Politics of Chad
Politics of Chad takes place in a framework of a presidential republic, whereby the President of Chad is both head of state and head of government. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in both the parliament. Chad is one of the most corrupt countries in the world. In May 2013, security forces in Chad foiled a coup against the President Idriss Deby, in preparation for several months. A strong executive branch headed by President Idriss Déby dominates the Chadian political system. Following his military overthrow of Hissène Habré in December 1990, Déby won presidential elections in 1996 and 2001; the constitutional basis for the government is the 1996 constitution, under which the president was limited to two terms of office until Déby had that provision repealed in 2005. The president has the power to appoint the prime minister and the Council of State, exercises considerable influence over appointments of judges, provincial officials and heads of Chad’s parastatal firms.
In cases of grave and immediate threat, the president, in consultation with the National Assembly President and Council of State, may declare a state of emergency. Most of the Déby's key advisors are members of the Zaghawa clan, although some southern and opposition personalities are represented in his government. According to the 1996 constitution, the National Assembly deputies are elected by universal suffrage for 4-year terms; the Assembly holds regular sessions twice a year, starting in March and October, can hold special sessions as necessary and called by the prime minister. Deputies elect a president of the National Assembly every 2 years. Assembly deputies or members of the executive branch may introduce legislation; the National Assembly must approve the prime minister’s plan of government and may force the prime minister to resign through a majority vote of no-confidence. However, if the National Assembly rejects the executive branch’s program twice in one year, the president may disband the Assembly and call for new legislative elections.
In practice, the president exercises considerable influence over the National Assembly through the MPS party structure. Despite the constitution’s guarantee of judicial independence from the executive branch, the president names most key judicial officials; the Supreme Court is made up of a chief justice, named by the president, 15 councilors chosen by the president and National Assembly. The Constitutional Council, with nine judges elected to 9-year terms, has the power to review all legislation and international agreements prior to their adoption; the constitution recognizes customary and traditional law in locales where it is recognized and to the extent it does not interfere with public order or constitutional guarantees of equality for all citizens. ACCT, ACP, AfDB, AU, BDEAC, CEMAC, FAO, FZ, G-77, IBRD, ICAO, ICCt, ICFTU, ICRM, IDA, IDB, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, Interpol, IOC, ITU, MIGA, NAM, OIC, ONUB, OPCW, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, UNOCI, UPU, WCL, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WToO, WTrO
Departments of France
In the administrative divisions of France, the department is one of the three levels of government below the national level, between the administrative regions and the commune. Ninety-six departments are in metropolitan France, five are overseas departments, which are classified as regions. Departments are further subdivided into 334 arrondissements, themselves divided into cantons; each department is administered by an elected body called a departmental council. From 1800 to April 2015, these were called general councils; each council has a president. Their main areas of responsibility include the management of a number of social and welfare allowances, of junior high school buildings and technical staff, local roads and school and rural buses, a contribution to municipal infrastructures. Local services of the state administration are traditionally organised at departmental level, where the prefect represents the government; the departments were created in 1790 as a rational replacement of Ancien Régime provinces with a view to strengthen national unity.
All of them were named after physical geographical features, rather than after historical or cultural territories which could have their own loyalties. The division of France into departments was a project identified with the French revolutionary leader the Abbé Sieyès, although it had been discussed and written about by many politicians and thinkers; the earliest known suggestion of it is from 1764 in the writings of d'Argenson. They have inspired similar divisions in some of them former French colonies. Most French departments are assigned a two-digit number, the "Official Geographical Code", allocated by the Institut national de la statistique et des études économiques. Overseas departments have a three-digit number; the number is used, for example, in the postal code, was until used for all vehicle registration plates. While residents use the numbers to refer to their own department or a neighbouring one, more distant departments are referred to by their names, as few people know the numbers of all the departments.
For example, inhabitants of Loiret might refer to their department as "the 45". In 2014, President François Hollande proposed to abolish departmental councils by 2020, which would have maintained the departments as administrative divisions, to transfer their powers to other levels of governance; this reform project has since been abandoned. The first French territorial departments were proposed in 1665 by Marc-René d'Argenson to serve as administrative areas purely for the Ponts et Chaussées infrastructure administration. Before the French Revolution, France gained territory through the annexation of a mosaic of independent entities. By the close of the Ancien Régime, it was organised into provinces. During the period of the Revolution, these were dissolved in order to weaken old loyalties; the modern departments, as all-purpose units of the government, were created on 4 March 1790 by the National Constituent Assembly to replace the provinces with what the Assembly deemed a more rational structure.
