Freedom of the press
Freedom of the press or freedom of the media is the principle that communication and expression through various media, including printed and electronic media published materials, should be considered a right to be exercised freely. Such freedom implies the absence of interference from an overreaching state. With respect to governmental information, any government may distinguish which materials are public or protected from disclosure to the public. State materials are protected due to either of two reasons: the classification of information as sensitive, classified or secret, or the relevance of the information to protecting the national interest. Many governments are subject to sunshine laws or freedom of information legislation that are used to define the ambit of national interest; the United Nations' 1948 Universal Declaration of Human Rights states: "Everyone has the right to freedom of opinion and expression. This philosophy is accompanied by legislation ensuring various degrees of freedom of scientific research and press.
The depth to which these laws are entrenched in a country's legal system can go as far down as its constitution. The concept of freedom of speech is covered by the same laws as freedom of the press, thereby giving equal treatment to spoken and published expression. Sweden was the first country in the world to adopt freedom of the press into its constitution with the Freedom of the Press Act of 1766. Freedom of the press is construed as an absence of interference by outside entities, such as a government or religious organization, rather than as a right for authors to have their works published by other people; this idea was famously summarized by the 20th century American journalist, A. J. Liebling, who wrote, "Freedom of the press is guaranteed only to those who own one". Freedom of the press gives the printer or publisher exclusive control over what the publisher chooses to publish, including the right to refuse to print anything for any reason. If the author cannot reach a voluntary agreement with a publisher to produce the author's work the author must turn to self-publishing.
Beyond legal definitions, several non-governmental organizations use other criteria to judge the level of press freedom around the world. Some create subjective lists, while others are based on quantitative data: Reporters Without Borders considers the number of journalists murdered, expelled or harassed, the existence of a state monopoly on TV and radio, as well as the existence of censorship and self-censorship in the media, the overall independence of media as well as the difficulties that foreign reporters may face to rank countries in levels of press freedom; the Committee to Protect Journalists systematically tracks the number of journalists killed and imprisoned in reprisal for their work. It says it uses the tools of journalism to help journalists by tracking press freedom issues through independent research, fact-finding missions, a network of foreign correspondents, including local working journalists in countries around the world. CPJ shares information on breaking cases with other press freedom organizations worldwide through the International Freedom of Expression Exchange, a global network of more than 119 free expression organizations.
CPJ tracks impunity in cases of journalist murders. CPJ staff applies strict criteria for each case. Freedom House studies the more general political and economic environments of each nation in order to determine whether relationships of dependence exist that limit in practice the level of press freedom that might exist in theory. Panels of experts assess the press freedom score and draft each country summary according to a weighted scoring system that analyzes the political, economic and safety situation for journalists based on a 100-point scale, it categorizes countries as having a free, party free, or not free press. Every year, the Committee to Protect Journalists releases its comprehensive list of all journalists killed in relation to their work, including profiles of each journalist and a database, an annual census of journalists in jail as of midnight on December 1. 2017 was a record year for journalists jailed with 262 journalists behind bars. Turkey and Egypt accounted for more than half of all journalists jailed globally.
Every year, Reporters Without Borders establish a subjective ranking of countries in terms of their freedom of the press. Press Freedom Index list is based on responses to surveys sent to journalists that are members of partner organizations of the RWB, as well as related specialists such as researchers and human rights activists; the survey asks questions about direct attacks on journalists and the media as well as other indirect sources of pressure against the free press, such as non-governmental groups. In 2016, the countries where press was the most free were Finland, Norway and New Zealand, followed by Costa Rica, Sweden and Jamaica; the country with the least degree of press freedom was Eritrea, followed by North Korea, Syria, China and Sudan. The problem with media in India, the world's largest democracy, is enormous. India doesn't have a model for a democratic press; the Canadian Journalists for Free Expression has published a report on India stating that Indian journalists are forced—or feel compelled for the sake of job security—to report in ways th
Wallachian Revolution of 1848
The Wallachian Revolution of 1848 was a Romanian liberal and nationalist uprising in the Principality of Wallachia. Part of the Revolutions of 1848, connected with the unsuccessful revolt in the Principality of Moldavia, it sought to overturn the administration imposed by Imperial Russian authorities under the Regulamentul Organic regime, through many of its leaders, demanded the abolition of boyar privilege. Led by a group of young intellectuals and officers in the Wallachian Militia, the movement succeeded in toppling the ruling Prince Gheorghe Bibescu, whom it replaced with a Provisional Government and a Regency, in passing a series of major progressive reforms, first announced in the Proclamation of Islaz. Despite its rapid gains and popular backing, the new administration was marked by conflicts between the radical wing and more conservative forces over the issue of land reform. Two successive abortive coups were able to weaken the Government, its international status was always contested by Russia.
