Legislative Assembly of El Salvador
The Legislative Assembly is the legislative branch of the government of El Salvador. The Salvadoran legislature is a unicameral body, it is made up of 84 deputies, all of whom are elected by direct popular vote according to open-list proportional representation to serve three-year terms and are eligible for immediate re-election. Of these, 64 are elected in 14 multi-seat constituencies, corresponding to the country's 14 departments, which return between 3 and 16 deputies each; the remaining 20 deputies are selected on the basis of a single national constituency. To be eligible for election to the Assembly, candidates must be: Older than 25. Salvadoran citizens by birth, born of either a Salvadoran mother. Of recognised honesty and education. Not have had the enjoyment of their rights as citizens cancelled in the previous five years. El Salvador returns 20 deputies to the supranational Central American Parliament elected according to closed-list proportional representation from a single national constituency.
Politics of El Salvador List of legislatures by country List of presidents of the Legislative Assembly of El Salvador Official website
The judiciary is the system of courts that interprets and applies the law in the name of the state. The judiciary can be thought of as the mechanism for the resolution of disputes. Under the doctrine of the separation of powers, the judiciary does not make statutory law or enforce law, but rather interprets law and applies it to the facts of each case. However, in some countries the judiciary does make common law, setting precedent for other courts to follow; this branch of the state is tasked with ensuring equal justice under law. In many jurisdictions the judicial branch has the power to change laws through the process of judicial review. Courts with judicial review power may annul the laws and rules of the state when it finds them incompatible with a higher norm, such as primary legislation, the provisions of the constitution or international law. Judges constitute a critical force for interpretation and implementation of a constitution, thus de facto in common law countries creating the body of constitutional law.
For a people to establish and keep the'Rule of Law' as the operative norm in social constructs great care must be taken in the election or appointment of unbiased and thoughtful legal scholars whose loyalty to an oath of office is without reproach. If law is to govern and find acceptance courts must exercise fidelity to justice which means affording those subject to its jurisdictional scope the greatest presumption of inherent cultural relevance within this framework. In the US during recent decades the judiciary became active in economic issues related with economic rights established by constitution because "economics may provide insight into questions that bear on the proper legal interpretation". Since many countries with transitional political and economic systems continue treating their constitutions as abstract legal documents disengaged from the economic policy of the state, practice of judicial review of economic acts of executive and legislative branches have begun to grow. In the 1980s, the Supreme Court of India for a decade had been encouraging public interest litigation on behalf of the poor and oppressed by using a broad interpretation of several articles of the Indian Constitution.
Budget of the judiciary in many transitional and developing countries is completely controlled by the executive. This undermines the separation of powers, as it creates a critical financial dependence of the judiciary; the proper national wealth distribution including the government spending on the judiciary is subject of the constitutional economics. It is important to distinguish between the two methods of corruption of the judiciary: the state, the private; the term "judiciary" is used to refer collectively to the personnel, such as judges and other adjudicators, who form the core of a judiciary, as well as the staffs who keep the system running smoothly. In some countries and jurisdictions, judiciary branch is expanded to include additional public legal professionals and institutions such as prosecutors, state lawyers, public notaries, judicial police service and legal aid officers; these institutions are sometimes governed by the same judicial administration that governs courts, in some cases the administration of the judicial branch is the administering authority for private legal professions such as lawyers and private "notary" offices.
After the French Revolution, lawmakers stopped interpretation of law by judges, the legislature was the only body permitted to interpret the law. In civil law juridictors at present, judges interpret the law to about the same extent as in common law jurisdictions – however it is different from the common law tradition which directly recognizes the limited power to make law. For instance, in France, the jurisprudence constante of the Court of Cassation or the Council of State is equivalent in practice with case law. However, the Louisiana Supreme Court notes the principal difference between the two legal doctrines: a single court decision can provide sufficient foundation for the common law doctrine of stare decisis, however, "a series of adjudicated cases, all in accord, form the basis for jurisprudence constante." Moreover, the Louisiana Court of Appeals has explicitly noted that jurisprudence constante is a secondary source of law, which cannot be authoritative and does not rise to the level of stare decisis.
