In Zapotec cultures of Oaxaca, a muxe is a person, assigned male or female at birth, but who dresses or behaves in ways otherwise associated with the opposite gender. Some have children while others choose men as sexual or romantic partners. According to anthropologist Lynn Stephen, muxe "may do certain kinds of women’s work such as embroidery or decorating home altars, but others do the male work of making jewelry"; the word muxe is thought to derive from the Spanish word for mujer. In the 16th-century, the letter x had a sound similar to "sh". In contrast to Mexico's majority mestizo culture, the isthmus of Oaxaca has a predominantly Zapotec population, it is reported that there is less hostility toward muxe in the region than what homosexual, effeminate males, trans women face in other regions of the country. One study estimates that 6 percent of males in an Isthmus Zapotec community in the early 1970s were muxe. Other Zapotec communities have similar "third gender" roles, such as the biza’ah of Teotitlán del Valle.
Muxe may be pintadas. It has been suggested that while the three gender system predates Spanish colonization, the phenomenon of muxe dressing as women is recent, beginning in the 1950s and gaining popularity until nearly all of the younger generation of muxe today are vestidas. Within contemporary Zapotec culture, reports vary as to their social status. Muxe in village communities may not be disparaged and respected, while in larger, more Westernised towns they may face some discrimination from men due to attitudes introduced by Catholicism. Muxe belong to the poorer classes of society. Gender variance and same-sex desire in wealthier communities of the region are more to follow a more western taxonomy of gay and transgender; such individuals are more to remain in "the closet". Despite this, Muxe have traditionally been considered good luck, worth more than cisgender women and many now have white-collar jobs or are involved in politics. In an article published in 1995, anthropologist Beverly Chiñas explains that in the Zapotec culture, "the idea of choosing gender or of sexual orientation is as ludicrous as suggesting that one can choose one's skin color."
Most people traditionally view their gender as something God has given them, few muxe desire genital surgery. They do not suffer from gender dysphoria because transphobia is a rare attitude in their culture, people are accepting of them and they have their gender recognised through their clothing, there is not as much pressure to "pass" as in Western societies. Lynn Stephen writes: "Muxe men are not referred to as "homosexuals" but constitute a separate category based on gender attributes. People perceive them as having the physical bodies of men but different aesthetic and social skills from most men, they may have some attributes of women or combine those of men and women." If they do choose men as sexual partners, neither are those men considered homosexual. In 2003, 25-year-old muxe Amaranta Gómez Regalado from Juchitán de Zaragoza gained international prominence as a congressional candidate for the México Posible party in the Oaxaca state elections, her broad platform included calls for the decriminalization of abortion.
Lukas Avendaño is an emerging Mexican performance artist whose recent work constitutes a queer performatic intervention of Mexican nationalistic representations that of Zapotec Tehuana women. Avendaño embodies the complex identity of muxes, or male homosexuals from the Tehuantepec Isthmus where he was born, his cross-dressing performance interweaves ritual dances with autobiographical passages and actions that involve audience members, in order to challenge the held view of a gay-friendly indigenous culture and point towards the existence of lives that negotiate pain and loneliness with self-affirming pride. Bakla Femminiello Third gender Roscoe, Will. Changing Ones: Third and Fourth Genders in Native North America. New York: St. Martin’s Press. Lacey, Marc "A Lifestyle Distinct: The Muxe of Mexico" The New York Times, December 7, 2008 "Meet the Muxes. How a remote town in southern Mexico reinvented sex & gender", May 31, 2015, http://interactive.fusion.net/meet-the-muxes/. ExandasDocs. "Muxes of Juchitán".