After managing to rally a degree of sympathy from Ottoman political leaders, the Revolution was isolated by the intervention of Russian diplomats, repressed by a common intervention of Ottoman and Russian armies, without any significant form of armed resistance. Over the following decade, the completion of its goals was made possible by the international context, former revolutionaries became the original political class in united Romania; the two Danubian Principalities and Moldavia, came under direct Russian supervision upon the close of the Russo-Turkish War of 1828–1829, being subsequently administered on the basis of common documents, known as Regulamentul Organic. After a period of Russian military occupation, Wallachia returned to Ottoman suzerainty while Russian oversight was preserved, the throne was awarded to Alexandru II Ghica in 1834—this measure was controversial from the onset, given that, despite the popular provisions of the Akkerman Convention, Ghica had been appointed by Russia and the Ottomans, instead of being elected by the Wallachian Assembly.
As a consequence, the Prince was faced with opposition from both sides of the political spectrum, while attempting to quell the peasantry's discontent by legislating against the abuse of estate lessors. The first liberal movement, taking inspiration from the French Revolution and having for its stated purpose the encouragement of culture, was Societatea Filarmonică, established in 1833. Hostility towards Russian policies erupted in 1834, when Russia called for an "Additional Article" to be attached to the Regulament, as the latter document was being reviewed by the Porte; the proposed article sought to prevent the Principalities' Assemblies from modifying the Regulament any further without the consent of both protecting powers. This move met with stiff opposition from a majority of deputies in Wallachia, among whom was the radical Ioan Câmpineanu. Câmpineanu, who had proposed a reformist constitution to replace the Regulament was forced into exile, but remained an influence on a younger generation of activists, both Wallachian and Moldavian.
The latter group, comprising many young boyars who had studied in France took direct inspiration from reformist or revolutionary-minded societies such as the Carbonari. It was this faction who would first explicitly publicize the demands for national independence and Moldo-Wallachian unification, which it included in a wider agenda of political reforms and European solidarity. Societatea Studenților Români was founded in 1846, having the French poet Alphonse de Lamartine for its honorary president. In October 1840, the first revolutionary secret society of the period was repressed by Prince Ghica. Among those arrested and taken into confinement were the high-ranking boyar Mitică Filipescu, the young radical Nicolae Bălcescu, the much older Dimitrie Macedonski, who had taken part in the uprising of 1821; the new ruler, Gheorghe Bibescu, released Bălcescu and other participants in the plot during 1843. Early on, Frăția's nucleus was formed by Bălcescu, Ion Ghica, Alexandru G. Golescu, Major Christian Tell.