In common law jurisdictions, courts interpret law. They make law based upon prior case law in areas where the legislature has not made law. For instance, the tort of negligence is not derived from statute law in most common law jurisdictions; the term common law refers to this kind of law. In civil law jurisdictions, courts interpret the law, but are prohibited from creating law, thus do not issue rulings more general than the actual case to be judged. Jurisprudence plays a similar role to case law. In the United States court system, the Supreme Court is the final authority on the interpretation of the federal Constitution and all statutes and regulations created pursuant to it, as well as the constitutionality of the various state laws. State courts, which try 98 % of litigation, may have organization.
2019 Salvadoran presidential election
Presidential elections were held in El Salvador on 3 February 2019, with voters electing a President and Vice President for a five-year term. With 90% of the votes counted, the Supreme Electoral Tribunal declared former San Salvador mayor Nayib Bukele of the Grand Alliance for National Unity the winner with over 53% of the total vote, avoiding the need for the second round, which had provisionally been scheduled for March. Upon his ascension to the presidency, Bukele will be the first President to not be from one of the two major parties since José Napoleón Duarte left office in 1989
Head of state
A head of state is the public persona who represents the national unity and legitimacy of a sovereign state. Depending on the country's form of government and separation of powers, the head of state may be a ceremonial figurehead or concurrently the head of government. In a parliamentary system the head of state is the de jure leader of the nation, there is a separate de facto leader with the title of prime minister. In contrast, a semi-presidential system has both heads of state and government as the leaders de facto of the nation. In countries with parliamentary systems, the head of state is a ceremonial figurehead who does not guide day-to-day government activities or is not empowered to exercise any kind of political authority. In countries where the head of state is the head of government, the head of state serves as both a public figurehead and the highest-ranking political leader who oversees the executive branch. Former French president Charles de Gaulle, while developing the current Constitution of France, said that the head of state should embody l'esprit de la nation.
Some academic writers discuss states and governments in terms of "models". An independent nation state has a head of state, determines the extent of its head's executive powers of government or formal representational functions. In protocolary terms, the head of a sovereign, independent state is identified as the person who, according to that state's constitution, is the reigning monarch, in the case of a monarchy, or the president, in the case of a republic. Among the different state constitutions that establish different political systems, four major types of heads of state can be distinguished: The parliamentary system, with three subset models; the non-executive model, in which the head of state has either none or limited executive powers, has a ceremonial and symbolic role. The Parliamentary-Presidential model, or South African Method, where Parliament chooses the President, who acts as both Head of State and Head of Government; some argue this is unfair, becouse citizens dont get a direct say in their executive leadership.
However, this method makes it impossible for a dictator to come to power. The semi-presidential system, in which the head of state shares key executive powers with a head of government or cabinet. In a federal constituent or a dependent territory, the same role is fulfilled by the holder of an office corresponding to that of a head of state. For example, in each Canadian province the role is fulfilled by the Lieutenant Governor, whereas in most British Overseas Territories the powers and duties are performed by the Governor; the same applies to Indian states, etc.. Hong Kong's constitutional document, the Basic Law, for example, specifies the Chief Executive as the head of the special administrative region, in addition to their role as the head of government; these non-sovereign-state heads have limited or no role in diplomatic affairs, depending on the status and the norms and practices of the territories concerned. In parliamentary systems the head of state may be the nominal chief executive officer, heading the executive branch of the state, possessing limited executive power.