Time 9:47. YouTube.com, Sept. 4, 2007. CNN.com. "The Muxes of Mexico - Part 1". Time 8:38. May 11, 2010. CNN.com. "The Muxes of Mexico - Part 2". Time 8:13. May 11, 2010. CNN.com. "The Muxes of Mexico - Part 3". Time 6:31. May 11, 2010. Vice.com. "OAXACA'S THIRD GENDER". Time 22:21. July 09, 2013. "Born this way: the Mexican town where gender is fluid", a short documentary released in October 2017, directed by Shaul Schwarz, produced by Reel Peak Films, commissioned by The Guardian and The Filmmaker Fund, interviews several residents of Juchitán and their family members about the experiences and perceptions of muxes. Spanish with English subtitles
A trans man is a man, assigned female at birth. The label of transgender man is not always interchangeable with that of transsexual man, although the two labels are used in this way. Transgender is an umbrella term. Many trans men choose to undergo surgical or hormonal transition, or both, to alter their appearance in a way that aligns with their gender identity or alleviates gender dysphoria. Although the literature indicates that most trans men identify as heterosexual, trans men, like cisgender men, can have any sexual orientation or sexual identity, such as homosexual, bisexual, polysexual or asexual, some trans men might consider conventional sexual orientation labels inadequate or inapplicable to them; the term trans man is used as a short form for either identity. This referred to as female-to-male. Trans men may identify as transsexual, as neither, or both. Transgender man is an umbrella term that may include anybody, assigned female at birth, but identifies as male. For instance, some androgynous and genderqueer people might identify as transgender.
Because transgender is an umbrella term, it can be imprecise and does not always describe specific identities and experiences. Transmasculine is a general, broader term for individuals who were AFAB but identify closer to the masculine side of the gender spectrum; the term transsexual originated in the psychological communities. However, unlike the term transgender, transsexual is not an umbrella term, many transgender people do not identify as such. Transsexual is a term for AFAB and assigned male at birth people alike who feel their sex organs do not reflect their gender and have chosen to change some aspect of their body; the transgender community sometimes uses the term passing to describe a transgender person's ability to appear as the gender they identify with. The opposite meaning is conveyed by the terms "to be read" or "to be clocked", means not passing; the term trans men referred to female-to-male transsexual people who underwent hormone replacement therapy or sex reassignment surgery, or both.
The definition of transition has broadened to include theories of psychological development or complementary methods of self-acceptance. Many of those who identify as transgender may face gender dysphoria. Transsexual and transgender men may seek medical interventions such as hormones and surgery to make their bodies as congruent as possible with their gender presentation. However, many transgender and transsexual men cannot afford or choose not to undergo surgery or hormone replacement therapy. Many who have not undergone top surgery choose to bind their breasts. There are a few different methods of binding, including using sports bras and specially made binders. Tape or bandages, although depicted in popular culture, should never be used for binding as they tighten with wear and compress the ribcage, could result in injury; some trans men might decide to pack, to create a phallic bulge in the crotch of clothing. However, this is not universal. Trans men who decide to pack may use anything from rolled up socks to specially made packers, which resemble a penis.
Some packers are created for trans men to be able to urinate through them, or for sexual penetration or other sexual activity. Transitioning might involve some or all of the following steps: Social transition: using a preferred name and pronouns, wearing clothing seen as gender appropriate, disclosure to family, friends and at the workplace/school. Sex reassignment therapy: hormone replacement therapy, and/or surgery Legal affirmation: name and sex marker correction in legal identification documents. Being accepted as male may be challenging for trans men who have not undergone HRT and/or surgery; some trans men may choose to present as female in certain social situations. After physical transition, trans men live full-time as male. However, some transmasculine individuals might choose to use and engage their bodies to be pregnant, birth a baby, chestfeed. In the United States, the ratio of trans men within the general population is unclear, but estimates range between 1:2,000 and 1:100,000. A U.
S. Census Bureau study in 2015 suggests that there were around 58,000 name changes in census records consistent with female to male transitions although only 7,500 of these changed their sex coding as well. In a study by Kara Devaney, entitled Transgender Research Literature Review, it is addressed that the term transgender encompasses a myriad of different and unique identities that do not follow the "normal" rules of gender. Miriam J. Abelson writes, "There is no question that trans men's experiences are men's experiences and give insight about men and gender inequality."A trans man may be gay, pansexual, asexual, etc. and some trans men consider conventional sexual orientation labels inadequate or inapplicable to them. The literature indicates that sexual attraction to those of their same gender is less com
Annual marches, protests or gatherings take place around the world for transgender issues taking place during the time of local Pride parades for LGBT people. These events are organised by trans communities to build community, address human rights struggles, create visibility; the San Francisco Trans March is an annual gathering and protest march in San Francisco, that takes place on the Friday night of Pride weekend, the last weekend of June. It is a trans and gender non-conforming and inclusive event in the same spirit of the original gay pride parades and dyke marches, it is one of the few large annual transgender events in the world and has been the largest transgender event since its inception in June 2004. The purpose of the event is to increase visibility and acceptance of all gender-variant people; the event became the fourth main LGBT Pride event in San Francisco. SF Pride, the organizers of the other much larger events all participated in supporting the event since its inception with funds and technical support.
