Minnesota's 7th congressional district
Minnesota's 7th congressional district covers all of the western side of Minnesota except for the far south, in the 1st district. It is by far the state's largest district, has a rural character. Cities in the district include Moorhead, Fergus Falls and Willmar; the district has leaned Republican. It has been represented since 1991 by Collin Peterson, a member of the DFL, he is rated 26% conservative by the American Conservative Union for 2017 and 57% progressive by a liberal group. It is the second most Republican leaning district in the country to be represented by a Democrat after Utah's 4th congressional district. Election results from presidential races: Minnesota's congressional districts List of United States congressional districts "Minnesota Secretary of State". Minnesota's 7th Congressional District Republicans
CU project controversy
The CU Project Controversy involved years of protest against a proposed high-voltage direct current powerline, erected on the property of hundreds of farmers in west central Minnesota in the late 1970s. The electrical cooperatives Cooperative Power Association and United Power Association proposed construction of the powerline, part of a larger construction project that involved the construction of an electrical generating station and coal mine. CU is a combination of the names Cooperative Power United Power Association. Opposition to the powerline began in 1974 and involved political parties, civic organizations, businesses in several different Minnesota counties. Farmers were concerned that construction of the powerline on their land might make farming difficult, reduce the value of the land, or adversely impact their health; the powerline was reviewed in 33 meetings in North Dakota and 48 meetings in Minnesota and in two years of hearings. Multiple candidates for state office included the powerline issue as part of their platforms.
Farmers employed tractors, manure spreaders, ammonia sprayers and used direct action and civil disobedience in an attempt to prevent construction of the line. Powerline protests drew national attention when over 200 state troopers, nearly half the Minnesota Highway Patrol, were deployed to ensure that construction of the line would continue. During a two-year period, a group of opponents to the line who called themselves "bolt weevils" tore down 14 powerline towers and shot out nearly 10,000 electrical insulators; the CU Powerline Project was initiated by Cooperative Power Association of Edina and United Power Association of Elk River, Minnesota. CPA and UPA were Minnesota electrical generation and transmission associations of a combined total of 34 retail electrical co-ops. Retail electrical co-ops developed following the establishment of the Rural Electrification Administration in 1935 and the Rural Electrification Act in 1936; the REA began to distribute loans to groups involved in increasing access to electricity in the rural United States.
Retail electrical co-ops formed. Co-ops combined in federations to purchase power from private utilities or federal agencies; these co-op associations built their own generating stations. Several factors led CPA to undertake the CU Project. UPA and CPA traditionally purchased most of their power from the Bureau of Reclamation's Garrison Dam on the Missouri River in North Dakota. UPA and CPA wanted to curtail their purchase of power to avoid the long term contract commitments, they desired to increase their "control over their energy supplies and costs". UPA and CPA predicted that they would not be able to meet the demand of retail co-op members for their electricity; as a result of the oil crisis of the 1970s, oil prices more than doubled from 1973 to 1978. UPA and CPA believed that consumers would switch to electricity as a source of power to avoid high oil prices. Demand for the electricity provided by UPA and CPA was growing and UPA and CPA predicted that this growth would continue at the same rate.
A 1972 study of the CU Project's feasibility predicted that UPA and CPA would face a "projected power generation deficit of 665 megawatts by 1978". As well, UPA and CPA needed the CU Project to meet their agreements with the Mid-continent Area Power Pool, an association of twenty-eight utilities serving seven states in the Midwest. In order to join MAPP, UPA and CPA had to sign an agreement that obligated them to "power pool" or maintain a 15% surplus of power for sale to the other members of MAPP. In 1972, UPA and CPA approached REA about the possibility of building a new generating station; the REA favored a lignite coal generator in North Dakota over a Minnesota plant using Montana coal shipped by train. The REA had financed other lignite coal generators in North Dakota, three of which were among the ten most economical plants in the country in the early 1970s; the REA agreed to finance the construction through low-interest loans. At the time of construction, the CU project was the largest and most expensive single project in the history of the REA.
When the project was announced, there was only one other comparable high voltage powerline in the United States: the Bonneville Power Administration's Pacific Intertie that runs from Oregon to Los Angeles. The CU Project consists of three parts: the Falkirk Mine, the Coal Creek Generating Station, the CU Powerline. A subsidiary of North American Coal Corporation runs the Falkirk Mine, a lignite coal strip mine in North Dakota that covers over twenty-five square miles and uses two of the biggest dragline excavators assembled; the lignite uncovered by the draglines travels by conveyor belt to Coal Creek Station, the largest lignite-fired plant in North Dakota. The Coal Creek Station produces AC current, converted into DC current at a conversion station; this DC current is transmitted from Coal Creek Station in North Dakota 440 miles to a station near Buffalo, Minnesota where it is converted back into AC current. The powerline crosses 9 western and central Minnesota counties and includes a total of 659 towers placed at one-quarter mile intervals on the property of 476 landowners: corn, wheat and sugar beet farms.
