Prefecture in the Kingdom of Morocco. It lies along the boundary between the Mediterranean Sea and the Atlantic Ocean and is one of nine populated Spanish territories in Africa and, along with Melilla, one of two populated territories on mainland Africa, it was part of Cádiz province until 14 March 1995 when both Ceuta and Melilla's Statutes of Autonomy were passed, the latter having been part of Málaga province. Ceuta, like the Canary Islands, was a free port before Spain joined the European Union; as of 2011, it has a population of 82,376. Its population consists of Christians and small minorities of Sephardic Jews and ethnic Sindhi Hindus. Spanish is the official language, while Darija Arabic is spoken by 40–50% of the population, of Moroccan origin; the name Abyla has been said to have been a Punic name for Jebel Musa, the southern Pillar of Hercules.
In fact, it seems that the name of the mountain was Habenna or ʾAbin-ḥīq, in reference to the nearby Bay of Benzú. The name was hellenized variously as Ápini, Abýla, Abýlē, Ablýx, Abílē Stḗlē and in Latin as Mount Abyla or the Pillar of Abyla; the settlement below Jebel Musa was renamed for the seven hills around the site, collectively referred to as the "Seven Brothers". In particular, the Roman stronghold at the site took the name "Fort at the Seven Brothers"; this was shortened to Septem or Septum or Septa. These clipped forms continued as Berber Sebta and Arabic Sebtan or Sabtah, which themselves became Ceuta in Portuguese and Spanish. Controlling access between the Atlantic Ocean and the Mediterranean Sea, the Strait of Gibraltar is an important military and commercial chokepoint; the Phoenicians realized the narrow isthmus joining the Peninsula of Almina to the African mainland makes Ceuta eminently defensible and established an outpost there in the early 1st millennium BC. The Greek geographers record it by variations of "Abyla", the ancient name of nearby Jebel Musa.
Beside Calpe, the other Pillar of Hercules now known as the Rock of Gibraltar, the Phoenicians established Kart at what is now San Roque, Spain. Other good anchorages nearby became Phoenician and Carthaginian ports at what are now Tangiers and Cadiz. After Carthage's destruction in the Punic Wars, most of northwest Africa was left to the Roman client states of Numidia and—around Abyla—Mauretania. Punic culture continued to thrive in what the Romans knew as "Septem". After Thapsus and his heirs began annexing north Africa directly as Roman provinces but, as late as Augustus, most of Septem's Berber residents continued to speak and write in Punic. Caligula assassinated the Mauretanian king Ptolemy in AD 40 and seized his kingdom, which Claudius organized in 42, placing Septem in the province of Tingitana and raising it to the level of a colony, it subsequently romanized and thrived into the late 3rd century, trading with Roman Spain and becoming well known for its salted fish. Roads connected it overland with Volubilis.
Under Theodosius I in the late 4th century, Septem still had 10,000 inhabitants, nearly all Christian citizens speaking Latin and African Romance. Vandals invited by Count Boniface as protection against the empress dowager, crossed the strait near Tingis around 425 and swiftly overran Roman North Africa, their king Gaiseric focused his attention on the rich lands around Carthage. When Justinian decided to reconquer the Vandal lands, his victorious general Belisarius continued along the coast, making Septem an outpost of the Byzantine Empire around 533. Unlike the Roman administration, the Byzantines did not push far into hinterland and made the more defensible Septem their regional capital in place of Tingis. Epidemics, less capable successors, overstretched supply lines forced a retrenchment and left Septem isolated, it is that its count was obliged to pay homage to the Visigoth Kingdom in Spain in the early 7th century. There are no reliable contemporary accounts of the end of the Islamic conquest of the Maghreb around 710.
