Conservatism is a political and social philosophy promoting traditional social institutions in the context of culture and civilization. The central tenets of conservatism include tradition, hierarchy and property rights. Conservatives seek to preserve a range of institutions such as religion, parliamentary government, property rights, with the aim of emphasizing social stability and continuity; the more extreme elements—reactionaries—oppose modernism and seek a return to "the way things were". The first established use of the term in a political context originated in 1818 with François-René de Chateaubriand during the period of Bourbon Restoration that sought to roll back the policies of the French Revolution. Associated with right-wing politics, the term has since been used to describe a wide range of views. There is no single set of policies regarded as conservative because the meaning of conservatism depends on what is considered traditional in a given place and time, thus conservatives from different parts of the world—each upholding their respective traditions—may disagree on a wide range of issues.
Edmund Burke, an 18th-century politician who opposed the French Revolution but supported the American Revolution, is credited as one of the main theorists of conservatism in Great Britain in the 1790s. According to Quintin Hogg, the chairman of the British Conservative Party in 1959: "Conservatism is not so much a philosophy as an attitude, a constant force, performing a timeless function in the development of a free society, corresponding to a deep and permanent requirement of human nature itself". In contrast to the tradition-based definition of conservatism, some political theorists such as Corey Robin define conservatism in terms of a general defense of social and economic inequality. From this perspective, conservatism is less an attempt to uphold traditional institutions and more, "a meditation on—and theoretical rendition of—the felt experience of having power, seeing it threatened, trying to win it back". Liberal conservatism incorporates the classical liberal view of minimal government intervention in the economy.
Individuals should be free to participate in the market and generate wealth without government interference. However, individuals cannot be depended on to act responsibly in other spheres of life, therefore liberal conservatives believe that a strong state is necessary to ensure law and order and social institutions are needed to nurture a sense of duty and responsibility to the nation. Liberal conservatism is a variant of conservatism, influenced by liberal stances; as these latter two terms have had different meanings over time and across countries, liberal conservatism has a wide variety of meanings. The term referred to the combination of economic liberalism, which champions laissez-faire markets, with the classical conservatism concern for established tradition, respect for authority and religious values, it contrasted itself with classical liberalism, which supported freedom for the individual in both the economic and social spheres. Over time, the general conservative ideology in many countries adopted economic liberal arguments and the term liberal conservatism was replaced with conservatism.
This is the case in countries where liberal economic ideas have been the tradition such as the United States and are thus considered conservative. In other countries where liberal conservative movements have entered the political mainstream, such as Italy and Spain, the terms liberal and conservative may be synonymous; the liberal conservative tradition in the United States combines the economic individualism of the classical liberals with a Burkean form of conservatism. A secondary meaning for the term liberal conservatism that has developed in Europe is a combination of more modern conservative views with those of social liberalism; this has developed as an opposition to the more collectivist views of socialism. This involves stressing what are now conservative views of free market economics and belief in individual responsibility, with social liberal views on defence of civil rights and support for a limited welfare state. In continental Europe, this is sometimes translated into English as social conservatism.
Conservative liberalism is a variant of liberalism that combines liberal values and policies with conservative stances, or more the right-wing of the liberal movement. The roots of conservative liberalism are found at the beginning of the history of liberalism; until the two World Wars, in most European countries the political class was formed by conservative liberals, from Germany to Italy. Events after World War I brought the more radical version of classical liberalism to a more conservative type of liberalism. Libertarian conservatism describes certain political ideologies within the United States and Canada which combine libertarian economic issues with aspects of conservatism, its four main branches are constitutionalism, paleolibertarianism, small government conservatism and Christian libertarianism. They differ from paleoconservatives, in that they are in favor of more personal and economic freedom. Agorists such as Samuel Edward Konkin III labeled libertarian conservatism right-libertarianism.
In contrast to paleoconservatives, libertarian conservatives support strict laissez-faire policies such as free trade, opposition to any national bank and opposition to business regulations. They are vehemently opposed to environmental regulations, corporate welfare and other areas of economic intervention. Many conservatives in the United States, be
2nd Legislative Council of Hong Kong
The Second Legislative Council of Hong Kong was the meeting of the legislative branch of the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region Government. The membership of the LegCo is based on the 2000 election; the term of the session was from 1 October 2000 to 30 September 2004, during the latter half of the first term of the Tung Chee-hwa's administration and the most of the Tung's second term in office. The pro-democratic Democratic Party remained the largest party with 13 seats. Notable newcomers to the Legislative Council included Wong Sing-chi, Michael Mak, Li Fung-ying, Lo Wing-lok, Abraham Shek, Tommy Cheung and Audrey Eu who won the seat vacated by Gary Cheng in the Hong Kong Island by-election, 2000. September 2002 – July 2003: The government released its proposals for the anti-subversion law and sparked enormous criticisms from the society; the Hong Kong 1 July marches recorded more than five millions, the largest protest since the Tiananmen Square protests of 1989. Liberal Party's chairman James Tien resigned from the Executive Council and would have party members vote for a postponement.