Their boundaries served two purposes: Boundaries were chosen to break up France's historical regions in an attempt to erase cultural differences and build a more homogeneous nation. Boundaries were set so that every settlement in the country was within a day's ride of the capital of a department; this was a security measure, intended to keep the entire national territory under close control. This measure was directly inspired by the Great Terror, during which the government had lost control of many rural areas far from any centre of government; the old nomenclature was avoided in naming the new departments. Most were named after other physical features. Paris was in the department of Seine. Savoy became the department of Mont-Blanc; the number of departments 83, had been increased to 130 by 1809 with the territorial gains of the Republic and of the First French Empire. Following Napoleon's defeats in 1814–1815, the Congress of Vienna returned France to its pre-war size and the number of departments was reduced to 86.
In 1860, France acquired the County of Nice and Savoy, which led to the creation of three new departments. Two were added from the new Savoyard territory, while the department of Alpes-Maritimes was created from Nice and a portion of the Var department; the 89 departments were given numbers based on the alphabetical order of their names. The department of Bas-Rhin and parts of Meurthe, Moselle and Haut-Rhin were ceded to the German Empire in 1871, following France's defeat in the Franco-Prussian War. A small part of Haut-Rhin became known as the Territoire de Belfort; when France regained the ceded departments after World War I, the Territoire de Belfort was not re-integrated into Haut-Rhin. In 1922, it became France's 90th department; the Lorraine departments were not changed back to their original boundaries, a new Moselle department was created in the regaine
Socialist Party (France)
The Socialist Party is a social-democratic political party in France and was, for decades, the largest party of the French centre-left. The PS used to be one of the two major political parties in the French Fifth Republic, along with the Republicans; the Socialist Party replaced the earlier French Section of the Workers' International in 1969, is led by First Secretary Olivier Faure. The PS is a member of the Party of European Socialists, the Socialist International and the Progressive Alliance; the PS first won power in 1981, when its candidate François Mitterrand was elected President of France in the 1981 presidential election. Under Mitterrand, the party achieved a governing majority in the National Assembly from 1981 to 1986 and again from 1988 to 1993. PS leader Lionel Jospin lost his bid to succeed Mitterrand as president in the 1995 presidential election against Rally for the Republic leader Jacques Chirac, but became prime minister in a cohabitation government after the 1997 parliamentary elections, a position Jospin held until 2002, when he was again defeated in the presidential election.
In 2007, the party's candidate for the presidential election, Ségolène Royal, was defeated by conservative UMP candidate Nicolas Sarkozy. The Socialist party won most of regional and local elections and it won control of the Senate in 2011 for the first time in more than fifty years. On 6 May 2012, François Hollande, the First Secretary of the Socialist Party from 1997 to 2008, was elected President of France, the next month, the party won the majority in the National Assembly; the PS formed several figures who acted at the international level: Jacques Delors, the eighth President of the European Commission from 1985 to 1994 and the first person to serve three terms in that office, was from the Socialist Party, as well as Dominique Strauss-Kahn, the Managing Director of the International Monetary Fund from 2007 to 2011, Pascal Lamy, Director-General of the World Trade Organization from 2005 to 2013. The party had 42,300 members in 2016, down from 60,000 in 2014 and 173,486 members in 2012.
The defeat of the Paris commune reduced the power and influence of the socialist movements in France. Its leaders were exiled. France's first socialist party, the Federation of the Socialist Workers of France, was founded in 1879, it was characterised as "possibilist". Two parties split off from it: in 1882, the French Workers' Party of Jules Guesde and Paul Lafargue in 1890 the Revolutionary Socialist Workers' Party of Jean Allemane. At the same time, the heirs of Louis Auguste Blanqui, a symbol of the French revolutionary tradition, created the Central Revolutionary Committee led by Édouard Vaillant. There were some declared socialist deputies such as Alexandre Millerand and Jean Jaurès who did not belong to any party. In 1899, the participation of Millerand in Pierre Waldeck-Rousseau's cabinet caused a debate about socialist participation in a "bourgeois government". Three years Jaurès, Allemane and the possibilists founded the possibilist French Socialist Party, which supported participation in government, while Guesde and Vaillant formed the Socialist Party of France, which opposed such co-operation.