It was successful in Bucharest, where it reached out to the middle class, kept a legal facade as Soțietatea Literară, whose meetings were attended by the Moldavians Vasile Alecsandri, Mihail Kogălniceanu, Costache Negruzzi, as well as by the Austrian subject Constantin Daniel Rosenthal. During the early months of 1848, Romanian students at the University of Paris, including the Brătianu brothers, witnessed and, in some cases, took part in the French republican uprising. Rebellion broke out in late June 1848, after Frăția's members came to adopt a single project regarding the promise of land reform; this resolution, which had caused dissension, was passed into the revolutionary program upon pressures from Nicolae Bălcescu and his supporters. The document itself, destined to be read as a proclamation, was most drafted by Heliade Rădulescu, Bălcescu himself was responsible for most of its ideas, it called for, among other issues, national in
Pernambuco is a state of Brazil, located in the Northeast region of the country. The state of Pernambuco includes the archipelago Fernando de Noronha. With an estimated population of 9.2 million people in 2013, it is the seventh most populous state of Brazil, is the sixth most densely populated and the 19th most extensive among the states and territories of the country. Its capital and largest city, Recife, is one of the most important economic and urban hubs in the country; as of 2013 estimates, Recife's metropolitan area is the fifth most populous in the country, the largest urban agglomeration in Northeast Brazil. In 1982, the city of Olinda, the second oldest city in Brazil, was declared a World Heritage Site by UNESCO. Recife, the state capital and Olinda have one of the most traditional Brazilian Carnivals. Both have architecture of Portugal, with centuries-old casarões and churches, kilometers of beaches and much culture; the proximity of the equator guarantees sunshine throughout the year, with average temperatures of 26 °C.
Pernambuco comprises a comparatively narrow coastal zone, a high inland plateau, an intermediate zone formed by the terraces and slopes between the two. Its surface is much broken by the remains of the ancient plateau, worn down by erosion, leaving escarpments and ranges of flat-topped mountains, called chapadas, capped in places by horizontal layers of sandstone. Ranges of these chapadas form the boundary lines with three states–the Serra dos Irmãos and Serra Vermelha with Piauí, the Serra do Araripe with Ceará, the Serra dos Cariris Velhos with Paraíba; the coastal area is fertile, was covered by the humid Pernambuco coastal forests, the northern extension of the Atlantic Forests of eastern Brazil. It is now placed to extensive sugar cane plantations, it has a humid climate, relieved to some extent by the south-east trade winds. The middle zone, called the agreste region, has a drier climate and lighter vegetation, including the semi-deciduous Pernambuco interior forests, where many trees lose their leaves in the dry season.
The inland region, called the sertão is high and dry, devastated by prolonged droughts. The climate is characterized by cool nights. There are two defined seasons, a rainy season from March to June, a dry season for the remaining months; the interior of the state is covered by the dry thorny scrub vegetation called caatinga. The Rio São Francisco is the main water source for this area; the climate is more mild in the countryside of the state because of the Borborema Plateau. Some towns are located more than 1000 meters above sea level, temperatures there can descend to 10 °C and 5 °C in some cities during the winter; the island of Fernando de Noronha in the Atlantic Ocean, 535 km northeast of Recife, has been part of Pernambuco since 1988. The rivers of the state include a number of small plateau streams flowing southward to the São Francisco River, several large streams in the eastern part flowing eastward to the Atlantic; the former are the Moxotó, Pajeú, Terra Nova, Boa Vista and Pontai, are dry channels the greater part of the year.
The largest of the coastal rivers are the Goiana River, formed by the confluence of the Tracunhaem and Capibaribe-mirim, drains a rich agricultural region in the north-east part of the state. A large tributary of the Uná, the Rio Jacuhipe, forms part of the boundary line with Alagoas. Inhabited by numerous tribes of Tupi-Guarani speaking indigenous peoples, Pernambuco was first settled by the Portuguese in the 16th century; the French under Bertrand d'Ornesan tried to establish a French trading post at Pernambuco in 1531. Shortly after King John III of Portugal created the Hereditary Captaincies in 1534, Pernambuco was granted to Duarte Coelho, who arrived in Nova Lusitânia in 1535. Duarte directed military actions against the French-allied Caetés Indians and upon their defeat in 1537 established a settlement at the site of a former Marin Indian village, henceforth known as Olinda, as well as another village at Igarassu. Due to the cultivation of sugar and cotton, Pernambuco was one of the few prosperous captaincies.