Instead, the rapid Muslim conquest of Spain produced romances concerning Count Julian of Septem and his betrayal of Christendom in revenge for the dishonor that befell his daughter at King Roderick's court. With Julian's encouragement and instructions, the Berber convert and freedman Tariq ibn Ziyad took his garrison from Tangiers across the strait and overran the Spanish so swiftly that both he and his master Musa bin Nusayr fell afoul of a jealous caliph, who stripped them of their wealth and titles. After the death of Julian, sometimes described as a king of the Ghomara Berbers, Berber converts to Islam took direct control of what they called Sebta, it was destroyed during their great revolt against the Umayyad Caliphate around 740. Sebta subsequently remained a small village of Muslims and Christians surrounded by ruins until its resettlement in the 9th century by Mâjakas, chief of the Majkasa Berber tribe, who started the short-lived Banu Isam dy
Community of Madrid
The Community of Madrid is one of the seventeen autonomous communities of Spain. It is located in the centre of the Iberian Peninsula, of the Castilian Central Plateau, its capital is the city of Madrid, the capital of the country. The Community of Madrid is bounded to the south and east by Castilla–La Mancha and to the north and west by Castile and León, it was formally created in 1983, based on the limits of the province of Madrid, until conventionally included in the historical region of New Castile. The Community of Madrid is the third most populous in Spain with 6,549,979 inhabitants concentrated in the metropolitan area of Madrid, it is the most densely populated autonomous community. In absolute terms, Madrid's economy is equal in size to that of Catalonia, which remains Spain's largest. Madrid thus has the highest GDP per capita in the country. Despite the existence of a large city of 5 million people, the Community of Madrid still retains some remarkably unspoiled and diverse habitats and landscapes.
Madrid is home to mountain peaks rising above holm oak dehesas and low-lying plains. The slopes of the Guadarrama mountain range are cloaked in dense forests of Scots pine and Pyrenean oak; the Lozoya Valley supports a large black vulture colony, one of the last bastions of the Spanish imperial eagle in the world is found in the Park Regional del Suroeste in dehesa hills between the Gredos and Guadarrama ranges. The recent possible detection of the existence of Iberian lynx in the area between the Cofio and Alberche rivers is testament to the biodiversity of the area. Taking advantage of the orography, there are several reservoirs and dams in th region, with the Santillana reservoir being the largest; when looking at a map of the Province of Madrid, it can be seen that it is an equilateral triangle, in whose center would be the city. First, by the western side, the region borders the "Sistema Central", the southern border features a protrusion following the Tagus River in order to include the royal site of Aranjuez in the region.
The region includes the exclave of Dehesa de la Cepeda, a open-area geographically located between the provinces of Ávila and Segovia in the autonomous community of Castile and León. Province of Madrid occupies a surface area of 8,028 km2. More the exact position of Madrid is 3° 40´ of longitude west of Greenwich, 40° 23´ north of the equator. All of the Province is located between 600 and 1,000 m above sea level, with the highest point being Peñalara at 2,430 m and the lowest the Alberche river in Villa del Prado at 430 m. Other considerable heights, as well as being famous, are the Ball of the World mountain in Navacerrada, at a height of 2,258 m and the seven peaks in Cercedilla, at 2,138 m; the region of Madrid has a hot summer Mediterranean climate with cool winters during which temperatures sometimes drop below 0 °C. There are about two to three light snowfalls each year. Summer tends to be hot with temperatures that surpass 30 °C in July and that can reach 40 °C. Due to Madrid's high altitude and dry climate, nightly temperatures tend to be cooler, leading to a lower average in the summer months.
Average precipitation levels are below 500 mm, evenly distributed throughout the year, with peaks in autumn and spring. The territory of the Community of Madrid has been populated since the Lower Paleolithic in the valleys between the rivers of Manzanares and Henares, where several archaeological findings have been made; some notable discoveries of the region the bell-shaped vase of Ciempozuelos. During the Roman Empire, the region was part of the Citerior Tarraconese province, except for the south-west portion of it, which belonged to Lusitania, it was crossed by two important Roman roads, the via xxiv-xxix (joining Astorga to laminium and via xxv, contained some important conurbations. The city of Complutum became an important metropolis, whereas Titulcia and Miaccum were important crossroad communities. During the period of the Visigothic Kingdom, the region lost its importance; the population was scattered amongst several small towns. Alcalá de Henares was designated the bishopric seat in the 5th century by orders of Asturio, archbishop of Toledo, but this event was not enough to bring back the lost splendor of the city.
