Robert Owen was a Welsh textile manufacturer, philanthropic social reformer, one of the founders of utopian socialism and the cooperative movement. Owen is best known for his efforts to improve the working conditions of his factory workers and his promotion of experimental socialistic communities. In the early 1800s Owen became wealthy as an investor and eventual manager of a large textile mill at New Lanark, Scotland, he trained as a draper in Stamford and worked in London before relocating at the age of 18 to Manchester and going into business as a textile manufacturer. In 1824, Owen travelled to America, where he invested the bulk of his fortune in an experimental socialistic community at New Harmony, the preliminary model for Owen's utopian society; the experiment was short-lived. Other Owenite utopian communities met a similar fate. In 1828, Owen returned to the United Kingdom and settled in London, where he continued to be an advocate for the working class. In addition to his leadership in the development of cooperatives and the trade union movement, he supported passage of child labour laws and free, co-educational schools.
Robert Owen was born in Newtown, a small market town in Montgomeryshire, Wales, on 14 May 1771, to Anne and Robert Owen. His father was a saddler and local postmaster. Young Robert was the sixth of the family's seven children, his surviving siblings were William, Anne and Richard. Owen received little formal education, he left school at the age of ten and was apprenticed to a Stamford, draper for four years. He worked in London draper shops as a teenager. Around the age of eighteen, Owen moved to Manchester, where he spent the next twelve years of his life, he was employed at Satterfield's Drapery in Saint Ann's Square. While living in Manchester, Owen borrowed £100 from his brother, William, to enter into a partnership to make spinning mules, a new invention for spinning cotton thread, but exchanged his share of the business within a few months for six spinning mules that he operated in a rented factory space. In 1792, when Owen was about twenty-one years old, mill-owner Peter Drinkwater made him manager of the Piccadilly Mill at Manchester.
By the early 1790s, Owen's entrepreneurial spirit, management skills, progressive moral views were emerging. In 1793, he was elected as a member of the Manchester Literary and Philosophical Society, where the ideas of reformers and philosophers of the Enlightenment were discussed, he became a committee member of the Manchester Board of Health, instigated, principally by Thomas Percival, to promote improvements in the health and working conditions of factory workers. During a visit to Scotland, Owen met and fell in love with Ann Caroline Dale, the daughter of David Dale, a Glasgow philanthropist and the proprietor of New Lanark Mills, a large textile mill in New Lanark, Scotland. Robert and Caroline Owen were married on 30 September 1799. Following their marriage, the Owens established their home in New Lanark, but moved to Braxfield, Scotland. Robert and Caroline Owen had eight children, their seven surviving children included four sons and three daughters: Robert Dale, Ann Caroline, Jane Dale, David Dale, Richard Dale and Mary.
Owen's four sons, Robert Dale, David Dale, Richard, as well as his daughter, Jane Dale, followed their father to the United States, becoming U. S. citizens and permanent residents of New Harmony, Indiana. Owen's wife and two of their daughters, Anne Caroline and Mary, remained in Britain, where they died in the 1830s. In July 1799 Owen and his partners bought the New Lanark mill from David Dale, Owen became the New Lanark mill's manager in January 1800. Encouraged by his success in the management of cotton mills in Manchester, Owen hoped to conduct the New Lanark mill on higher principles than purely commercial ones. David Dale and Richard Arkwright had established the substantial mill at New Lanark in 1785. With its water power provided by the falls of the River Clyde, the cotton-spinning operation became one of Britain's largest. About 2,000 individuals were associations with the mill. Dale, known for his benevolence, treated the children well, but the general condition of New Lanark's residents was unsatisfactory.