With the support of the Dutch West India Company, sugar mills were built and a sugar-based economy developed. In 1612, Pernambuco produced 14,000 tons of sugar. While the sugar industry relied at first on the labor of indigenous peoples the Tupis and Tapuyas, high mortality and economic growth led to the importation of enslaved Africans from the late 17th century; some of these slaves escaped the sugar-producing coastal regions and formed independent inland communities called mocambos, including Palmares. In 1630, Pernambuco, as well as many Portuguese possessions in Brazil, was occupied by the Dutch until 1654; the occupation was resisted and the Dutch conquest was only successful, it was repelled by the Spaniards. In the interim, thousands of the enslaved Africans had fled to Palmares, soon the mocambos there had grown into two significant states; the Dutch Republic, who allowed sugar production to remain in Portuguese hands, regarded suppression of Palmares impor
Belgium in "the long nineteenth century"
The history of Belgium from 1789 to 1914, the period dubbed the "Long Nineteenth Century" by the historian Eric Hobsbawm, includes the end of Austrian rule and periods of French and Dutch occupation of the region, leading to the creation of the first independent Belgian state in 1830. In the years leading up to 1789, the territory today known as Belgium was divided into two states, called the Austrian Netherlands and Prince-Bishopric of Liège, both of which were part of the Holy Roman Empire; the area was captured by the French during the French Revolutionary Wars and incorporated into the French First Republic from 1794 to 1815. In the aftermath of Napoleon's final defeat in 1815, the Congress of Vienna added the territory of Belgium to the United Kingdom of the Netherlands. In 1830, with the Belgian Revolution the Belgian provinces declared their independence, but only gained it in 1839. From 1885 the creation of a personal colony by Leopold II, the Congo Free State caused and international outcry over human rights abuses, forced the Belgian state to annex the region in 1908, forming the Belgian Congo.
In 1909, after his uncle's death, Albert I began his reign, which lasted until 1934. Despite declaring neutrality, Belgium was invaded by the German Empire in August 1914, beginning the country's involvement in World War I; the "long nineteenth century" saw profound economic changes in Belgium. The Industrial Revolution, which began to take effect in Belgium during the period of French rule, transformed the region's economy over the course of the period. By 1914, Belgium was acknowledged as one of the most densely industrialized countries in Europe, with notable coal mining and manufacturing industries. At the start of the period, French was the dominant language, was the only one approved for use in legal and government business, however Belgium become bilingual in 1870 and Dutch was recognized as an equal language to French in legal matters in 1898; the territory of Belgium varied little over the period. Belgium's border with the Netherlands was the same as that, created after the Dutch Revolt in the early 17th century, its western border was the same as those of the 18th-century polities the Austrian Netherlands and Prince-Bishopric of Liège.
It was only after the French annexation of 1795. In the 1830s, Belgian revolutionaries sought to create an independent state within the borders of the nine provinces, established under French occupation while ending the traditional roles of the small duchies and counties which had traditionally been the basic territorial units. Aside from Zeelandic Flanders, part of Luxembourg, Northern Limburg, which were ceded to the Dutch to compensate for the loss of the rest of the territory, the outline of Belgium in 1914 was identical to that established by the French in 1795; the three ceded territories had a total of 300,000 inhabitants at the time. The northern half of Belgium, which would come to be known as Flanders, was a agricultural area containing the important port of Antwerp, the city of Ghent and the capital, Brussels. In the southern half, which would come to be known as Wallonia, a number of smaller towns and cities along the valley of the Sambre and Meuse rivers – the sillon industriel – became the focus of industrialization.