In recent years, the event has begun at Mission Dolores Park, has ended in the Tenderloin, near the location of the Compton's Cafeteria Riot. The mission of the San Francisco Trans March is "to inspire all trans and gender non-conforming people to realize a world where we are safe and empowered. We strive to create a space for our diverse communities to unite and achieve the social justice and equality that each of us deserves." An anonymous e-mail was distributed to San Francisco Bay Area's activist and transgender communities in March 2004. It coincided with the first trial in the murder of East Bay trans woman Gwen Araujo and called for a Trans March helping launch "the largest transgender event of its kind." Araujo's murder by four men and their disposing of her body heightened awareness of violence against LGBT people and trans women and trans men. Araujo's related case and appeals lasted for over two years; the first several Trans Marches ended with a rally including a trans altar remembering her and many other trans people killed.
Attendance in 2004 was estimated at 2,000. In 2006 the event grew in diversity and inclusiveness; the mission of the march was restated as "to demonstrate that the violence and discrimination directed against the transgender community will not be tolerated. It is an acknowledgment of the struggles of the trans community for respect and civil rights. And, it is designed to build a supportive, unified trans community bringing together diverse genders and ethnic backgrounds along with allies." In 2007 a Trans March started in Minneapolis-St. Paul. Attendance in San Francisco was estimated at 7,500. In 2008 Donna Rose, who had resigned from national LGBT advocacy group Human Rights Campaign after the organization supported a version of ENDA that did not include gender identity was one of many featured speakers; the theme of 2008 was "Marching for a Gender Inclusive ENDA and removal of Gender Identity "Disorder" as a mental illness." Activist Arianna Davis stated to the crowd, "We are mocked by medicine and belittled by the media...
I don't have a mental disorder – do you?" She implored the crowd to "demand that GID be removed from the Diagnostic and Statistical Manual of Mental Disorders." Protesters objected to the current workgroup appointed by the American Psychiatric Association to revise the gender and sexuality sections of the DSM as it included Kenneth Zucker, "known for his gender-conforming therapies in children" and Ray Blanchard, whose theory of autogynephilia "claims that some people transition because they are aroused by female clothing." Attendance of the march, which grew in diversity, was estimated at 10,000. In 2009 the now ten-person coordinating committee elected to forgo the Castro gay neighborhood and instead march through the predominantly Latino Mission District, they cited several reasons: for one, many transgender people lived in the neighborhood, unable to afford the pricier Castro. Organizers expected 10,000 attendees and the event to cost $10,000 much of it raised through sponsorships and fundraisers.
Cecilia Chung, a trans woman and the chair of the San Francisco Human Rights Commission, was the keynote speaker. In 2009 Toronto's first-ever Trans Pride March took place in June. In 2015, Ryan Cassata was the headlining musician. Laverne Cox spoke briefly. An estimated 10,000 - 20,000 people marched from Mission Dolores Park to UN Plaza; the Civic Center was lit up in the colors of the transgender pride flag. In 2016, attendees expressed anger at local politicians. At the conclusion of the march, a new street sign was unveiled, renaming the 100 block of Taylor Street to Gene Compton's Cafeteria Way in honor of the Compton's Cafeteria Riot. In 2017, the march concluded with an announcement that the area at Turk and Taylor in the Tenderloin had been designated
Albanian sworn virgins
The Albanian sworn virgins are women who take a vow of chastity and wear male clothing in order to live as men in patriarchal northern Albanian society. National Geographic's Taboo estimated. Other terms for a sworn virgin include, in Albanian virgin or avowed virgin; the tradition of sworn virgins in Albania developed out of the Kanuni i Lekë Dukagjinit, a set of codes and laws developed by Lekë Dukagjini and used in northern Albania and Kosovo from the 15th century until the 20th century. The Kanun is not a religious document – many groups follow it, including Albanian Orthodox and Muslims; the Kanun dictates that families must be patrilocal. Women are treated like property of the family. Under the Kanun, women are stripped of many rights, they can not wear a watch, or vote in local elections. They cannot buy land, there are many jobs they are not permitted to hold. There are establishments that they cannot enter; the practice of sworn virginhood was first reported by missionaries, travelers and anthropologists, who visited the mountains of northern Albania in the 19th and early 20th centuries.