In 1905, during the Globe Congress, the two groups merged in the French Section of the Workers International. Leader of the parliamentary group and director of the party paper L'Humanité, Jaurès was its most influential figure; the party was hemmed in between the middle-class liberals of the Radical Party and the revolutionary syndicalists who dominated the trade unions. Furthermore, the goal to rally all the Socialists in one single party was reached: some elects refused to join the SFIO and created the Republican-Socialist Party, which supported socialist participation in liberal governments. Together with the Radicals, who wished to install laicism, the SFIO was a component of the Left Block without to sit in the government. In 1906, the General Confederation of Labour trade union claimed its independence from all political parties; the French socialists were anti-war, but following the assassination of Jaurès in 1914 they were unable to resist the wave of militarism which followed the outbreak of World War I.
They suffered a severe split over participation in the wartime government of national unity. In 1919 the anti-war socialists were defeated in elections. In 1920, during the Tours Congress, the majority and left wing of the party broke away and formed the French Section of the Communist International to join the Third International founded by Vladimir Lenin; the right wing, led by Léon Blum, kept the "old house" and remained in the SFIO. In 1924 and in 1932, the Socialists joined with the Radicals in the Coalition of the Left, but refused to join the non-Socialist governments led by the Radicals Édouard Herriot and Édouard Daladier; these governments failed because the Socialists and the Radicals could not agree on economic policy, because the Communists, following the policy laid down by the Soviet Union, refused to support governments presiding over capitalist economies. The question of the possibility of a government participation with Radicals caused the split of "neosocialists" at the beginning of the 1930s.
They merged with the Republican-Socialist Party in the Socialist Republican Union. In 1934, the Communists changed their line, the four left-wing parties came together in the Popular Front, which won the 1936 elections and brought Blum to power as France's first SFIO Prime Minister. Indeed, for the first time in its history, the SFIO obtained more votes and seats than the Ra
Politics of Botswana
Politics of Botswana takes place in a framework of a parliamentary representative democratic republic, whereby the President of Botswana is both head of state and head of government, of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in the Parliament of Botswana; the party system has been dominated by the Botswana Democratic Party, which has never lost power since independence. The Judiciary is independent of the legislature. Botswana is formally a multiparty constitutional democracy; each of the elections since independence in September 1966 has been and contested and has been held on schedule. The country's small white minority and other minorities participate in the political process. There are a number of smaller parties. General elections are held at least every five years; the Economist Intelligence Unit has rated Botswana as a "flawed democracy" in 2016. The National Assembly has 4 appointed members. After elections, the party that wins the majority elects the State President.
The President appoints the Vice President, but the appointment is subject to endorsement by the National Assembly. There are 57 parliamentary constituencies in Botswana; the advisory House of Chiefs represents the eight principal subgroups of the Batswana people, four other members are elected by the subchiefs of four of the districts. A draft of any National Assembly bill of tribal concern must be referred to the House of Chiefs for advisory opinion. Chiefs and other leaders preside over customary, traditional courts, though all persons have the right to request that their case be considered under the formal British-based legal system. Local government is administered by five town councils. District commissioners have executive authority and are appointed by the central government and assisted by elected and nominated district councilors and district development committees. There has been ongoing debate about the political and economic marginalization of the San; the government's policies for remote area dwellers continue to spark controversy and may be revised in response to domestic and donor concerns.
The highest court of Botswana is the Court of Appeal, constituted under section 99 of these Constitution and consists of a President and such number of Justices of Appeal as may be prescribed by Parliament. There are eight judges of the Court of Appeal, who are all expatriates drawn from different parts of the Commonwealth. To date, no Motswana has been appointed to the Court of Appeal; the High Court is a superior court of record with unlimited original jurisdiction to hear and determine any criminal and civil cases under any law. The High Court is constituted under section 95 of the Constitution, consists of a Chief Justice and such number of other judges of the High Court as may be prescribed by Parliament. There are sixteen permanent judges of the High Court; until 1992, the judges of the High Court were expatriate judges who were appointed on short-term contracts of two to three years. In 1992 the first citizen judges were appointed to the bench. There are three High Court divisions in Lobatse and Francistown.