In the west of the valley, around Charleroi, was the Pays Noir, which held significant coal deposits. In southeast Belgium, along the border with Luxembourg and Prussia, was the forested and agricultural region known as the Ardennes. In 1784, Belgium's population was 2.6 million, with just 25 percent living in cities. During the 19th century, the population both urbanized. Between 1830 and 1875 the population of Brussels grew from 100,000 to 180,000, by 1910 the population of the metropolitan area soared to 750,000; the population of Belgium was universally Roman Catholic, though free-thinking movements like Freemasonry were popular among intellectuals and the urban middle classes. Throughout the "long nineteenth century," as a common destination for political refugees, Belgium was home to important émigré communities in Brussels. From 1871, many of the Paris Communards fled to Brussels; the far-right politician General Georges Boulanger arrived in 1889. Other notable exiles living in Belgium included the theorist Karl Marx.
While in control of Belgium and the Netherlands each tried to force assimilation of their national languages, but in neither case did their rule last long enough for the language to become entrenched across the region or for local dialects to be displaced. In 1846, 57 percent of Belgians spoke dialects of Dutch or Flemish as their primary language while 42 percent spoke dialects of French, such as Walloon, Picard or Gaumais. Under one percent of the population spoke German. Across the country, the aristocracy and middle classes spoke French as a second language, French was the language of the legal system and government. There was a huge variation in accents and grammar across the country in Flanders, where regional dialects were incomprehensible to those from other regions. In Brussels, situated in a predominantly Dutch-speaking area, 38 percent spoke French in 1842 while 61 percent spoke Dutch. By the end of the period, social change and internal immigration from Wallonia contributed to the growing importance of French in Brussels.
In 1789, the area of modern-day Belgium was divided into two independently-governed poli
The Ragamuffin War was a Republican uprising that began in southern Brazil, in the state of Rio Grande do Sul in 1835. The rebels, led by generals Bento Gonçalves da Silva and Antônio de Sousa Neto with the support of the Italian fighter Giuseppe Garibaldi, surrendered to imperial forces in 1845, it is considered the longest and third bloodiest of the failed wars of secession in the Brazilian Empire, after the Cabanagem Revolt and Balaiada Revolt. The uprising is believed to have begun due to the difference between the economy of Rio Grande do Sul and the rest of the country. Unlike the other states, the state economy focused on the internal market rather than exporting commodities; the state's main product, suffered badly from competition from charque imported from Uruguay and Argentina. The people that benefited from these markets were called "Gauchos," nomadic cowhands and farmers who lived in Rio Grande do Sul; the Gauchos lived in Argentina and Uruguay. In 1835, Antônio Rodrigues Fernandes Braga was nominated president of Rio Grande do Sul and at first, his appointment pleased the liberal farmers, but that soon changed.
In his first day in the office, he accused many farmers of being separatists. On 20 September 1835, General Bento Gonçalves captured the capital, Porto Alegre, beginning an uprising against the perceived unfair trade reinforced by the state government; the state president fled to the city of 334 km to the south. In Porto Alegre, the rebels known as "ragamuffins" after the fringed leather worn by the gauchos, elected Marciano Pereira Ribeiro their new president. Responding to the situation and further upsetting the rebels, the Brazilian regent, Diogo Feijó, appointed a new state president, forced to take office in exile in Rio Grande. Pushing to consolidate their power, Antônio de Souza Netto declared the independence of the Riograndense or Piratini Republic on 11 September 1836, with Bento Gonçalves as president nominee. However, Gonçalves was arrested and jailed by imperial forces until he escaped in 1837, returning to the province and bringing the revolution to a head. Nonetheless, Porto Alegre was recaptured by the empire and the rebels never managed to regain it.
In Bahia, there was another revolt called the Sabinada Revolt in 1837. They managed to create another Republic but it fell within 4 months; the Brazilian Army had a number of problems at the time and were not able to handle the secessionist threat. Through military reforms, the mass recruitment of civilians was made possible and they were able to quell the rebels in 1845; the Italian revolutionary Giuseppe Garibaldi joined the rebels in 1836. With his help, the revolution spread north through Santa Catarina. One of the main cities of Santa Catarina, was taken by the rebels but fell back into imperial hands after four months, it was in this struggle that Garibaldi gained his first military experience and got on the road leading to his becoming the famed military leader of the Unification of Italy. The rebel forces were aided financially and indirect military support by the Uruguayan government led by José Fructuoso Rivera; the Uruguayans had the intention of creating a political union with the Riograndense Republic to create a new stronger state.