One of them was Edith Durham. A person can become a sworn virgin out of personal desire or to satisfy parents. One becomes a sworn virgin by swearing an irrevocable oath, in front of twelve village or tribal elders, to adopt the role and practice celibacy. After this, sworn virgins live as men and others relate to them as such though not always using masculine pronouns to address them or speak about them to other people; the sworn virgin is believed to be the only formal defined trans masculine role in Europe. According to Marina Warner, the sworn virgin's "true sex will never again, on pain of death, be alluded to either in her presence or out of it." Similar practices occurred in some societies of indigenous peoples of the Americas. Breaking the vow was once punishable by death, but it is doubtful that this punishment is still carried out. Many sworn virgins today still refuse to go back on their oath because their community would reject them for breaking the vows. However, it is sometimes possible to take back the vows if the reasons or motivations or obligations to family which lead to taking the vow no longer exist.
There are many reasons why someone might take this vow, observers recorded a variety of motivations. One person spoke of becoming a sworn virgin in order to not be separated from her father, another in order to live and work with a sister; some hoped to avoid a specific unwanted marriage, others hoped to avoid marriage in general. It was the only way a woman could inherit her family's wealth, important in a society in which blood feuds resulted in the deaths of many male Albanians, leaving many families without male heirs. Moreover, a child may have been desired to "carry on" an existing feud, according to Marina Warner; the sworn virgin became "a warrior in disguise to defend her family like a man." If a sworn virgin was killed in a blood feud, the death counted as a full life for the purposes of calculating blood money, rather than the half-life a woman was counted as. It is likely that many women chose to become sworn virgins because it afforded them much more freedom than would otherwise have been available in a patrilineal culture in which women were secluded, sex-segregated, required to be virgins before marriage and faithful afterwards, betrothed as children and married by sale without their consent, continually bearing and raising children physically labouring, always required to defer to men their husbands and fathers, submit to being beaten.
Dickemann suggests mothers may have played an important role in persuading children to become sworn virgins. A widow without sons traditionally had few options in Albania: she could return to her birth family, stay on as a servant in the family of her deceased husband, or remarry. With a son or surrogate son, she could live out her life in the home of her adulthood, in the company of her child. Murray quotes testimony recorded by René Gremaux: "Because if you get married I'll be left alone, but if you stay with me, I'll have a son." On hearing those words Djurdja "threw down her embroidery" and became a man. The practice has died out in Dalmatia and Bosnia, but is still carried out in northern Albania and to a lesser extent in Macedonia; the So
Hijra (Indian subcontinent)
Hijra is a term given to eunuchs, intersex people, transgender people who are part of the Hijra community in the Indian subcontinent. Known as Aravani, Jagappa, or Chhakka, the hijra community in India prefer to call themselves Kinnar or Kinner, referring to the mythological beings that excel at song and dance. Hijras are recognized as third gender in countries in the Indian subcontinent, being considered neither male nor female. Hijras have a recorded history in the Indian subcontinent from antiquity onwards as suggested by the Kama Sutra period. Many hijras live in organised all-hijra communities, led by a guru; these communities have consisted over generations of those who are in abject poverty, rejected by, or flee, their family of origin. Many work as sex workers for survival; the word "hijra" is a Hindustani word. It has traditionally been translated into English as "eunuch" or "hermaphrodite", where "the irregularity of the male genitalia is central to the definition". However, in general hijras are born male, only a few having been born with intersex variations.