Over the years and his son-in-law, worked to improve the factory workers' lives. Many of the workers were in the lowest levels of the population; the respectable country people refused to submit to the long hours and demoralising drudgery of the mills. Until a series of Truck Acts required employees to be paid in common currency, many employers operated the truck system that paid workers in total or in part with tokens; the tokens had no monetary value outside the mill owner's "truck shop," where the owners could supply shoddy goods and charge top prices. In contrast to other employers, Owen's store offered goods at prices above their wholesale
Alexander Berkman was a leading member of the anarchist movement in the early 20th century, famous for both his political activism and his writing. Berkman was born in Vilna in the Russian Empire and immigrated to the United States in 1888, he lived in New York City. He was the one-time lover and lifelong friend of anarchist Emma Goldman. In 1892, undertaking an act of propaganda of the deed, Berkman made an unsuccessful attempt to assassinate businessman Henry Clay Frick, for which he served 14 years in prison, his experience in prison was the basis for Prison Memoirs of an Anarchist. After his release from prison, Berkman served as editor of Goldman's anarchist journal, Mother Earth, established his own journal, The Blast. In 1917, Berkman and Goldman were sentenced to two years in jail for conspiracy against the newly instated draft. After their release from prison, they were arrested—along with hundreds of others—and deported to Russia. Supportive of that country's Bolshevik revolution and Goldman soon became disillusioned, voicing their opposition to the Soviets' use of terror after seizing power and their repression of fellow revolutionaries.
They left the Soviet Union in late 1921 and in 1925, Berkman published a book about his experiences, The Bolshevik Myth. While living in France, Berkman continued his work in support of the anarchist movement, producing the classic exposition of anarchist principles and After: The ABC of Communist Anarchism. Suffering from ill health, Berkman committed suicide in 1936. Berkman was born Ovsei Osipovich Berkman in the Lithuanian city of Vilnius, he was the youngest of four children born into a well-off Jewish family. Berkman's father, Osip Berkman, was a successful leather merchant, his mother, Yetta Berkman, came from a prosperous family. In 1877, Osip Berkman was granted the right, as a successful businessman, to move from the Pale of Settlement to which Jews were restricted in the Russian Empire; the family moved to Saint Petersburg, a city off-limits to Jews. There, Ovsei adopted the more Russian name Alexander; the Berkmans lived comfortably, with a summer house. Berkman attended the gymnasium, where he received a classical education with the youth of Saint Petersburg's elite.
As a youth, Berkman was influenced by the growing radicalism, spreading among workers in the Russian capital. A wave of political assassinations culminated in a bomb blast that killed Tsar Alexander II in 1881. While his parents worried—correctly, as it turned out—that the tsar's death might result in repression of the Jews and other minorities, Berkman became intrigued by the radical ideas of the day, including populism and nihilism, he became upset when his favorite uncle, his mother's brother Mark Natanson, was sentenced to death for revolutionary activities. Soon after Berkman turned 12, his father died; the business had to be sold, the family lost the right to live in Saint Petersburg. Yetta moved the family to Kovno. Berkman had shown great promise as a student at the gymnasium, but his studies began to falter as he spent his time reading novels. One of the books that interested him was Ivan Turgenev's novel Fathers and Sons, with its discussion of nihilist philosophy, but what moved him was Nikolay Chernyshevsky's 1863 novel, What Is to Be Done?, Berkman felt inspired by Rakhmetov, its puritanical protagonist, willing to sacrifice personal pleasure and family ties in single-minded pursuit of his revolutionary aims.
Soon, Berkman joined a group at school, reading and discussing revolutionary literature, prohibited under the new tsar, Alexander III. He distributed banned material to other students and wrote some radical tracts of his own, which he printed using supplies pilfered from the school, he turned in a paper titled "There Is No God", which resulted in a one-year demotion as punishment on the basis of "precocious godlessness, dangerous tendencies and subordination". Berkman's mother died in 1887, his uncle Nathan Natanson became responsible for him. Berkman had contempt for Natanson for his desire to avoid conflict. Natanson could not understand what Berkman found appealing in his radical ideas, he worried that Berkman would bring shame to the family. Late that year, Berkman was caught bribing a handyman, he was expelled and labelled a "nihilist conspirator". Berkman decided to emigrate to the United States; when his brother left for Germany in early 1888 to study medicine, Berkman took the opportunity to accompany him and from there made his way to New York City.