The rebels refused an offer of amnesty in 1840. In 1842, they issued a Republican constitution as a last attempt to maintain power; the same year saw General Lima e Silva take command of Imperial forces in the area, try to negotiate a settlement. On 1 March 1845, the peace negotiations led by Lima e Silva and Antônio Vicente da Fontoura concluded with the signing of the Ponche Verde Treaty between the two sides, in Dom Pedrito; the treaty offered the rebels a full amnesty, full incorporation into the imperial army and the choice of the next provincial president. All the debts of the Riograndense Republic were paid off by the Empire and a tariff of 25% was introduced on imported charque; the Riograndense and Juliana Republics remained in the Empire of Brazil and are now two states of the Federative Republic of Brazil, Rio Grande do Sul and Santa Catarina respectively. As a goodwill gesture, the rebels chose Lima e Silva as the next provincial president; the Brazilian Army reorganized itself to be a proper fighting force during the Ragamuffin War.
The military would be able to defeat insurgencies. However, this reformed military would prove disastrous against the Emperor when they rebelled to create a Republic. Anita e Garibaldi, a 2013 Brazilian film, follows the arrival of Giuseppe Garibaldi in Brazil, his meeting with Anita Garibaldi and the human and military learning with Luigi Rossetti during the Ragamuffin War. List of wars involving Brazil Revolutions of Brazil A review of Farroupilha Week in modern RS state The Farroupilha War
Hungarian Revolution of 1848
The Hungarian Revolution of 1848 was one of the many European Revolutions of 1848 and linked to other revolutions of 1848 in the Habsburg areas. The revolution in the Kingdom of Hungary grew into a war for independence from the Austrian Empire, ruled by the Habsburg dynasty. After a series of serious Austrian defeats in 1849, the Austrian Empire came close to the brink of collapse. Thus, the new young emperor Franz Joseph I had to call for Russian help in the name of the Holy Alliance. Tsar Nicholas I answered, sent a 200,000 strong army with 80,000 auxiliary forces; the joint army of Russian and Austrian forces defeated the Hungarian forces. After the restoration of Habsburg power, Hungary was placed under brutal martial law; the anniversary of the Revolution's outbreak, 15 March, is one of Hungary's three national holidays. The Kingdom of Hungary had always maintained a separate parliament, the Diet of Hungary after the Austrian Empire was created in 1804; the administration and government of the Kingdom of Hungary remained untouched by the government structure of the overarching Austrian Empire.
Hungary's central government structures remained well separated from the imperial government. The country was governed by the Council of Lieutenancy of Hungary - located in Pozsony and in Pest - and by the Hungarian Royal Court Chancellery in Vienna. After the death of the Holy Roman Emperor, Joseph II, in February 1790, enlightened reforms in Hungary ceased, which outraged many reform-oriented francophone intellectuals who were followers of new radical ideas based on French philosophy and enlightenment. Ignác Martinovics worked as a secret agent for the new Holy Roman Emperor, Leopold II, until 1792. In his Oratio pro Leopoldo II, he explicitly declares that only authority derived from a social contract should be recognized. In another of his works, Catechism of People and Citizens, he argued that citizens tend to oppose any repression and that sovereignty resides with the people, he became a Freemason, was in favour of the adoption of a federal republic in Hungary. As a member of the Hungarian Jacobins, he was considered an idealistic forerunner of revolutionary thought by some, an unscrupulous adventurer by others.