As a result, the government withdrew the bill in July due to insufficient votes to pass the law. 8 July 2004: Education Ordinance 2004 National Security Bill In November 2002, the anti-subversion National Security Bill to amend the Crimes Ordinance, the Official Secrets Ordinance and the Societies Ordinance pursuant to the obligation imposed by Article 23 of the Basic Law of the Hong Kong was introduced to the Legislative Council. It is the cause of considerable division in Hong Kong. Protests against the bill resulted in a massive demonstration on 1 July 2003. In the aftermath, the National Security Bill was withdrawn after it became clear that it would not get the necessary support from the Legislative Council for it to be passed; the bill was shelved indefinitely. The following table is a list of LegCo members elected on 10 September 2000 in the order of precedence.. Members who did not serve throughout the term are italicised. New members elected. Key to changes since legislative election: a = change in party allegiance b = by-election c = other change d = did not take seat 10 December 2000, Audrey Eu elected in the Hong Kong Island by-election and replaced Gary Cheng who did not take the seat and was subsequently jailed for abuse of office.
16 September 2001, Ma Fung-kwok replaced resigned Ng Ching-fai in the Election Committee by-election. Albert Chan left the Democratic Party on 1 August 2002, a day after the Party's leadership election. Audrey Eu and Margaret Ng launched the Basic Law Article 23 Concern Group to criticise the HKSAR Government's legislative proposals to implement the controversial Article 23 of the Basic Law and renamed it into Article 45 Concern Group on 14 November 2003. Hong Kong legislative election, 2000 Hong Kong Island by-election, 2000
Functional constituency (Hong Kong)
In the political systems of Hong Kong, a functional constituency is a professional or special interest group involved in the electoral process. Eligible voters in a functional constituency may include natural persons as well as other designated legal entities such as organisations and corporations; the concept of functional constituencies in Hong Kong was first developed in the release of "Green Paper: A Pattern of District Administration in Hong Kong" on 18 July 1984 when indirect elections were introduced to the Legislative Council for the first time. The paper suggested that the Legislative Council to create 24 seats with 12 seats from different professional interest groups; the first functional constituency was created in 1985. The 11 original functional constituencies in 1985 were: In 1988, the Financial constituency was enlarged into Financial and Accountancy constituencies and the Medical constituency was enlarged into Medical and Health constituencies respectively. In 1991, the functional constituencies were more developed.
With 9 directly elected geographical constituencies were created, 20 functional constituencies consisting of 11 types of industry in which 7 new functional constituencies including Heung Yee Kuk, Urban Council and Regional Council were set up. The 7 new functional constituencies added in 1991 were: In 1992, Chris Patten suggested additional political reform by adding nine additional functional constituencies with much expanded voter base to the existing system; the changes were implemented in the 1995 legislative election. The 9 new functional constituencies added in 1995 were: After transfer of sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997, there were 28 functional constituencies consisting of the following: The Labour constituency will return 3 seats and the others with one. By 2000, the seat held by Urban Council and Regional Council were dissolved by Chief Executive Tung Chee Hwa, the two seats were replaced by Catering and District Council; the District Council would be renamed to District Council by 2012, as a result of addition of a special Functional Constituency which having candidates from District Council but a different range of electors, named District Council.
Only 40 of the 70 Legislative Council seats are directly elected by the majority of people, with the rest of 30 elected by 28 traditional functional constituencies. The electoral base is non-uniform, there may be institutional votes, individual votes or a mixture of both. One third of members are theoretically returned each by corporate block vote only, a mixture of corporate and individual votes, individuals only. In those sectors with mixed voting, four have a greater number of block votes than individual electors. Fourteen seats were uncontested in 2008. Four of the FC legislators – those returned in fiercely contested elections – are aligned with the parties which support universal suffrage; the Standing Committee of the National People's Congress refers to the participation of the business block vote in the affairs of Hong Kong as "balanced participation". On 26 April 2004, the NPCSC published its decision that: In 2009, the Government published details of the electoral base of the functional constituencies as follows: Pro-democracy supporters criticise the functional constituency system for giving a minority too much power and influence.