The centre of the peninsula became a strategic military post in the 11th century. The Muslim rulers created a defensive system of fortresses and towers all across the region with which they tried to stop the advance of the Christian kingdoms of the north; the fortress of Mayrit was built somewhere between 860 and 880 AD, as a walled precinct where a military and religious community lived, which constituted the foundation of the city. It soon became the most strategic fortress in defense of the city of Toledo above the fortresses of Talamanca and Qal'-at'-Abd-Al-Salam. In 1083 Alfonso VI took the city of Madrid in the context of his wider campaign to conquer Toledo. Alcalá de Henares fell in 1118 in a new period of Castilian annexation; the conquered lands by the Christian kingdoms were desegregated into several constituencies, as a consequence of a long process of repopulati
Catalonia is an autonomous community in Spain on the northeastern corner of the Iberian Peninsula, designated as a nationality by its Statute of Autonomy. Catalonia consists of four provinces: Barcelona, Girona and Tarragona; the capital and largest city is Barcelona, the second-most populated municipality in Spain and the core of the sixth most populous urban area in the European Union. It comprises most of the territory of the former Principality of Catalonia, it is bordered by France and Andorra to the north, the Mediterranean Sea to the east, the Spanish autonomous communities of Aragon to the west and Valencia to the south. The official languages are Catalan and the Aranese dialect of Occitan. In the late 8th century, the counties of the March of Gothia and the Hispanic March were established by the Frankish kingdom as feudal vassals across and near the eastern Pyrenees as a defensive barrier against Muslim invasions; the eastern counties of these marches were united under the rule of the Frankish vassal, the count of Barcelona, were called Catalonia.
In the 10th century the County of Barcelona became independent de facto. In 1137, Barcelona and the Kingdom of Aragon were united by marriage under the Crown of Aragon; the de jure end of Frankish rule was ratified by French and Aragonese monarchs in the Treaty of Corbeil in 1258. The Principality of Catalonia developed its own institutional system, such as courts, constitutions, becoming the base for the Crown of Aragon's naval power and expansionism in the Mediterranean. In the Middle Ages, Catalan literature flourished. During the last Medieval centuries natural disasters, social turmoils and military conflicts affected the Principality. Between 1469 and 1516, the king of Aragon and the queen of Castile married and ruled their realms together, retaining all of their distinct institutions and legislation. During the Franco-Spanish War, Catalonia revolted against a large and burdensome presence of the royal army in its territory, being proclaimed a republic under French protection. Within a brief period France took full control of Catalonia, until it was reconquered by the Spanish army.
Under the terms of the Treaty of the Pyrenees in 1659, the Spanish Crown ceded the northern parts of Catalonia the County of Roussillon, to France. During the War of the Spanish Succession, the Crown of Aragon sided against the Bourbon Philip V of Spain; this led to the eclipse of Catalan as a language of literature, replaced by Spanish. Along the 18th century, Catalonia experienced economic growth, reinforced in the late quarter of the century when the Castile's trade monopoly with American colonies ended. In the 19th century, Catalonia was affected by the Napoleonic and Carlist Wars. In the second third of the century, Catalonia experienced significant industrialisation; as wealth from the industrial expansion grew, Catalonia saw a cultural renaissance coupled with incipient nationalism while several workers movements appeared. In 1914, the four Catalan provinces formed a commonwealth, with the return of democracy during the Second Spanish Republic, the Generalitat of Catalonia was restored as an autonomous government.
After the Spanish Civil War, the Francoist dictatorship enacted repressive measures, abolishing Catalan self-government and banning the official use of the Catalan language again. After a first period of autarky, from the late 1950s through to the 1970s Catalonia saw rapid economic growth, drawing many workers from across Spain, making Barcelona one of Europe's largest industrial metropolitan areas and turning Catalonia into a major tourist destination. Since the Spanish transition to democracy, Catalonia has regained considerable autonomy in political, educational and cultural affairs and is now one of the most economically dynamic communities of Spain. In the 2010s there has been growing support for Catalan independence. On 27 October 2017, the Catalan Parliament declared independence from Spain following a disputed referendum; the Spanish Senate voted in favour of enforcing direct rule by removing the entire Catalan government and calling a snap regional election for 21 December. On 2 November of the same year, the Spanish Supreme Court imprisoned 7 former ministers of the Catalan government on charges of rebellion and misuse of public funds, while several others—including then-President of Catalonia, Carles Puigdemont—fled to other European countries.