He was in charge of stirring up a revolt against the nobility among the Hungarian serfs. For these subversive acts, Francis II, the Holy Roman Emperor, dismissed Martinovics and his boss, Ferenc Gotthardi, the former chief of the secret police, he was executed, together with six other prominent Jacobins, in May 1795. More than 42 members of the republican secret society were arrested, including the poet János Batsányi and linguist Ferenc KazinczyThough the Hungarian Jacobin republican movement did not affect the policy of the Hungarian Parliament and the parliamentary parties, it had strong ideological ties with the extra-parliamentary forces: the radical youths and students like the poet Sándor Petőfi, the philosopher and historian Pál Vasvári and the novel-writer Mór Jókai, who sparked the revolution in the Pilvax coffee house on 15 March 1848; the Diet of Hungary had not convened since 1811. The frequent diets held in the earlier part of the reign occupied themselves with little else but war subsidies.
In the latter years of Francis I the dark shadow of Metternich's policy of "stability" fell across the kingdom, the forces of reactionary absolutism were everywhere supreme. But beneath the surface a strong popular current was beginning to run in a contrary direction. Hungarian society, not unaffected by western Liberalism, but without any direct help from abroad, was preparing for the future emancipation. Writers, poets, artists and plebeian, layman and cleric, without any previous concert, or obvious connection, were working towards that ideal of political liberty, to unite all the Magyars. Mihály Vörösmarty, Ferenc Kölcsey, Ferencz Kazinczy and his associates, to mention but a few of many great names, consciously or unconsciously, as the representatives of the renascent national literature, accomplishing a political mission, their pens proved no less efficacious than the swords of their ancestors. In 1825 Emperor Francis II convened the Diet in response to growing concerns amongst the Hungarian nobility about taxes and the diminishing economy, after the Napoleonic wars.
This -- and the reaction to the reforms of Joseph II -- started. But the Nobles still retained their privileges of paying no taxes and not giving the vote to the masses; the influential Hungarian politician Count István Széchenyi recognized the need to bring the country the advances of the more developed West European countries, such as England. It was a direct attack upon the constitution which, to use the words of István Széchenyi, first "startled the nation out of its sickly drowsiness". In 1823, when the reactionary powers were considering joint action to suppress the revolution in Spain, the government, without consulting the diet, imposed a war-tax and called out the recruits; the county assemblies protested against this illegal act, Francis I was obliged, at the diet of 1823, to repudiate the action of his ministers. But the estates felt that the maintenance of their liberties demanded more substantial guarantees than the dead letter of ancient laws. Széchenyi, who had resided abroad and studied Western institutions, was the recognized leader of all those who wished to create a new Hungary out of the old.
For years he and his friends educated public opinion by issuing innumerable pamphlets in which
The March Unrest (Swedish: Marsoroligheterna, was a brief series of riots which occurred in the Swedish capital Stockholm during the Revolutions of 1848. On 2 March 1848, news of the French Revolution of 1848 reached Stockholm. On the morning of 18 March, the police encountered proclamations all over the capital defying the government and demanding reforms, among them elective and suffrage reform; that afternoon, a banquet was arranged at the Hotel de la Croix. A mob gathered on the square outside and threatened to enter the building; the mob was crushed by the police and some were arrested, though they defended themselves by throwing stones. On the evening, a crowd gathered between the Storkyrkan. King Oscar I of Sweden, attending a performance of Jenny Lind at the Royal Swedish Opera, met the protesters at Storkyrkobrinken, listened to their complaints and ordered the release of the arrested, which dissolved the crowd. Another crowd formed the same day, which threw stones through windows at Gustav Adolfs torg and Blasieholmen, among them at the windows of Arch Bishop Wingård.
On 19 March, mobs gathered again and shops were plundered. When a crowd on Storkyrkobrinken refused to dissolve, the monarch called out the militia. Shots were fired. At Norra Smedjegatan, the military stormed a barricade. Among the wealthy merchant class, private militias were formed to keep the peace; the following day was calm. On 21 March, reinforcements from the army arrived to the capital to be at hand in case of further riots, but none occurred. Söderhjelm, Alma. Oscar I. Stockholm: Bonnier. Pp. 328–330. LIBRIS 22887