In reality, following a process of constitutional evolution, powers are only exercised by direction of a cabinet, presided over by a head of government, answerable to the legislature. This accountability and legitimacy requires that someone be chosen who has a majority support in the legislature, it gives the legislature the right to vote down the head of government and their cabinet, forcing it either to resign or seek a parliamentary dissolution. The executive branch is thus said to be responsible to the legislature, with the head of government and cabinet in turn accepting constitutional responsibility for offering constitutional advice to the head of state. In parliamentary constitutional monarchies, the legitimacy of the unelected head of state derives from the tacit approval of the people via the elected representatives. Accordingly, at the time of the Glorious Revolution, the English parliament acted of its own authority to name a new king and queen. In monarchies with a written constitution, the position of monarch is a creature of the constitution and could quite properly be abolished through a democratic procedure of constitutional amendment, although there are significant procedural hurdles imposed on such a procedure.
In republics with a parliamentary system the head of state is titled president and the principal functions of such presidents are ceremonial and symbolic, as opposed to the presidents in a presidential or semi-presidential system. In reality, numerous variants exist to the position of a head of state within a parliamentary system; the older the cons
Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front
The Farabundo Martí National Liberation Front is one of the two major political parties in El Salvador. The FMLN was formed as an umbrella group on October 10, 1980, from five leftist guerrilla organizations: the Fuerzas Populares de Liberación Farabundo Martí, the People's Revolutionary Army, the Resistencia Nacional, the Partido Comunista Salvadoreño and the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos; the FMLN was one of the main participants in the Salvadoran Civil War. After peace accords were signed in 1992, all armed FMLN units were demobilized and their organization became a legal left-wing political party in El Salvador. On March 15, 2009, the FMLN won the presidential elections with former journalist Mauricio Funes as its candidate. Two months earlier in municipal and legislative elections, the FMLN won the majority of the mayoralties in the country and a plurality of the National Assembly seats. Tensions began to build between the farmers and the elite class in the time leading up to the Salvadoran Civil War including political assassinations by the El Salvadoran government on outspoken critics starting in the early 1970s.
In 1979, farmers went on strike for higher wages and better working conditions on Hacienda California, a large farm in Tierra Blanca. Due to this strike National Guard troops responded to the growing violence in Tierra Blanca using military force; as the violence spread into the residential areas of El Salvador, animosity heightened between the campesinos and the elite class. The politically withdrawn campesinos began to join the FMLN and other left-wing guerrilla groups. On December 17, 1979, in period of national crisis, the three dominant organizations of the Salvadoran left formed the Coordinadora Político-Militar; the CPM's first manifesto was released on January 10, 1980, the day after, the Coordinadora Revolucionaria de Masas was formed as a union of revolutionary mass organizations. CRM merged with the Frente Democrático Salvadoreño to form the Frente Democrático Revolucionario, it is alleged by the United States that some credit for the unity of the five organizations that formed the FMLN may belong to Cuba's Fidel Castro, who facilitated negotiation between the groups in Havana in December 1979.
However, neither the Cuban nor Soviet government were responsible for forming FMLN, although it received some of its arms and supplies from the Soviet Union and Cuba. While all five groups called themselves revolutionaries and socialists, they had serious ideological and practical differences, there had been serious conflicts including in some cases bloodshed, between some of the groups during the 1970s. On May 22, 1980, the success of negotiations led to the union of the major guerrilla forces under one flag; the Unified Revolutionary Directorate was created by the FPL, RN, ERP and PCS. DRU consisted of three Political Commission members from each of these four organizations; the DRU manifesto declared, "There will be only one leadership, only one military plan and only one command, only one political line." Despite continued infighting DRU equipped forces. On October 10, 1980, the four organizations formed the Frente Farabundo Martí de Liberación Nacional, taking the name of Farabundo Martí, the peasant leader during the 1932 Salvadoran peasant massacre.