The right of corporations and legal entities to vote is controversial, as it gives some individuals multiple votes. For example, in 1998, Sino Group chairman Robert Ng and companies he controlled held 3-4% of the votes in the real estate constituency, according to an analysis by the Hong Kong Human Rights Monitor. In some functional constituencies, the entire body of eligible voters comprises legal entities that are not natural persons; this is known as corporate voting. In 2009, there were applications for judicial review to challenge the legality of corporate voting on the grounds that it contravened the right to vote enshrined in Article 26 of the Basic Law or was discriminatory in nature. Mr. Justice Andrew Cheung dismissed the applications, emphasising that his judgment was concerned with the constitutionality of corporate voting rather than the political wisdom of corporate voting or functional constituencies. There have been calls to abolish the functional constituencies from pan democrats.
The May 2010 by-election was triggered by the resignation of 5 pan-democrats from the Legislative Council who put themselves up for re-election to the Legislative Council. The'Five Constituencies Referendum' concept to use a by-election as a de facto referendum on universal suffrage and the abolition of functional constituencies was hatched by the League of Social Democrats. In 2015, Chan Kin-por, elected unopposed to the insurance functional constituency, criticised the electoral regime in Hong Kong for returning filibustering pro-democratic legislators when he spoke in favour of appropriations for the new Innovation and Technology Bureau, saying "everyone knows Hong Kong's elections are weird, a candidate can get elected with only 20–30 thousand votes". Defending his own unopposed election to Legislative Council in 2012, Chan said that people ought not to underestimate functional consistencies, he suggested he was elected because chief executives of 140 insurance companies – the corporate votes making up the majority o
Dr Lo Wing-lok, JP was a Hong Kong doctor and politician. He was the Legislative Councillor for the Medical functional constituency from 2000 to 2004, he was the vice-chairman of the pro-democracy League of Social Democrats but quit the party in late 2007. He was not elected, he died from lung cancer in 2015. Lo was born in Hong Kong in 1954 and lived in the Healthy Village, a public housing estate in North Point, he graduated from St Paul's College in 1974 and from the Faculty of Medicine of the University of Hong Kong in 1979. He was an infectious disease specialist, he entered into politics when he was elected to the Election Committee in the 1998 Subsector elections through the Medical sub-sector. He was elected to the Legislative Council of Hong Kong, representing the Medical functional constituency in 2000 Legco election. Lo was chairman of the Panel on Health Services of the Legislative Council from 2002 to 2003, he belonged to the pro-government parliamentary group Breakfast Group. During the controversies over Article 23 legislation, he publicly supported the national security law.
He failed to retain the seat in the 2004 election by urologist Kwok Ka-ki. During serving on the Legislative Council, he was president of the Hong Kong Medical Association for two terms from 2002 to 2004. Lo made a surprise move when he joined the newly founded pro-democracy League of Social Democrats in 2006 as vice-chairman, but resigned from the position and quit the party in late December 2007 over differences with the chairman Wong Yuk-man on the lease of the party's headquarters. In 2007, he bid to represent the pan-democracy camp in the important Legco by-election for Hong Kong Island but was defeated in the primary by the eventual winner of the seat, Anson Chan. Lo stood for the Hong Kong Island constituency in the 2008 and 2012 Legco elections as an independent candidate but was not returned, he married to his schoolmate, a gynaecologist Anna Yung Hiu-yan who died in 2013. They had Alasdair Kai-yan Lo, he battled lung cancer during his last years of his life. He was admitted to Queen Mary Hospital in May 2015 and discharged, but died at Canossa Hospital on 9 May morning
Economic liberalism is an economic system organized on individual lines, which means the greatest possible number of economic decisions are made by individuals or households rather than by collective institutions or organizations. It includes a spectrum of different economic policies, such as freedom of movement, but its basis is on strong support for a market economy and private property in the means of production. Although economic liberals can be supportive of government regulation to a certain degree, they tend to oppose government intervention in the free market when it inhibits free trade and open competition. Economic liberalism is associated with private ownership of capital assets. Economic liberalism arose in response to mercantilism and feudalism. Today, economic liberalism is considered opposed to non-capitalist economic orders, such as socialism and planned economies, it contrasts with protectionism because of its support for free trade and open markets. An economy, managed according to these precepts may be described as a liberal economy.