Soon after his arrival in New York, where he knew nobody and spoke no English, Berkman became an anarchist through his involvement with groups that had formed to campaign to free the men convicted of the 1886 Haymarket bombing. He joined the Pioneers of Liberty, the first Jewish anarchist group in the U. S; the group was affiliated with the International Working People's Association, the organization to which the Haymarket defendants had belonged, they regarded the Haymarket men as martyrs. Since most of its members worked in the garment industry, the Pioneers of Liberty took part in strikes against sweatshops and helped establish some of the first Jewish labor unions in the city. Before long, Berkman was one of the prominent members of the organization. Berkman soon came under the influence of Johann Most, the best known anarchist in the United States and an advocate of propa
Emma Goldman was an anarchist political activist and writer. She played a pivotal role in the development of anarchist political philosophy in North America and Europe in the first half of the 20th century. Born in Kovno, Russian Empire to a Jewish family, Goldman emigrated to the United States in 1885. Attracted to anarchism after the Haymarket affair, Goldman became a writer and a renowned lecturer on anarchist philosophy, women's rights, social issues, attracting crowds of thousands, she and anarchist writer Alexander Berkman, her lover and lifelong friend, planned to assassinate industrialist and financier Henry Clay Frick as an act of propaganda of the deed. Frick survived the attempt on his life in 1892, Berkman was sentenced to 22 years in prison. Goldman was imprisoned several times in the years that followed, for "inciting to riot" and illegally distributing information about birth control. In 1906, Goldman founded the anarchist journal Mother Earth. In 1917, Goldman and Berkman were sentenced to two years in jail for conspiring to "induce persons not to register" for the newly instated draft.
After their release from prison, they deported to Russia. Supportive of that country's October Revolution that brought the Bolsheviks to power, Goldman changed her opinion in the wake of the Kronstadt rebellion, she left the Soviet Union and in 1923 published a book about her experiences, My Disillusionment in Russia. While living in England and France, she wrote an autobiography called Living My Life, it was published in two volumes, in 1931 and 1935. After the outbreak of the Spanish Civil War, Goldman traveled to Spain to support the anarchist revolution there, she died in Toronto, Canada, on May 14, 1940, aged 70. During her life, Goldman was lionized as a freethinking "rebel woman" by admirers, denounced by detractors as an advocate of politically motivated murder and violent revolution, her writing and lectures spanned a wide variety of issues, including prisons, freedom of speech, capitalism, free love, homosexuality. Although she distanced herself from first-wave feminism and its efforts toward women's suffrage, she developed new ways of incorporating gender politics into anarchism.
After decades of obscurity, Goldman gained iconic status in the 1970s by a revival of interest in her life, when feminist and anarchist scholars rekindled popular interest. Emma Goldman was born into an Orthodox Jewish family in Kovno in the Russian Empire, now known as Kaunas in Lithuania. Goldman's mother Taube Bienowitch had been married before to a man with whom she had two daughters—Helena in 1860 and Lena in 1862; when her first husband died of tuberculosis, Taube was devastated. Goldman wrote: "Whatever love she had had died with the young man to whom she had been married at the age of fifteen."Taube's second marriage was arranged by her family and, as Goldman puts it, "mismated from the first". Her second husband, Abraham Goldman, invested Taube's inheritance in a business that failed; the ensuing hardship, combined with the emotional distance of husband and wife, made the household a tense place for the children. When Taube became pregnant, Abraham hoped for a son, they had three sons, but their first child was Emma.
Emma Goldman was born on June 27, 1869. Her father used violence beating them when they disobeyed him, he used a whip on the most rebellious of them. Her mother provided scarce comfort calling on Abraham to tone down his beatings. Goldman speculated that her father's furious temper was at least a result of sexual frustration. Goldman's relationships with her elder half-sisters and Lena, were a study in contrasts. Helena, the oldest, provided the comfort. Lena, was distant and uncharitable; the three sisters were joined by brothers Louis and Moishe. When Emma was a young girl, the Goldman family moved to the village of Papilė, where her father ran an inn. While her sisters worked, she became friends with a servant named Petrushka, who excited her "first erotic sensations". In Papilė she witnessed a peasant being whipped with a knout in the street; this event contributed to her lifelong distaste for violent authority. At the age of seven, Goldman moved with her family to the Prussian city of Königsberg, she was enrolled in a Realschule.