There are Magistrates' Courts in Botswana. These courts are subordinate to the High Court and hear a range of civil and family law matters. There are nineteen Magistrates' Courts in the country, with fifty magistrates of whom seventeen are expatriate. Judges may be removed only for cause and after a hearing. Judgments of the Botswana Court of Appeal Judgments of the Botswana High Court ACP, AfDB, C, ECA, FAO, G-77, IAEA, IBRD, ICAO, ICCt, ICFTU, ICRM, IDA, IFAD, IFC, IFRCS, ILO, IMF, Interpol, IOC, ISO, ITU, NAM, OAU, OPCW, SACU, SADC, UN, UNCTAD, UNESCO, UNIDO, UPU, WCO, WFTU, WHO, WIPO, WMO, WTO, WT. Botswana Prison Service Republic of Botswana - Government portal
Mayotte is an overseas department and region of France named the Department of Mayotte. It consists of a main island, Grande-Terre, a smaller island, Petite-Terre, several islets around these two. Mayotte is part of the Comoros archipelago, located in the northern Mozambique Channel in the Indian Ocean off the coast of Southeast Africa, between northwestern Madagascar and northeastern Mozambique; the department status of Mayotte is recent and the region remains, by a significant margin, the poorest in France. Mayotte is much more prosperous than the other countries of the Mozambique Channel, making it a major destination for illegal immigration. Mayotte's area is 374 square kilometres and, with its 270,372 people according to January 2019 official estimates, is densely populated at 723 per km2; the biggest city and prefecture is Mamoudzou on Grande-Terre. However, the Dzaoudzi–Pamandzi International Airport is located on the neighbouring island of Petite-Terre; the territory is known as Maore, the native name of its main island by advocates of its inclusion in the Union of the Comoros.
Although, as a department, Mayotte is now an integral part of France, the majority of the inhabitants do not speak French as a first language, but a majority of the people 14 years and older report in the census that they can speak French. The language of the majority is Shimaore, a Sabaki language related to the varieties in the neighbouring Comoros islands; the second most spoken native language is Kibushi, a Malagasy language, of which there are two varieties, Kibushi Kisakalava, most related to the Sakalava dialect of Malagasy, Kibushi Kiantalaotra. Both have been influenced by Shimaore; the vast majority of the population is Muslim. The island was populated from neighbouring East Africa with arrival of Arabs, who brought Islam. A sultanate was established in 1500. In the 19th century, Mayotte was conquered by Andriantsoly, former king of Iboina on Madagascar, by the neighbouring islands Mohéli and Anjouan before being purchased by France in 1841; the people of Mayotte voted to remain politically a part of France in the 1974 referendum on the independence of the Comoros.
Mayotte became an overseas department on 31 March 2011 and became an outermost region of the European Union on 1 January 2014, following a 2009 referendum with an overwhelming result in favour of the department status. The term Mayotte may refer to all of the department's islands, of which the largest is known as Maore and includes Maore's surrounding islands, most notably Pamanzi, or only to the largest island; the main island, Grande-Terre, geologically the oldest of the Comoro Islands, is 39 kilometres long and 22 kilometres wide, its highest point is Mount Benara, at 660 metres above sea level. Because of the volcanic rock, the soil is rich in some areas. A coral reef encircling much of the island ensures a habitat for fish. Dzaoudzi was the capital of Mayotte until 1977, when the capital relocated at Mamoudzou on the main island of Grande-Terre, it is situated on Petite-Terre, which at 10 square kilometres is the largest of several islets adjacent to Maore. The area of the lagoon behind the reef is 1,500 square kilometres,reaching a maximum depth of about 80m.
It is described as "the largest barrier-reef-lagoon complex within the southwestern Indian Ocean". Main article: Geology of Mayotte Mayotte is a volcanic island rising steeply from the bed of the ocean to a height of 660 metres on Mont Bénara. Two volcanic centres are reported, a southern one (Pic Chongui, 594 metres, with a breached crater to the NW, a northern centre with a breached crater to the south-east. Mont Bénara is on the curving ridge between these two peaks at the contact point of the two structures. Volcanic activity started about 7.7 million years ago in the south, ceasing about 2.7 million years ago. In the north, activity started about 4.7 million years ago and lasted until about 1.4 million years ago. Both centres had several phases of activity; the November 11 2018 seismic event occurred about 15 miles off the coast of Mayotte. It was recorded by seismograms in many place including Kenya, New Zealand and Hawaii located 11,000 miles away; the seismic waves lasted for over 20 minutes but despite this, no one felt it.