The first opponents to the CU Project were farmers who found out that the powerline would be built on their land. Farmers were upset with the way that the powerline route was conceived. In 1973 UPA and CPA hired a consulting firm which used a numbering system to assess the value of the land between North Da
Beaux-Arts architecture was the academic architectural style taught at the École des Beaux-Arts in Paris from the 1830s to the end of the 19th century. It drew upon the principles of French neoclassicism, but incorporated Gothic and Renaissance elements, used modern materials, such as iron and glass, it was an important style in France until the end of the 19th century. It had a strong influence on architecture in the United States, because of the many prominent American architects who studied at the Beaux-Arts, including Henry Hobson Richardson, John Galen Howard, Daniel Burnham, Louis Sullivan; the "Beaux Arts" style evolved from the French classicism of the Style Louis XIV, French neoclassicism beginning with Louis XV and Louis XVI. French architectural styles before the French Revolution were governed by Académie royale d'architecture following the French Revolution, by the Architecture section of the Académie des Beaux-Arts; the Academy held the competition for the "Grand Prix de Rome" in architecture, which offered prize winners a chance to study the classical architecture of antiquity in Rome.
The formal neoclassicism of the old regime was challenged by four teachers at the Academy, Joseph-Louis Duc, Félix Duban, Henri Labrouste and Léon Vaudoyer, who had studied at the French Academy in Rome at the end of the 1820s, They wanted to break away from the strict formality of the old style by introducing new models of architecture from the Middle Ages and the Renaissance. Their goal was to create an authentic French style based on French models, their work was aided beginning in 1837 by the creation of the Commission of Historic Monuments, headed by the writer and historian Prosper Mérimée, by the great interest in the Middle Ages caused by the publication in 1831 of The Hunchback of Notre-Dame by Victor Hugo. Their declared intention was to "imprint upon our architecture a national character."The style referred to as Beaux-Arts in English reached the apex of its development during the Second Empire and the Third Republic that followed. The style of instruction that produced Beaux-Arts architecture continued without major interruption until 1968.
The Beaux-Arts style influenced the architecture of the United States in the period from 1880 to 1920. In contrast, many European architects of the period 1860–1914 outside France gravitated away from Beaux-Arts and towards their own national academic centers. Owing to the cultural politics of the late 19th century, British architects of Imperial classicism followed a somewhat more independent course, a development culminating in Sir Edwin Lutyens's New Delhi government buildings; the Beaux-Arts training emphasized the mainstream examples of Imperial Roman architecture between Augustus and the Severan emperors, Italian Renaissance, French and Italian Baroque models but the training could be applied to a broader range of models: Quattrocento Florentine palace fronts or French late Gothic. American architects of the Beaux-Arts generation returned to Greek models, which had a strong local history in the American Greek Revival of the early 19th century. For the first time, repertories of photographs supplemented meticulous scale drawings and on-site renderings of details.
Beaux-Arts training made great use of clasps that link one architectural detail to another. Beaux-Arts training emphasized the production of quick conceptual sketches finished perspective presentation drawings, close attention to the program, knowledgeable detailing. Site considerations tended toward urbane contexts. All architects-in-training passed through the obligatory stages—studying antique models, constructing analos, analyses reproducing Greek or Roman models, "pocket" studies and other conventional steps—in the long competition for the few desirable places at the Académie de France à Rome with traditional requirements of sending at intervals the presentation drawings called envois de Rome. Beaux-Arts architecture depended on sculptural decoration along conservative modern lines, employing French and Italian Baroque and Rococo formulas combined with an impressionistic finish and realism. In the façade shown above, Diana grasps the cornice she sits on in a natural action typical of Beaux-Arts integration of sculpture with architecture.
Overscaled details, bold sculptural supporting consoles, rich deep cornices and sculptural enrichments in the most bravura finish the client could afford gave employment to several generations of architectural modellers and carvers of Italian and Central European backgrounds. A sense of appropriate idiom at the craftsman level supported the design teams of the first modern architectural offices. Characteristics of Beaux-Arts architecture included: Flat roof Rusticated and raised first story Hierarchy of spaces, from "noble spaces"—grand entrances and staircases—to utilitarian ones Arched windows Arched and pedimented doors Classical details: references to a synthesis of historicist styles and a tendency to eclecticism.