One teacher punished disobedient students—targeting Goldman in particular—by beating their hands with a ruler. Another teacher was fired when Goldman fought back, she found a sympathetic mentor in her German-language teacher, who loaned her books and took her to an opera. A passionate student, Goldman passed the exam for admission into a gymnasium, but her religion teacher refused to provide a certificate of good behavior and she was unable to attend; the family moved to the Russian capital of Saint Petersburg, where her father opened one unsuccessful store after another. Their poverty forced the children to work, Goldman took an assortment of jobs, including one in a corset shop; as a teenager Goldman begged her father to allow her to return to school, but instead he threw her French book into the fire and shouted: "Girls do not have to learn much! All a Jewish daughter needs to know is how to prepare gefilte fish, cut noodles fine, give the man plenty of child
Vladimir Ilyich Ulyanov, better known by the alias Lenin, was a Russian communist revolutionary and political theorist. He served as head of government of Soviet Russia from 1917 to 1922 and of the Soviet Union from 1922 to 1924. Under his administration and the wider Soviet Union became a one-party communist state governed by the Russian Communist Party. Ideologically a communist, he developed a variant of Marxism known as Leninism. Born to a moderately prosperous middle-class family in Simbirsk, Lenin embraced revolutionary socialist politics following his brother's 1887 execution. Expelled from Kazan Imperial University for participating in protests against the Russian Empire's Tsarist government, he devoted the following years to a law degree, he became a senior Marxist activist. In 1897, he was arrested for sedition and exiled to Shushenskoye for three years, where he married Nadezhda Krupskaya. After his exile, he moved to Western Europe, where he became a prominent theorist in the Marxist Russian Social Democratic Labour Party.
In 1903, he took a key role in a RSDLP ideological split, leading the Bolshevik faction against Julius Martov's Mensheviks. Encouraging insurrection during Russia's failed Revolution of 1905, he campaigned for the First World War to be transformed into a Europe-wide proletarian revolution, which as a Marxist he believed would cause the overthrow of capitalism and its replacement with socialism. After the 1917 February Revolution ousted the Tsar and established a Provisional Government, he returned to Russia to play a leading role in the October Revolution, in which the Bolsheviks overthrew the new regime. Lenin's Bolshevik government shared power with the Left Socialist Revolutionaries, elected soviets, a multi-party Constituent Assembly, although by 1918 it had centralised power in the new Communist Party. Lenin's administration redistributed land among the peasantry and nationalised banks and large-scale industry, it withdrew from the First World War by signing a treaty with the Central Powers and promoted world revolution through the Communist International.
Opponents were suppressed in the Red Terror, a violent campaign administered by the state security services. His administration defeated right and left-wing anti-Bolshevik armies in the Russian Civil War from 1917 to 1922 and oversaw the Polish–Soviet War of 1919–1921. Responding to wartime devastation and popular uprisings, in 1921 Lenin encouraged economic growth through the market-oriented New Economic Policy. Several non-Russian nations secured independence after 1917, but three re-united with Russia through the formation of the Soviet Union in 1922. In poor health, Lenin died at his dacha in Gorki, with Joseph Stalin succeeding him as the pre-eminent figure in the Soviet government. Considered one of the most significant and influential figures of the 20th century, Lenin was the posthumous subject of a pervasive personality cult within the Soviet Union until its dissolution in 1991, he became an ideological figurehead behind Marxism–Leninism and thus a prominent influence over the international communist movement.
A controversial and divisive individual, Lenin is viewed by supporters as a champion of socialism and the working class, while critics on both the left and right emphasize his role as founder and leader of an authoritarian regime responsible for political repression and mass killings. Lenin's father, Ilya Nikolayevich Ulyanov, was from a family of serfs. Despite this lower-class background he had risen to middle-class status, studying physics and mathematics at Kazan Imperial University before teaching at the Penza Institute for the Nobility. Ilya married Maria Alexandrovna Blank in mid-1863. Well educated and from a prosperous background, she was the daughter of a wealthy German–Swedish Lutheran mother, a Russian Jewish father who had converted to Christianity and worked as a physician, it is that Lenin was unaware of his mother's half-Jewish ancestry, only discovered by his sister Anna after his death. Soon after their wedding, Ilya obtained a job in Nizhny Novgorod, rising to become Director of Primary Schools in the Simbirsk district six years later.
Five years after that, he was promoted to Director of Public Schools for the province, overseeing the foundation of over 450 schools as a part of the government's plans for modernisation. His dedication to education earned him the Order of St. Vladimir, which bestowed on him the status of hereditary nobleman. Lenin was baptised six days later, he was one of eight children, having two older siblings and Alexander. They were followed by three more children, Olga and Maria. Two siblings died in infancy. Ilya was a devout member of the Russian Orthodox Church and baptised his children into it, although Maria—a Lutheran by upbringing—was indifferent to Christianity, a view that influenced her children. Both parents were monarchists and liberal conservatives, being committed to the emancipation reform of 1861 introduced by the reformist Tsar Alexander II; every summer they holidayed at a rural manor in Kokushkino. Among his siblings, Lenin was closest to his sister Olga, whom he bossed around.