The exact nature of the forces behind this swarm remain unclear at this time. The French government geological agency, the BRGM are maintaining a website on the events at this link; the leading theory is about magma emplacement into the seabed and a partial collase of the magma chamber's roof, but, still under debate. A set of seabed seismic recorders was put into the ocean in February 2019, for retrieval in about September that year, which should give better earthquake locations and directional "solutions". Mayotte is surrounded by a typical tropical coral reef, it consists in a large outer barrier reef, enclosing one of the world's largest and deepest lagoons, followed by a fringing reef, interrupted by many mangroves. All Mayotte waters are ruled by a National marine Park, many places are natural reserves. In 1500, the Maore or Mawuti (contraction of the Arabic جزيرة الموت Jazīrat al-Mawt – meaning isl
Politics of Djibouti
Politics of Djibouti takes place in a framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, whereby the executive power is exercised by the President and the Government. Legislative power is vested in the National Assembly; the party system and legislature are dominated by the socialist People's Rally for Progress. In April 2010, a new constitutional amendment was approved; the President serves as both the head of state and head of government, is directly elected for single six-year term. Government is headed by the President, who appoints the Prime Minister and the Council of Ministers on the proposal of the latter. There is a 65-member chamber of deputies, where representatives are popularly elected for terms of five years. Administratively, the country is divided into five regions and one city, with eleven additional district subdivisions. Djibouti is part of various international organisations, including the United Nations and Arab League. In 1958, on the eve of neighboring Somalia's independence in 1960, a referendum was held in Djibouti to decide whether to join the Somali Republic or to remain with France.
The referendum turned out in favour of a continued association with France due to a combined "yes" vote by the sizeable Afar ethnic group and resident Europeans. There was widespread vote rigging, with the French expelling thousands of Somalis before the referendum reached the polls; the majority of those who had voted "no" were Somalis who were in favour of joining a united Somalia as had been proposed by Mahmoud Harbi, Vice President of the Government Council. Harbi was killed in a plane crash two years later. In 1967, a second plebiscite was held to determine the fate of the territory. Initial results supported a looser relationship with France. Voting was divided along ethnic lines, with the resident Somalis voting for independence, with the goal of eventual union with Somalia, the Afars opting to remain associated with France. However, the referendum was again marred by reports of vote rigging on the part of the French authorities. Shortly after the referendum was held, the former Côte française des Somalis was renamed to Territoire français des Afars et des Issas.
In 1977, a third referendum took place. A landslide 98.8% of the electorate supported disengagement from France marking Djibouti's independence. Hassan Gouled Aptidon, a Somali politician who had campaigned for a "yes" vote in the referendum of 1958 wound up as the nation's first president, he was re-elected, unopposed, to a second 6-year term in April 1987 and to a third 6-year term in May 1993 multiparty elections. The electorate approved the current constitution in September 1992. Many laws and decrees from before independence remain in effect. In early 1992, the government decided to permit multiple party politics and agreed to the registration of four political parties. By the time of the national assembly elections in December 1992, only three had qualified, they are the Rassemblement Populaire Pour le Progres, the only legal party from 1981 until 1992, the Parti du Renouveau Démocratique, the Parti National Démocratique. Only the RPP and the PRD contested the national assembly elections, the PND withdrew, claiming that there were too many unanswered questions on the conduct of the elections and too many opportunities for government fraud.
The RPP won all 65 seats in the national assembly, with a turnout of less than 50% of the electorate. In 1999, President Aptidon's chief of staff, head of security, key adviser for over 20 years, Ismail Omar Guelleh was elected to the Presidency as the RPP candidate, he received 74% of the vote, the other 26% going to opposition candidate Moussa Ahmed Idriss, of the Unified Djiboutian Opposition. For the first time since independence, no group boycotted the election. Moussa Ahmed Idriss and the ODU challenged the results based on election "irregularities" and the assertion that "foreigners" had voted in various districts of the capital. Guelleh took the oath of office as the second President of the Republic of Djibouti on May 8, 1999, with the support of an alliance between the RPP and the government-recognised section of the Afar-led FRUD. Political power is shared by a Somali Issa president and an Afar prime minister, with cabinet posts divided. However, it is the Issas who dominate the government, civil service, the ruling party, a situation that has bred resentment and political competition between the Somali Issas and the Afars.