Some Hijras undergo an initiation rite into the hijra community called nirwaan, which refers to the removal of the penis and testicles. Since the late 20th century, some hijra activists and non-government organizations have lobbied for official recognition of the hijra as a kind of "third sex" or "third gender", as neither man nor woman. Hijras have gained this recognition in Bangladesh and are eligible for priority in education. In India, the Supreme Court in April 2014 recognized hijras, transgender people and intersex people as a'third gender' in law. Nepal, Pakistan and Bangladesh have all accepted the existence of a third gender, with India and Nepal including an option for them on passports and certain official documents; the Hindustani word hijra may alternately be romanized as hijira, hijada, hijrah and is pronounced Hindustani pronunciation:. This term is considered derogatory in Urdu and the word Khwaja Sara is used instead. Another such term is khusaraa. In Bengali, hijra is called হিজড়া, hijla, hizra, or hizre.
A number of terms across the culturally and linguistically diverse Indian subcontinent represent similar sex or gender categories. While these are rough synonyms, they may be better understood as separate identities due to regional cultural differences. In Odia, a hijra is referred to as hinjida, hinjda or napunsaka, in Telugu as napunsakudu, kojja or maada, in Tamil as thiru nangai, aravanni, aravani or aruvani, in Punjabi as khusra or jankha, in Kannada as mangalamukhi or chhakka, in Sindhi as khadra, in Gujarati as pavaiyaa. In North India, the goddess Bahuchara Mata is worshipped by Pavaiyaa. In South India, the goddess Renuka is believed to have the power to change one's sex. Male devotees in female clothing are known as Jogappa, they perform similar roles such as dancing and singing at birth ceremonies and weddings. The word kothi is common across India, similar to the Kathoey of Thailand, although kothis are distinguished from hijras. Kothis are regarded as feminine men or boys who take a feminine role in sex with men, but do not live in the kind of intentional communities that hijras live in.
Additionally, not all kothis have undergone initiation rites or the body modification steps to become a hijra. Local equivalents include durani, menaka and zenana. Hijra used to be translated in English as "eunuch" or "hermaphrodite", although LGBT historians or human rights activists have sought to include them as being transgender. In a series of meetings convened between October 2013 and Jan 2014 by the transgender experts committee of India's Ministry of Social Justice and Empowerment and other trans activists asked that the term "eunuch" be discontinued from usage in government documents, as it is not a term with which the communities identify; these identities have no exact match in the modern Western taxonomy of gender and sexual orientation, challenge Western ideas of sex and gender. In India, some Hijras do not define themselves by specific sexual orientation, but rather by renouncing sexuality altogether. Sexual energy is transformed into sacred powers. However, these notions can come in conflict with the practical, that hijras are employed as prostitutes.
Furthermore, in India a feminine male who takes a "receptive" role in sex with a man will identify as a kothi. While kothis are distinguished from hijras as a separate gender identity, they dress as women and act in a feminine manner in public spaces using feminine language to refer to themselves and each other; the usual partners of hijras and kothis are men who consider themselves heterosexual as they are the ones who penetrate. These male partners are married, any relationships or sex with "kothis" or hijras are kept secret from the community at large; some hijras may form relationships with men and marry, although their marriage is not recognized by law or religion. Hijras and kothis have a name for these masculine sexual or romantic partners. Most hijras live at the margins of society with low status; the Indian lawyer and author Rajesh Talwar has written a book, titled The Third Sex and Human Rights, highlighting the human rights abuses suffered by the community. Few employment opportunities are available to hijras.
Many get their income
A bathroom bill is the common name for legislation or a statute that defines access to public toilets by gender —or transgender individual. Bathroom bills affect access to sex-segregated public facilities for an individual based on a determination of their sex as defined in some specific way—such as their sex as assigned at birth, their sex as listed on their birth certificate, or the sex that corresponds to their gender identity. A bathroom bill can either be inclusive or exclusive of transgender individuals, depending on the aforementioned definition of their sex. Critics of bills which exclude transgender individuals from restrooms which conform to their gender identity argue that they do not make public restrooms any safer for cisgender people, that they make public restrooms less safe for both transgender people and gender non-conforming cisgender people. Additionally, critics claim there have been no cases of a transgender person attacking a cisgender person in a public restroom, although there has been at least one isolated incident of voyeurism in a fitting room.