Clara Zetkin was a German Marxist theorist and advocate for women's rights. Until 1917, she was active in the Social Democratic Party of Germany she joined the Independent Social Democratic Party of Germany and its far-left wing, the Spartacist League; the eldest of three children, Clara Zetkin was born Clara Josephine Eissner in Wiederau, a peasant village in Saxony, now part of the municipality Königshain-Wiederau. Her father, Gottfried Eissner, was a schoolmaster and church organist, a devout Protestant, while her mother, Josephine Vitale, had French roots, came from a middle-class family from Leipzig, was educated. In 1872 her family moved to Leipzig where she was educated at the Leipzig Teachers’ College for Women. While in school she established contacts with the infant Sozialdemokratische Partei Deutschlands; because of the ban placed on socialist activity in Germany by Bismarck in 1878, Zetkin left for Zurich in 1882 went into exile in Paris, where she studied to be a journalist and a translator.
During her time in Paris she played an important role in the foundation of the Socialist International group. She adopted the name of her lover, the Russian-Jewish Ossip Zetkin, a devoted Marxist, with whom she had two sons and following two years Konstantin. Ossip Zetkin became ill in the early period of 1889, passing away only a few months in June. Following the loss of her husband, she moved to Stuttgart with her children. Zetkin was married to the artist Georg Friedrich Zundel, eighteen years her junior, from 1899 to 1928. Clara Zetkin's political career began after being introduced to Ossip Zetkin, who she married. Within a few months of attending and taking part in socialist meetings, Zetkin became committed to the party, offering a Marxist approach and for the demand of women's liberation. Around the time of 1880, due to the political climate in Germany, Zetkin went into exile in Switzerland and in France. Upon her return to Germany, nearly a decade she became the editor of the Social Democratic Party newspaper for women, Die Gleichheit, a post she occupied for twenty-five years.
Having studied to become a teacher, Zetkin developed connections with the women's movement and the labour movement in Germany from 1874. In 1878 she joined the Socialist Workers' Party; this party had been founded in 1875 by merging two previous parties: the ADAV formed by Ferdinand Lassalle and the SDAP of August Bebel and Wilhelm Liebknecht. In 1890 its name was changed to its modern version Social Democratic Party of Germany. In the SPD, along with Rosa Luxemburg, her close friend and confidante, was one of the main figures of the far-left wing of the party. In the debate on Revisionism at the turn of the 20th century they jointly attacked the reformist theses of Eduard Bernstein, who had rejected the ideology of a revolutionary change, towards "revolutionary socialism". Zetkin was interested in women's politics, including the fight for equal opportunities and women's suffrage, she helped to develop the social-democratic women's movement in Germany. In 1907 she became the leader of the newly founded "Women's Office" at the SPD.
She contributed to International Women's Day. In August 1910, an International Women's Conference was organized to precede the general meeting of the Socialist Second International in Copenhagen, Denmark. Inspired in part by American socialists' actions, Luise Zietz proposed the establishment of an annual International Woman's Day and was seconded by Zetkin, although no date was specified at that conference. Delegates agreed with the idea as a strategy to promote equal rights including suffrage for women; the following year on 19 March 1911, IWD was marked for the first time, by over a million people in Austria, Denmark and Switzerland. However, Zetkin was opposed to the concept of "bourgeois feminism," which she claimed was a tool to divide the unity of the working classes. In a speech she delivered to the Second International in 1899 she stated: The working women, who aspire to social equality, expect nothing for their emancipation from the bourgeois women’s movement, which fights for the rights of women.