The government is dominated by the Somali Issa Mamasen, who enjoy the support of the Somali clans the Isaaq and the Gadabuursi Dir. In early November 1991, civil war erupted in Djibouti between the government and a predominantly Afar rebel group, the Front for the Restoration of Unity and Democracy; the FRUD signed a peace accord with the government in December 1994. Two FRUD members were subsequently made cabinet members, in the presidential elections of 1999 the FRUD campaigned in support of the RPP. In February 2000, another branch of FRUD signed a peace accord with the government. On 12 May 2001, President Ismail Omar Guelleh presided over the signing of what is termed the final peace accord ending the decade-long civil war between the government and the armed faction of the FRUD; the treaty compl
Politics of Benin
The Politics of Benin take place in the framework of a presidential representative democratic republic, wherein the President of Benin is both head of state and head of government, of a multi-party system. Executive power is exercised by the government. Legislative power is vested in the legislature; the Judiciary is independent of the legislature. The current political system is derived from the 1990 Constitution of Benin and the subsequent transition to democracy in 1991; the Economist Intelligence Unit has rated Benin as "hybrid regime" in 2016. From the 17th century until the colonial period, the Kingdom of Dahomey was ruled by an "Oba"; the French were the colonial power from 1892 to 1960, when independence was achieved. Between 1960 and 1972, a series of military coups in Benin brought about many changes of government; the last of these brought Major Mathieu Kérékou to power as the head of a regime professing strict Marxist-Leninist principles. The Revolutionary Party of the People of Benin remained in complete power until the beginning of the 1990s.
Kérékou, encouraged by France and other democratic powers, convened a National Conference that introduced a new democratic constitution and held presidential and legislative elections. Kérékou's principal opponent at the presidential poll, the ultimate victor, was Prime Minister Nicéphore Soglo. Supporters of Soglo secured a majority in the National Assembly. Thus, Benin was the first African country to complete the transition from dictatorship to a pluralistic political system. In the second round of National Assembly elections held in March 1995, Soglo's political vehicle, the Parti de la Renaissance du Benin, was the largest single party, but it lacked an overall majority; the success of a party formed by supporters of ex-president Kérékou, who had retired from active politics, encouraged him to stand at both the 1996 and 2001 presidential elections. Spurred in part by the collapse of the Soviet Union and the resultant lack of donor support from the superpower, as well as an economic crisis within the country, Benin adopted a new constitution in 1990 in order to open up and liberalise the political system and economy.
Its chief aims are to enshrine in law accountability, freedom of religion, freedom of the press, separation of governmental powers, the right to strike, universal suffrage and independence of the judiciary. These developments have created economic growth in Benin, but some of the bold ideals of the constitution have yet to be realised. Lack of accountability and transparency, failure to separate the judiciary from the political system, high levels of illiteracy are the main stumbling blocks. Additionally, state employees are poorly paid, which makes them susceptible to bribery and corruption. There are unresolved issues with many pre-constitution laws. Many of the older laws derive from French legal norms. Critics have complained that the constitution makes no mention of the right to an adequate standard of living. Since being written, the constitution has been translated into eight of the national languages of Benin. Broadcasts on local radio stations, in both in urban and rural areas, have publicised the constitution across the country.
The President of Benin is elected for a five-year term. An individual can serve only two terms, whether separated. Election is after a second round if necessary. Candidates must be: Beninese by birth, or have had Beninese nationality for 10 years Between the ages of 40 and 70 on the date of his or her candidacy Resident in Benin during elections Declared mentally and physically fit by three doctorsIn 2006, Mathieu Kérékou was not constitutionally permitted to run for re-election since he had served two terms and was over 70 years old. Despite speculation, this was not changed and he stood down after the election of his successor, Yayi Boni; the Cabinet is under the authority of the President, serves to advise and help formulate strategies. It liaises with ministries and other government institutions; the Beninese government's website has a selection of photos of senior ministers. The National Assembly is the Parliament of Benin - the primary legislative body. Deputies are elected every four years, in contrast to the five-year term of the president.
There are 83 available seats. It exercises the legislative oversight authority over Government action. Members of the army are not allowed to stand. During the 2001 presidential elections, alleged irregularities led to a boycott of the run-off poll by the main opposition candidates; the four top-ranking contenders following the first round of presidential elections were Mathieu Kérékou 45.4%, Nicephore Soglo 27.1%, Adrien Houngbédji 12.6%, Bruno Amoussou 8.6%. The second round balloting scheduled for March 18, 2001, was postponed for days because both Soglo and Houngbédji withdrew, alleging electoral fraud; this left Kérékou to run against his own Minister of State, Amoussou, in what was termed a "friendly match". The next presidential elections were held in March 2006. Yayi Boni and his parliamentary allies won the elections of 2011. Talon ran as an independent candidate in the March 2016 presidential election. Although he finished second to Prime