The name Catalonia—Catalunya in Catalan, spelled Cathalonia, or Cathalaunia in Medieval Latin—began to be used for the homeland of the Catalans in the late 11th century and was used before as a territorial reference to the group of counties that comprised part of the March of Gothia and March of Hispania under the control of the Count of Barcelona and his relatives. The origin of the name Catalunya is subject to diverse interpretations because of a lack of evidence. One theory suggests that Catalunya derives from the name Gothia Launia, since the origins of the Catalan counts and people were found in the March of Gothia, known as Gothia, whence Gothlan
2011 Spanish general election
The 2011 Spanish general election was held on Sunday, 20 November 2011, to elect the 10th Cortes Generales of the Kingdom of Spain. All 350 seats in the Congress of Deputies were up for election, as well as 208 of 266 seats in the Senate. An election had not been due until 8 April 2012 at latest, but a call by Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero for a snap election five months ahead of schedule was announced on 29 July 2011. Zapatero would not be seeking a third term in office, with political pressure mounting, a deteriorating economic situation and his political project exhausted, an early election was perceived as the only way out; the election campaign was dominated by the effects of an ongoing financial crisis, high unemployment, a large public deficit and a soaring risk premium. Opinion polls had shown consistent leads for the opposition People's Party over the ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party, whose popularity had plummeted after Zapatero's U-turns in economic policy had forced him to adopt tough spending cuts and austerity measures.
Massive anti-austerity protests had taken place in May 2011 under the form of the 15-M Movement, in the local and regional elections held a few days popular support for the PSOE fell dramatically. On 21 October, the armed organization ETA announced a permanent cessation of armed activity, turning the 2011 election into the first since the Spanish transition to democracy without ETA attacks; the election resulted in the PSOE being swept out from power in the worst defeat for a sitting government since 1982, losing 4.3 million votes and scoring its worst result in a general election since the first democratic election in 1977. In contrast, PP's Mariano Rajoy won a record absolute majority in a landslide, being his party's best historic result as well as the second largest majority in democracy. For the first time in a general election, the PSOE failed to come out on top in both Andalusia and Catalonia, with the nationalist Convergence and Union emerging victorious, whereas the abertzale left Amaiur achieved a major breakthrough in both the Basque Country and Navarre.
United Left experienced a turnaround of its electoral fortunes and saw its first remarkable increase in 15 years, whereas centrist Union and Democracy exceeded all expectations with over one million votes, 5 seats and just 0.3% short of the 5% threshold required for being recognized a party parliamentary group in Congress. The Spanish Cortes Generales were envisaged as an imperfect bicameral system; the Congress of Deputies had greater legislative power than the Senate, having the ability to vote confidence in or withdraw it from a Prime Minister and to override Senate vetoes by an absolute majority of votes. Nonetheless, the Senate possessed a few exclusive, yet limited in number functions—such as its role in constitutional amendment—which were not subject to the Congress' override. Voting for the Cortes Generales was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over eighteen and in full enjoyment of their political rights. Amendments to the electoral law in 2011 required for Spaniards abroad to apply for voting before being permitted to vote, a system known as "begged" or expat vote.
For the Congress of Deputies, 348 seats were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with a threshold of 3 percent of valid votes—which included blank ballots—being applied in each constituency. Parties not reaching the threshold were not taken into consideration for seat distribution. Additionally, the use of the D'Hondt method might result in an effective threshold over three percent, depending on the district magnitude. Seats were allocated to corresponding to the provinces of Spain; each constituency was entitled to an initial minimum of two seats, with the remaining 248 allocated among the constituencies in proportion to their populations. Ceuta and Melilla were allocated the two remaining seats. For the Senate, 208 seats were elected using an open list partial block voting, with electors voting for individual candidates instead of parties. In constituencies electing four seats, electors could vote for up to three candidates; each of the 47 peninsular provinces was allocated four seats, whereas for insular provinces, such as the Balearic and Canary Islands, districts were the islands themselves, with the larger—Majorca, Gran Canaria and Tenerife—being allocated three seats each, the smaller—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Fuerteventura, La Gomera, El Hierro, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each.