That edifice is built on sand and has no real basis. Working women are convinced that the question of the emancipation of women is not an isolated question which exists in itself, but part of the great social question, they realize clear that this question can never be solved in contemporary society, but only after a complete social transformation. She viewed the feminist movement as being composed of upper-class and middle-class women who had their own class interests in mind, which were incompatible with the interests of working-class women, thus and the socialist fight for women's rights were incompatible. In her mind, socialism was the only way to end the oppression of women. One of her primary goals was to get women out of the house and into work so that they could participate in trade unions and other workers rights organizations in order to improve conditions for themselves. While she argued that the socialist movement should fight to achieve reforms that would lessen female oppression, she was convinced that such reforms could only prevail if they were embedded into a general move towards socialism, otherwise, they could ea
Anti-capitalism encompasses a wide variety of movements and attitudes that oppose capitalism. Anti-capitalists, in the strict sense of the word, are those who wish to replace capitalism with another type of economic system. Socialism advocates public or direct worker ownership and administration of the means of production and allocation of resources, a society characterized by equal access to resources for all individuals, with an egalitarian method of compensation. A theory or policy of social organisation which aims at or advocates the ownership and democratic control of the means of production, by workers or the community as a whole, their administration or distribution in the interests of all. Socialists argue for a cooperative/community economy, or the commanding heights of the economy, with democratic control by the people over the state, although there have been some undemocratic philosophies. "State" or "worker cooperative" ownership is in fundamental opposition to "private" ownership of means of production, a defining feature of capitalism.
Most socialists argue that capitalism unfairly concentrates power and profit, among a small segment of society that controls capital and derives its wealth through exploitation. Socialists argue that the accumulation of capital generates waste through externalizations that require costly corrective regulatory measures, they point out that this process generates wasteful industries and practices that exist only to generate sufficient demand for products to be sold at a profit. Socialists argue that capitalism consists of irrational activity, such as the purchasing of commodities only to sell at a time when their price appreciates, rather than for consumption if the commodity cannot be sold at a profit to individuals in need. Private ownership imposes constraints on planning, leading to inaccessible economic decisions that result in immoral production, unemployment and a tremendous waste of material resources during crisis of overproduction. According to socialists, private property in the means of production becomes obsolete when it concentrates into centralized, socialized institutions based on private appropriation of revenue until the role of the capitalist becomes redundant.
With no need for capital accumulation and a class of owners, private property in the means of production is perceived as being an outdated form of economic organization that should be replaced by a free association of individuals based on public or common ownership of these socialized assets. Socialists view private property relations as limiting the potential of productive forces in the economy. Early socialists criticized capitalism for concentrating power and wealth within a small segment of society, does not utilise available technology and resources to their maximum potential in the interests of the public. For the influential German individualist anarchist philosopher Max Stirner, "private property is a spook which "lives by the grace of law" and it "becomes'mine' only by effect of the law". In other words, private property exists purely "through the protection of the State, through the State's grace." Recognising its need for state protection, Stirner argued that "t need not make any difference to the'good citizens' who protects them and their principles, whether an absolute King or a constitutional one, a republic, if only they are protected.
And what is their principle, whose protector they always'love'? Not that of labour", rather it is "interest-bearing possession... labouring capital, therefore... labour yet little or none at all of one's own, but labour of capital and of the—subject labourers"." French anarchist Pierre Joseph Proudhon opposed government privilege that protects capitalist and land interests, the accumulation or acquisition of property which he believed hampers competition and keeps wealth in the hands of the few. The Spanish individualist anarchist Miguel Gimenez Igualada saw "capitalism an effect of government; that which we call capitalism is not something else but a product of the State, within which the only thing, being pushed forward is profit, good or badly acquired. And so to fight against capitalism is a pointless task, since be it State capitalism or Enterprise capitalism, as long as Government exists, exploiting capital will exist; the fight, but of consciousness, is against the State.". Within anarchism there emerged a critique of wage slavery which refers to a situation perceived as quasi-voluntary slavery, where a person's livelihood depends on wages when the dependence is total and immediate.
It is a negatively connoted term used to draw an analogy between slavery and wage labor by focusing on similarities between owning and renting a person. The term wage slavery has been used to criticize economic exploitation and social stratification, with the former seen as unequal bargaining power between labor and capital, the latter as a lack of workers' self-management, fulfilling job choices and leisure in an economy. Libertarian socialists believe if freedom is valued society must work towards a system in which individuals have the power to decide economic issues along with political issues. Libertarian socialists seek to replace unjustified authority with direct democracy, volun
Libertarian Marxism refers to a broad scope of economic and political philosophies that emphasize the anti-authoritarian aspects of Marxism. Early currents of libertarian Marxism, known as left communism, emerged in opposition to Marxism–Leninism and its derivatives, such as Stalinism, Ceaușism and Maoism. Libertarian Marxism is often critical of reformist positions, such as those held by social democrats. Libertarian Marxist currents draw from Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels' works the Grundrisse and The Civil War in France. Along with anarchism, libertarian Marxism is one of the main currents of libertarian socialism. Libertarian Marxism includes such currents as council communism, De Leonism, Socialisme ou Barbarie, Lettrism/Situationism and workerism/autonomism and parts of the New Left. Libertarian Marxism has had a strong influence on both post-left and social anarchists. Notable theorists of libertarian Marxism have included Anton Pannekoek, Raya Dunayevskaya, C. L. R. James, E. P. Thompson, Rosa Luxemburg, Antonio Negri, Cornelius Castoriadis, Maurice Brinton, Guy Debord, Daniel Guérin, Fredy Perlman, Ernesto Screpanti and Raoul Vaneigem.