In December 1980, the Salvadoran branch of the Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos broke away from its central organization and affiliated itself to FMLN. Thus the FMLN was composed of the following organizations at the time of the peace accords in 1992: Bloque Popular Revolucionario, armed wing Fuerzas Populares de Liberación, "Farabundo Martí" Partido Comunista Salvadoreño, armed wing Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación Partido de la Revolución Salvadoreña, armed wing Ejército Revolucionario del Pueblo, ERP Resistencia Nacional, armed wing Fuerzas Armadas de la Resistencia Nacional Partido Revolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos, armed wing Ejército Revolucionario de los Trabajadores Centroamericanos, Youth organizations of FMLN at the time of armed struggle included: Student unions: MERS – Movimiento Estudiantil Revolucionario de Secundaria BRES – Brigadas Revolucionarias de Estudiantes de Secundaria LPS – Ligas Populares de Secundaria AES – Asociación de Estudiantes de Secundaria ARDES – Acción Revolucionaria de Estudiantes de Secundaria Student unions: AGEUS – Asociación General de Estudiantes de la Universidad de El Salvador FUERSA – Frente Universitario de Estudiantes Revolucionarios "Salvador Allende" After the formation of the FMLN, the group organized its first major military offensive on January 10, 1981.
During this offensive, the FMLN established operational control over large sections of Morazán and Chalatenango departments, which remained under guerrilla control throughout the rest of the civil war. Insurgents ranged from children to the elderly, both male and female, most were trained in FMLN camps in the mountains and forests of El Salvador to learn military techniques. Another large FMLN offensive was in November 1989. In that offensive, the FMLN caught Salvadoran government and military off guard by taking control of large sections of the country and entering the capital, San Salvador. In San Salvador, the FMLN took control of many of the poor neighborhoods until denied support of violence and tried to avoid being at risk and involved in the conflict as the military bombed their positions—including residenti
President of El Salvador
The President of El Salvador known as the President of the Republic of El Salvador is the head of state of El Salvador. The office was created in the Constitution of 1841. From 1821 until 1841, the head of state of El Salvador was styled as Head of State. Pedro Barriere: 21 September 1821 – 28 November 1821 José Matías Delgado: 28 November 1821 – 9 February 1823 Vicente Filisola: 10 February 1823 – 7 May 1823 Felipe Codallos: 7 May 1823 – 25 May 1823 Mariano Prado: 1 July 1823 – 22 April 1824 Juan Manuel Rodríguez: 22 April 1824 – 1 October 1824 Mariano Prado: 1 October 1824 – 13 December 1824 Juan Vicente Villacorta Díaz: 13 December 1824 – 1 November 1826 Mariano Prado: 1 November 1826 – 30 January 1829 José María Cornejo: 30 January 1829 – 16 February 1830 José Damián Villacorta: 16 February 1830 – 4 December 1830 José María Cornejo: 4 December 1830 – 3 April 1832 Francisco Morazán: 3 April 1832 – 13 May 1832 Joaquín de San Martín: 13 May 1832 – 25 July 1832 Mariano Prado: 25 July 1832 – 1 July 1833 Joaquín de San Martín: 1 July 1833 – 23 June 1834 Carlos Salazar Castro: 23 June 1834 – 13 July 1834 José Gregorio Salazar: 13 July 1834 – 30 September 1834 Joaquín Escolán y Balibrera: 30 September 1834 – 13 October 1834 José María Silva: 14 October 1834 – 10 April 1835 Nicolás Espinoza: 10 April 1835 – 15 November 1835 Francisco Gómez: 15 November 1835 – 1 February 1836 Diego Vigil Cocaña: 1 February 1836 – 23 May 1837 Timoteo Menéndez: 23 May 1837 – 7 June 1837 Diego Vigil Cocaña: 7 June 1837 – 6 January 1838 Timoteo Menéndez: 6 January 1838 – 23 May 1838 Antonio José Cañas: 23 May 1839 – 11 July 1839 Francisco Morazán: 11 July 1839 – 16 February 1840 José María Silva: 16 February 1840 – 5 April 1840 Antonio José Cañas: 15 April 1840 – 20 September 1840 Norberto Ramírez: 20 September 1840 – 7 January 1841 Juan Lindo: 7 January 1841 – 22 February 1841 History of El Salvador El Presidencia de El Salvador
A political party is an organized group of people with common views, who come together to contest elections and hold power in the government. The party agrees on some proposed policies and programmes, with a view to promoting the collective good or furthering their supporters' interests. While there is some international commonality in the way political parties are recognized and in how they operate, there are many differences, some are significant. Many political parties have an ideological core, but some do not, many represent ideologies different from their ideology at the time the party was founded. Many countries, such as Germany and India, have several significant political parties, some nations have one-party systems, such as China and Cuba; the United States is in practice a two-party system but with many smaller parties participating and a high degree of autonomy for individual candidates. Political factions have existed in democratic societies since ancient times. Plato writes in his Republic on the formation of political cliques in Classical Athens, the tendency of Athenian citizens to vote according to factional loyalty rather than for the public good.