1930 United States Census
The Fifteenth United States Census, conducted by the Census Bureau one month from April 1, 1930, determined the resident population of the United States to be 122,775,046, an increase of 13.7 percent over the 106,021,537 persons enumerated during the 1920 Census. The 1930 Census collected the following information: address name relationship to head of family home owned or rented if owned, value of home if rented, monthly rent whether owned a radio set whether on a farm sex race age marital status and, if married, age at first marriage school attendance literacy birthplace of person, their parents if foreign born: language spoken at home before coming to the U. S. year of immigration whether naturalized ability to speak English occupation and class of worker whether at work previous day veteran status if Indian: whether of full or mixed blood tribal affiliationFull documentation for the 1930 census, including census forms and enumerator instructions, is available from the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series.
The original census enumeration sheets were microfilmed by the Census Bureau in 1949. The microfilmed census is located on 2,667 rolls of microfilm, available from the National Archives and Records Administration. Several organizations host images of the microfilmed census online, digital indices. Microdata from the 1930 census are available through the Integrated Public Use Microdata Series. Aggregate data for small areas, together with electronic boundary files, can be downloaded from the National Historical Geographic Information System. 1930 Census Questions Hosted at CensusFinder.com 1931 U. S Census Report Contains 1930 Census results Historic US Census data 1930Census.com: 1930 United States Census for Genealogy & Family History Research 1930 Interactive US Census Find stories and more attached to names on the 1930 US census
Time in the United States
Time in the United States, by law, is divided into nine standard time zones covering the states and its possessions, with most of the United States observing daylight saving time for the spring and fall months. The time zone boundaries and DST observance are regulated by the Department of Transportation. Official and precise timekeeping services are provided by two federal agencies: the National Institute of Standards and Technology; the clocks run by these services are kept synchronized with each other as well as with those of other international timekeeping organizations. It is the combination of the time zone and daylight saving rules, along with the timekeeping services, which determines the legal civil time for any U. S. location at any moment. Before the adoption of four standard time zones for the continental United States, many towns and cities set their clocks to noon when the sun passed their local meridian, pre-corrected for the equation of time on the date of observation, to form local mean solar time.
Noon occurred at different times but time differences between distant locations were noticeable prior to the 19th century because of long travel times and the lack of long-distance instant communications prior to the development of the telegraph. The use of local solar time became awkward as railways and telecommunications improved. American railroads maintained many different time zones during the late 1800s; each train station set its own clock making it difficult to coordinate train schedules and confusing passengers. Time calculation became a serious problem for people traveling by train, according to the Library of Congress; every city in the United States used a different time standard so there were more than 300 local sun times to choose from. Time zones were therefore a compromise, relaxing the complex geographic dependence while still allowing local time to be approximate with mean solar time. Railroad managers tried to address the problem by establishing 100 railroad time zones, but this was only a partial solution to the problem.
Weather service chief Cleveland Abbe had needed to introduce four standard time zones for his weather stations, an idea which he offered to the railroads. Operators of the new railroad lines needed a new time plan that would offer a uniform train schedule for departures and arrivals. Four standard time zones for the continental United States were introduced at noon on November 18, 1883, when the telegraph lines transmitted time signals to all major cities. In October 1884, the International Meridian Conference at Washington DC adopted a proposal which stated that the prime meridian for longitude and timekeeping should be one that passes through the centre of the transit instrument at the Greenwich Observatory in the United Kingdom; the conference therefore established the Greenwich Meridian as the prime meridian and Greenwich Mean Time as the world's time standard. The US time-zone system grew from this, in which all zones referred back to GMT on the prime meridian. In 1960, the International Radio Consultative Committee formalized the concept of Coordinated Universal Time, which became the new international civil time standard.
UTC is, within about 1 second, mean solar time at 0°. UTC does not observe daylight saving time. For most purposes, UTC is considered interchangeable with GMT, but GMT is no longer defined by the scientific community. UTC is one of several related successors to GMT. Standard time zones in the United States are defined at the federal level by law 15 USC §260; the federal law establishes the transition dates and times at which daylight saving time occurs, if observed. It is the authority of the Secretary of Transportation, in coordination with the states, to determine which regions will observe which of the standard time zones and if they will observe daylight saving time; as of August 9, 2007, the standard time zones are defined in terms of hourly offsets from UTC. Prior to this they were based upon the mean solar time at several meridians 15° apart west of Greenwich. Only the full-time zone names listed below are official. View the standard time zone boundaries here; the United States uses nine standard time zones.