Marxism started to develop a libertarian strand of thought after specific circumstances. "One does find early expressions of such perspectives in Morris and the Socialist Party of Great Britain again around the events of 1905, with the growing concern at the bureaucratisation and de-radicalisation of international socialism". William Morris established the Socialist League in December 1884, encouraged by Friedrich Engels and Eleanor Marx; as the leading figure in the organization Morris embarked on a relentless series of speeches and talks on street corners, in working men's clubs and lecture theatres across England and Scotland. From 1887, anarchists began to outnumber Marxists in the Socialist League; the 3rd Annual Conference of the League held in London on 29 May 1887 marked the change, with a majority of the 24 branch delegates voting in favor of an anarchist-sponsored resolution declaring: "This conference endorses the policy of abstention from parliamentary action, hitherto pursued by the League, sees no sufficient reason for altering it".
Morris played peacemaker, but sided with the anti-parliamentarians, who won control of the League, which lost the support of Engels and saw the departure of Eleanor Marx and her partner Edward Aveling to form the separate Bloomsbury Socialist Society. However, "the most important ruptures are to be traced to the insurgency during and after the First World War. Disillusioned with the capitulation of the social democrats, excited by the emergence of workers' councils, distanced from Leninism, many communists came to reject the claims of socialist parties and to put their faith instead in the masses". For these socialists, "he intuition of the masses in action can have more genius in it than the work of the greatest individual genius". Luxemburg's workerism and spontaneism are exemplary of positions taken up by the far-left of the period—Pannekoek, Roland Holst and Gorter in the Netherlands, Sylvia Pankhurst in Britain, Gramsci in Italy and Lukacs in Hungary. In these formulations, the dictatorship of the proletariat was to be the dictatorship of a class, "not of a party or of a clique".
However, within this line of thought, "he tension between anti-vanguardism and vanguardism has resolved itself in two diametrically opposed ways: the first involved a drift towards the party. The first course is exemplified most in Gramsci and Lukacs.... The second course is illustrated in the tendency, developing from the Dutch and German far-lefts, which inclined towards the complete eradication of the party form". In the emerging Soviet state, there appeared left-wing uprisings against the Bolsheviks which were a series of rebellions and uprisings against the Bolsheviks led or supported by left wing groups including Socialist Revolutionaries, Left Socialist Revolutionaries and anarchists; some were in support of the White Movement. The uprisings started in 1918 and continued through the Russian Civil War and after until 1922. In response, the Bolsheviks abandoned attempts to get these groups to join the government and suppressed them with force. For "many Marxian libertarian socialists, the political bankruptcy of socialist orthodoxy necessitated a theoretical break.
This break took a number of forms. The Bordigists and the SPGB championed a super-Marxian intransigence in theoretical matters. Other socialists made a return'behind Marx' to the anti-positivist programme of German idealism. Libertarian socialism has linked its anti-authoritarian political aspirations with this theoretical differentiation from orthodoxy.... Karl Korsch... remained a libertarian socialist for a large part of his life and because of the persistent urge towards theoretical openness in his work. Korsch rejected the eternal and static, he was obsessed by the essential role of practice in a theory's truth. For Korsch, no theory could escape history, not Marxism. In this vein, Korsch credited the stimulus for Marx's Capital to the movement of the oppressed classes". In rejecting both capitalism and the state, some libertarian socialists align themselves with anarchists in opposition to both capitalist representative democracy and to authoritarian forms of Marxism. Although anarchists and Marxists share an ultimate goal of a stateless society, anarchists critic