In the Roman Republic, Polybius coined the term ochlocracy to describe the tendency of politicians to mobilise popular factionalist sentiment against their political rivals. Factional politics remained a part of Roman political life through the Imperial period and beyond, the poet Juvenal coined the phrase "bread and circuses" to describe the political class pandering to the citizenry through diversionary entertainments rather than through arguments about policy. "Bread and circuses" survived as part of Byzantine political life - for example, the Nika revolt during the reign of Justinian was a riot between the "Blues" and the "Greens"—two chariot racing factions at the Hippodrome, who received patronage from different Senatorial factions and religious sects. The patricians who sponsored the Blues and the Greens competed with each other to hold grander games and public entertainments during electoral campaigns, in order to appeal to the citizenry of Constantinople; the first modern political factions, can be said to have originated in early modern Britain.
The first political factions, cohering around a basic, if fluid, set of principles, emerged from the Exclusion Crisis and Glorious Revolution in late 17th century England. The Whigs supported Protestant constitutional monarchy against absolute rule, they were interested in the citizens of United Kingdom being free from the aristocracy and opposed to any tyranny, however they supported the constitutional aristocracy and does not consider the British nobility abusive because of its limits; the leader of the Whigs was Robert Walpole, who maintained control of the government in the period 1721–1742. As the century wore on, the factions began to adopt more coherent political tendencies as the interests of their power bases began to diverge; the Whig party's initial base of support from the great aristocratic families widened to include the emerging industrial interests and wealthy merchants. As well as championing constitutional monarchy with strict limits on the monarch's power, the Whigs adamantly opposed a Catholic king as a threat to liberty, believed in extending toleration to nonconformist Protestants, or dissenters.
A major influence on the Whigs were the liberal political ideas of John Locke, the concepts of universal rights employed by Locke and Algernon Sidney. Although the Tories were out of office for half a century, for most of this period the Tories retained party cohesion, with occasional hopes of regaining office at the accession of George II and the downfall of the ministry of Sir Robert Walpole in 1742, they acted as a united, though unavailing, opposition to Whig corruption and scandals. At times they cooperated with the "Opposition Whigs", Whigs who were in opposition to the Whig government, they regained power with the accession of George III in 1760 under Lord Bute. When they lost power, the old Whig leadership dissolved into a decade of factional chaos with distinct "Grenvillite", "Bedfordite", "Rockinghamite", "Chathamite" factions successively in power, all referring to themselves as "Whigs". Out of this chaos, the first distinctive parties emerged; the first such party was the Rockingham Whigs under the leadership of Charles Watson-Wentworth and the intellectual guidance of the political philosopher Edmund Burke.
Burke laid out a philosophy that described the basic framework of the political party as "a body of men united for promoting by their joint endeavours the national interest, upon some particular principle in which they are all agreed". As opposed to the instability of the earlier factions, which were tied to a particular leader and could disintegrate if removed from power, the party was centred around a set of core principles and remained out of power as a united opposition to government. A coalition including the Rockingham Whigs, led by the Earl of She