Ceuta and Melilla elected two seats each. Additionally, autonomous communities could appoint at least one senator each and were entitled to one additional senator per each million inhabitants; the electoral law provided that parties, federations and groupings of electors were allowed to present lists of candidates. However, federations or coalitions that had not obtained a mandate in either House of Parliament at the preceding election were required to secure the signature of at least 0.1 percent of the electors registered in the constituency for which they sought election, whereas groupings of electors were required to secure the signature of 1 percent of electors. Electors were barred from signing for more than one list of candidates. Concurrently and federations intending to enter in coalition to take part jointly at an election were required to inform the relevant Electoral Commission within ten days of the election being called; the term of each House of the Cortes Generales—the Congress and the Senate—expired four years from the date of their previous election, unless th
Democratic socialism is a political philosophy that advocates political democracy alongside social ownership of the means of production, with an emphasis on self-management and democratic management of economic institutions within a market or some form of decentralized planned socialist economy. Democratic socialists espouse that capitalism is inherently incompatible with what they hold to be the democratic values of liberty and solidarity. Democratic socialism can be supportive of either revolutionary or reformist politics as a means to establish socialism; the term democratic socialism is sometimes used synonymously with socialism, but the adjective democratic is sometimes used to distinguish democratic socialists from Marxist–Leninist-inspired socialism which to some is viewed as being non-democratic in practice. Democratic socialists oppose the Stalinist political system and Soviet economic model, rejecting the perceived authoritarian form of governance and centralized command economy that took form in the Soviet Union and other socialist states in the early 20th century.
Democratic socialism is further distinguished from social democracy on the basis that democratic socialists are committed to systemic transformation of the economy from capitalism to socialism whereas social democracy is supportive of reforms to capitalism. In contrast to social democrats, democratic socialists believe that reforms aimed at addressing social inequalities and state interventions aimed at suppressing the economic contradictions of capitalism will only see them emerge elsewhere in a different guise; as socialists, democratic socialists believe that the systemic issues of capitalism can only be solved by replacing the capitalist system with a socialist system—i.e. By replacing private ownership with social ownership of the means of production; the origins of democratic socialism can be traced to 19th-century utopian socialist thinkers and the British Chartist movement which differed in detail, but all shared the essence of democratic decision making and public ownership in the means of production as positive characteristics of the society they advocated.
In the early 20th century, the gradualist reformism promoted by the British Fabian Society and Eduard Bernstein in Germany influenced the development of democratic socialism. Democratic socialism is defined as having a socialist economy in which the means of production are and collectively owned or controlled alongside a politically democratic system of government. Peter Hain classifies democratic socialism along with libertarian socialism as a form of anti-authoritarian socialism from below in contrast to Stalinism, a variant of state socialism. For Hain, this democratic/authoritarian divide is more important than the revolutionary/reformist divide. In this type of democratic socialism, it is the active participation of the population as a whole and workers in particular in the management of economy that characterizes democratic socialism while nationalization and economic planning are characteristic of state socialism. A similar, but more complex argument is made by Nicos Poulantzas. Draper himself uses the term "revolutionary-democratic socialism" as a type of socialism from below in his The Two Souls of Socialism and writes: "he leading spokesman in the Second International of a revolutionary-democratic Socialism-from-Below Rosa Luxemburg, who so emphatically put her faith and hope in the spontaneous struggle of a free working class that the myth-makers invented for her a'theory of spontaneity'".
He writes about Eugene Debs: "'Debsian socialism' evoked a tremendous response from the heart of the people, but Debs had no successor as a tribune of revolutionary-democratic socialism". Tendencies of democratic socialism follow a gradual, reformist or evolutionary path to socialism rather than a revolutionary one; this tendency is invoked in an attempt to distinguish democratic socialism from Marxist–Leninist socialism as in Donald Busky's Democratic Socialism: A Global Survey, Jim Tomlinson's Democratic Socialism and Economic Policy: The Attlee Years, 1945–1951, Norman Thomas Democratic Socialism: A New Appraisal or Roy Hattersley's Choose Freedom: The Future of Democratic Socialism. A variant of this set of definitions is Joseph Schumpeter's argument set out in Capitalism and Democracy that liberal democracies were evolving from "liberal capitalism" into "democratic socialism", with the growth of workers' self-management, industrial democracy and regulatory institutions. For example, the new version of Clause IV of the constitution of the British Labour Party, though affirming a commitment to democratic socialism, no longer commits the party to public ownership of industry as in its place advocates "the enterprise of the market and the rigour of competition" along with "high quality public services either owned by the public or accountable to them".