As defined by US law they are: From east to west, the four time zones of the contiguous United States are: Eastern Time Zone, which comprises the states on the Atlantic coast and the eastern two thirds of the Ohio Valley. Central Time Zone, which comprises the Gulf Coast, Mississippi Valley, most of the Great Plains. Mountain Time Zone, which comprises the states and portions of states that include the Rocky Mountains and the western quarter of the Great Plains. Pacific Time Zone, which comprises the states on the Pacific coast, plus Nevada and the Idaho panhandle. Alaska Time Zone, which comprises most of the state of Alaska. Hawaii-Aleutian Time Zone, which includes Hawaii and most of the length of the Aleutian Islands chain. Samoa Time Zone, which comprises American Samoa. Chamorro Time Zone, which comprises Guam and the Northern Mariana Islands. Atlantic Time Zone, which comprises Puerto Rico and the US Virgin Islands; some United States Minor Outlying Islands are outside the time zones defined by 15 U.
S. C. § exist in waters defined by Nautical time. In practice, military crews may
A county seat is an administrative center, seat of government, or capital city of a county or civil parish. The term is used in Canada, Romania and the United States. County towns have a similar function in the United Kingdom and Republic of Ireland, in Jamaica. In most of the United States, counties are the political subdivisions of a state; the city, town, or populated place that houses county government is known as the seat of its respective county. The county legislature, county courthouse, sheriff's department headquarters, hall of records and correctional facility are located in the county seat though some functions may be located or conducted in other parts of the county if it is geographically large. A county seat is but not always, an incorporated municipality; the exceptions include the county seats of counties that have no incorporated municipalities within their borders, such as Arlington County, Virginia. Ellicott City, the county seat of Howard County, is the largest unincorporated county seat in the United States, followed by Towson, the county seat of Baltimore County, Maryland.
Some county seats may not be incorporated in their own right, but are located within incorporated municipalities. For example, Cape May Court House, New Jersey, though unincorporated, is a section of Middle Township, an incorporated municipality. In some of the colonial states, county seats include or included "Court House" as part of their name. In the Canadian provinces of Prince Edward Island, New Brunswick, Nova Scotia, the term "shire town" is used in place of county seat. County seats in Taiwan are the administrative centers of the counties. There are 13 county seats in Taiwan, which are in the forms of county-administered city, urban township or rural township. Most counties have only one county seat. However, some counties in Alabama, Georgia, Kentucky, Mississippi, New Hampshire, New York, Vermont have two or more county seats located on opposite sides of the county. An example is Harrison County, which lists both Biloxi and Gulfport as county seats; the practice of multiple county seat towns dates from the days.
There have been few efforts to eliminate the two-seat arrangement, since a county seat is a source of pride for the towns involved. There are 36 counties with multiple county seats in 11 states: Coffee County, Alabama St. Clair County, Alabama Arkansas County, Arkansas Carroll County, Arkansas Clay County, Arkansas Craighead County, Arkansas Franklin County, Arkansas Logan County, Arkansas Mississippi County, Arkansas Prairie County, Arkansas Sebastian County, Arkansas Yell County, Arkansas Columbia County, Georgia Lee County, Iowa Campbell County, Kentucky Kenton County, Kentucky Essex County, Massachusetts Middlesex County, Massachusetts Plymouth County, Massachusetts Bolivar County, Mississippi Carroll County, Mississippi Chickasaw County, Mississippi Harrison County, Mississippi Hinds County, Mississippi Jasper County, Mississippi Jones County, Mississippi Panola County, Mississippi Tallahatchie County, Mississippi Yalobusha County, Mississippi Jackson County, Missouri Hillsborough County, New Hampshire Seneca County, New York Bennington County, Vermont In New England, the town, not the county, is the primary division of local government.
Counties in this region have served as dividing lines for the states' judicial systems. Connecticut and Rhode Island have no county level of thus no county seats. In Vermont and Maine the county seats are designated shire towns. County government consists only of a Superior Court and Sheriff, both located in the respective shire town. Bennington County has two shire towns. In Massachusetts, most government functions which would otherwise be performed by county governments in other states are performed by town or city governments; as such, Massachusetts has dissolved many of its county governments, the state government now operates the registries of deeds and sheriff's offices in those counties. In Virginia, a county seat may be an independent city surrounded by, but not part of, the county of which it is the administrative center. Two counties in South Dakota have their county seat and government services centered in a neighboring county, their county-level services are provided by Fall River Tripp County, respectively.