By comparison, a much larger percentage of transgender people have been verbally and sexually harassed or attacked by cisgender people in public facilities. For these reasons the controversy over transgender bathroom access has been labeled a moral panic and compared to the antisemitic blood libel. Proponents say such legislation is necessary to maintain privacy, protect what they claim to be an innate sense of modesty held by most cisgender people, prevent voyeurism, assault and rape, retain psychological comfort. One bathroom bill, the Public Facilities Privacy & Security Act in North Carolina, was approved as a law in 2016, although portions of the measure were repealed in 2017 as part of a compromise between the Democratic governor and Republican-controlled Legislature. In 2016, guidance was issued by the U. S. Departments of Justice and Education stating that schools which receive federal money must treat a student's gender identity as their sex. However, this policy was revoked in 2017.
Public opinion regarding "transgender bathroom rights" in the United States is mixed, see summary table below. Critics of bathroom bills have argued that they place transgender people in danger without making cisgender people any safer and that they make things more dangerous for gender non-conforming cisgender people; the UCLA's Williams Institute has tracked prevalence of crimes in bathrooms since the passage of various protections for the transgender population and has found that there has been no significant change in the number of crimes. Marcie Bianco, writing for Mic, pointed out that there is not a single documented case of a transgender person attacking a cisgender person in a public restroom. Writing for Patheos, Terry Firma argued that there have been more Republican politicians arrested for sex acts in bathrooms than transgender people; the controversy has been labeled a moral panic, Dan Savage went so far as to call it an "anti-trans blood libel". According to the largest U. S. survey of transgender people undertaken, carried out by the National Center for Transgender Equality in 2015 with 27,715 respondents, one percent of respondents reported being sexually assaulted in a public restroom for being transgender.
Twelve percent reported being verbally harassed in a public restroom, another one percent reported being non-sexually physically assaulted for being transgender. Nine percent reported being denied the right to use a public restroom consistent with their gender; the NCTE acknowledges that in its report that this survey was undertaken before any bathroom bills had been passed or were in the news. In Canada, the New Democratic Party has introduced several bills that tried to include gender identity and gender expression among the characteristics protected from discrimination and eligible to be considered in sentencing crimes motivated by hate; these bills were referred to as "bathroom bills" by their critics as they would have allowed transgender individuals to use the public facilities corresponding to their gender identity. In 2009, NDP MP Bill Siksay introduced Bill C-389 to the 40th Parliament; the bill was defeated by the Senate. Bill C-279, introduced to the 41st Parliament in 2011 by NDP MP Randall Garrison, was passed and sent to the Senate in March 2013.
In 2015, Senator Don Plett introduced three amendments to the bill, one of which exempted public washrooms and changerooms from the bill's protections. The bill was ultimately defeated in the Senate. Garrison re-introduced the bill to the 42nd Parliament as Bill C-204. Bill C-16, a similar bill to the NDP bills, was intruded on May 17, 2016 by Federal Minister of Justice Jody Wilson-Raybould to the 42nd Parliament; the bill passed the legislative process in the House of Commons and the Senate, became law upon receiving Royal Assent on June 19, 2017, coming into force immediately. In a landmark 2013 case, the Colorado Civil Rights Division ruled in favor of 6-year-old transgender student Coy Mathis to use the girls' bathroom at her elementary school, it was the first ruling of its kind in the United States and one of the first high-profile transgender rights cases, garnering huge amounts of media attention. In May 2016, the United States Department of Justice and the United States Department of Education released a joint guidance on the application of Title IX protections to transgender students.
The guidance stated that for the purpose of Title IX, the Department of Justice and the Department of Education treat a student's gender identity as their sex. The guidance was followed by a formal "Dear Colleague" letter on May 13. In October 2016, the U. S. Supreme