Scholar Lyman Tower Sargent proposes: Democratic socialism can be characterized as follows: Much property held by the public through a democratically elected government, including most major industries and transportation systems A limit on the accumulation of private property Governmental regulation of the economy Extensive publicly financed assistance and pension programs Social costs and the provision of services added to purely financial considerations as the measure of efficiencyPublicly held property is limited to productive property and significant infrastructure. And in practice in many democratic socialist countries, it has not extende
Politics of Spain
The politics of Spain takes place under the framework established by the Constitution of 1978. Spain is established as a social and democratic sovereign country wherein the national sovereignty is vested in the people, from which the powers of the state emanate; the form of government in Spain is a parliamentary monarchy, that is, a social representative democratic constitutional monarchy in which the monarch is the head of state, while the prime minister—whose official title is "President of the Government"—is the head of government. Executive power is exercised by the Government, integrated by the prime minister, the deputy prime ministers and other ministers, which collectively form the Cabinet, or Council of Ministers. Legislative power is vested in the Cortes Generales, a bicameral parliament constituted by the Congress of Deputies and the Senate; the judiciary is independent of the executive and the legislature, administering justice on behalf of the King by judges and magistrates. The Supreme Court of Spain is the highest court in the nation, with jurisdiction in all Spanish territories, superior to all in all affairs except constitutional matters, which are the jurisdiction of a separate court, the Constitutional Court.
Spain's political system is a multi-party system, but since the 1990s two parties have been predominant in politics, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party and the People's Party. Regional parties the Basque Nationalist Party, from the Basque Country, Convergence and Union and the Republican Left of Catalonia, from Catalonia, have played key roles in Spanish politics. Members of the Congress of Deputies are selected through proportional representation, the government is formed by the party or coalition that has the confidence of the Congress the party with the largest number of seats. Since the Spanish transition to democracy, there have not been coalition governments. Regional government functions under a system known as the state of autonomies, a decentralized system of administration based on asymmetrical devolution to the "nationalities and regions" that constitute the nation and in which the nation, via the central government, retains full sovereignty. Exercising the right to self-government granted by the constitution, the "nationalities and regions" have been constituted as 17 autonomous communities and two autonomous cities.
The form of government of each autonomous community and autonomous city is based on a parliamentary system, in which executive power is vested in a "president" and a Council of Ministers, elected by and responsible to a unicameral legislative assembly. The Economist Intelligence Unit rated Spain as a "full democracy" in 2016; the Spanish monarch Felipe VI, is the head of the Spanish State, symbol of its unity and permanence, who arbitrates and moderates the regular function of government institutions, assumes the highest representation of Spain in international relations with those who are part of its historical community. His title is King of Spain; the Crown, as a symbol of the nation's unity, has a two-fold function. First, it represents the unity of the State in the organic separation of powers. Secondly, it represents the Spanish State as a whole in relation to the autonomous communities, whose rights he is constitutionally bound to respect; the King is proclaimed by the Cortes Generales — the Parliament — and must take oath to carry out his duties faithfully, to obey the constitution and all laws and to ensure they are obeyed, to respect the rights of the citizens, as well as the rights of the autonomous communities.
According to the Constitution of Spain, it is incumbent upon the King: to sanction and promulgate laws. All ambassadors and other diplomatic representatives are accredited by him, foreign representatives in Spain are accredited to him, he expresses the State's assent to entering into international commitments through treaties. In practical terms, his duties are ceremonial, constitutional provisions are worded in such a way as to make clear the strict neutral and apolitical nature of his role. In fact, the Fathers of the Constitution made careful use of the expressions "it is incumbent upon of the King", deliberately omitting other expressions such as "powers", "faculties" or "competences", thus eliminating any notion of monarchical prerogatives within the parliamentary monarchy. In the same way, the King does not have supreme liberty in the exercise of the aforementioned functions; the king is the commander-in-chief of the Spanish Armed Forces, but has only symbolic, rather