In Louisiana, divided into parishes rather than counties, county seats are referred to as parish seats. Alaska is divided into boroughs rather than counties; the Unorganized Borough, which covers 49 % of Alaska's area, has equivalent. The state with the most counties is Texas, with 254, the state with the fewest counties is Delaware, with 3. County seat war Administrative center County town, administrative centres in Ireland and the UK Chef-lieu, administrative centres in Algeria, Luxembourg, France and Tunisia Municipality, equivalent to county in many c
Swift County, Minnesota
Swift County is a county in the U. S. state of Minnesota. As of the 2010 United States Census, the population was 9,783, its county seat is Benson. Swift County is in west central Minnesota and consists of 757 square miles with three tiers of seven townships each, it was established on February 18, 1870, named for Henry Adoniram Swift, the third governor of Minnesota. The Indians had grievances against the government, including delays in sending annuities that caused near starvation several times. In August 1862, an Indian rebellion broke out in Minnesota; the warfare reached the settlements just getting started in northeastern Swift County. By late September 1862, the Indian War was over but the settlers hesitated to venture back to Swift County until 1865, when all danger was over. Scandinavians and Germans were in decided majority among the early settlers. A number of them came with the honor and privileges of Civil War veterans. In 1869, the St. Paul & Pacific Railroad reached Willmar, the next year it arrived in Benson.
The railroad company determined the number of future trading centers in the county by locating sites at intervals of 8 miles. The Swift County Courthouse was built in 1897 and was listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 1976. Benson is the county seat. Railroad tracks run through Benson's downtown business district with parks on each side. Historic buildings in Swift County include: Gethsemane Episcopal Church in Appleton built in 1879 and listed on the National Register of Historic Places in 2011. Swift County was traditionally a Democratic stronghold, with the last Republican to win it before 2016 being Dwight D. Eisenhower in 1952. A dramatic swing against the Democrats in the Rust Belt saw Donald Trump win the county over Hillary Clinton by 26%; the Minnesota River flows southeast along the county's lower western border. The Pomme de Terre River flows south-southwest through the county's western part, discharging into the Minnesota; the Chippewa River flows south-southwest through the central part of the county to discharge into the Minnesota south of the county.
The county's terrain consists of rolling hills devoted to agriculture. It slopes to south and the west, with its highest point near its northeast corner at 1,240' ASL; the county has a total area of 752 square miles, of which 742 square miles is land and 10 square miles is water. Swift County is agricultural, but hosts agriculture equipment manufacturers, an ethanol plant, the Fibrominn Combined Heat & Power Plant, which burns turkey litter mixed with wood chips and mulch. Swift County contains 24 lakes. Lake Oliver is one of the county's biggest, at 416 acres. There streams in the county; as of the 2000 United States Census, there were 11,956 people, 4,353 households, 2,881 families in the county. The population density was 16.1/sqmi. There were 4,821 housing units at an average density of 6.50/sqmi. The racial makeup of the county was 90.67% White, 2.69% Black or African American, 0.50% Native American, 1.43% Asian, 1.52% Pacific Islander, 1.40% from other races, 1.79% from two or more races. 2.68% of the population were Hispanic or Latino of any race.
Swift County has the highest percentage of Pacific Islander natives out of any U. S. county outside Hawaii. 34.4% were of German, 30.5% Norwegian, 5.2% Swedish and 5.1% Irish ancestry. There were 4,353 households out of which 30.00% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 56.90% were married couples living together, 6.10% had a female householder with no husband present, 33.80% were non-families. 30.90% of all households were made up of individuals and 17.60% had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.39 and the average family size was 3.00. The county population contained 23.00% under the age of 18, 7.30% from 18 to 24, 29.60% from 25 to 44, 21.60% from 45 to 64, 18.50% who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 39 years. For every 100 females there were 120.60 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 124.60 males. The median income for a household in the county was $34,820, the median income for a family was $44,208.
Males had a median income of $29,362 versus $21,667 for females. The per capita income for the county was $16,360. About 5.30% of families and 8.40% of the population were below the poverty line, including 6.90% of those under age 18 and 13.80% of those age 65 or over. Fairfield Swift Falls National Register of Historic Places listings in Swift County, Minnesota Swift County official website Swift County Monitor website