Arguments in favor of economic liberalism were advanced during the Enlightenment, opposing mercantilism and feudalism. It was first analyzed by Adam Smith in An Inquiry into the Nature and Causes of the Wealth of Nations, which advocated minimal interference of government in a market economy, though it did not oppose the state's provision of basic public goods with what constitutes public goods being seen as limited in scope. Smith claimed that if everyone is left to his own economic devices instead of being controlled by the state the result would be a harmonious and more equal society of ever-increasing prosperity; this underpinned the move towards a capitalist economic system in the late 18th century and the subsequent demise of the mercantilist system. Private property and individual contracts form the basis of economic liberalism; the early theory was based on the assumption that the economic actions of individuals are based on self-interest and that allowing them to act without any restrictions will produce the best results for everyone, provided that at least minimum standards of public information and justice exist, e.g. no one should be allowed to coerce, steal, or commit fraud and there is freedom of speech and press.
The economic liberals had to contend with the supporters of feudal privileges for the wealthy, aristocratic traditions and the rights of kings to run national economies in their own personal interests. By the end of the 19th century and the beginning of the 20th, these were defeated. Economic liberalism opposes government intervention on the grounds that the state serves dominant business interests, distorting the market to their favor and thus leading to inefficient outcomes. Ordoliberalism and various schools of social liberalism based on classical liberalism include a broader role for the state, but do not seek to replace private enterprise and the free market with public enterprise and economic planning. For example, a social market economy is a free market economy based on a free price system and private property, but is supportive of government activity to promote competitive markets and social welfare programs to address social inequalities that result from free market outcomes. Adams, Ian.
Political Ideology Today. Manchester University Press. ISBN 978-0-719-06020-5. Balaam, David N. Introduction to International Political Economy. Routledge. ISBN 978-1-317-34730-9. Turner, Rachel S.. Neo-Liberal Ideology: History and Policies. Edinburgh University Press. ISBN 978-0-748-68868-5. Quotations related to Economic liberalism at Wikiquote
1994 Hong Kong electoral reform
The 1994 Hong Kong electoral reform was a set of significant constitutional changes in the last years of British colonial rule in Hong Kong before the handover of its sovereignty to the People's Republic of China on 1 July 1997. The reform proposal was carried out by the last governor Chris Patten to broaden the electorate base of the last three-tiers elections in 1994 and 1995: 18 September 1994 – the local councils; the reform was ferociously opposed by the Chinese government as a violation of the Sino-British Joint Declaration. As a result, it dismantled the 1995 legislature upon the expiry of British administration and replaced it with the Provisional Legislative Council; the decision of transfer of the sovereignty over Hong Kong in 1997 was finalised by the Chinese and British governments on 18 December 1984 in the Sino-British Joint Declaration. The Declaration stated that the Chinese government would resume the exercise of sovereignty over Hong Kong, effective on 1 July 1997, from the British government.
Within these declarations, the Hong Kong Special Administrative Region shall be under the direct jurisdiction of the Central People’s Government and shall enjoy a high degree of autonomy, except foreign and defense affairs. It shall be allowed to have executive and independent judicial power, including that of final adjudication; the colonial government published the Green Paper: the Further Development of Representative Government in Hong Kong on 18 July 1984, decided to carry out democratic reform in Hong Kong. The first indirect Legislative Council election was held in 1985 and direct election was first introduced in the 1991 Legislative Council election, despite the demand of the Hong Kong pro-democracy camp for a direct election in 1988 was turned down by the colonial government; the Tiananmen Square crackdown on 4 June 1989 sparked a great fear towards China among the Hong Kong people. The British Government thus strengthened its resolve to quicken the pace of democratisation, in order to honour its obligation to the Hong Kong people and gracefully retreat from the colony.
In 1992, British prime minister John Major decided that David Wilson should step down as governor of Hong Kong and removed Percy Cradock as foreign policy adviser. To some observers, these personnel changes signaled that the British government was unhappy with its two prominent officials on Hong Kong affairs and how Sino-British relationship was proceeding. Chris Patten, the defeated Conservative Party chairman was appointed as the 28th governor of Hong Kong and the first politician appointed to the post; the arrival of Chris Patten on 9 July 1992 marked a new phrase of the democratic transition. When Chris Patten arrived, the Legislative Council was composed of only 18 directly elected seats from the Geographical Constituencies, 21 Functional Constituencies selected by the powerful elite groups in Hong Kong, 17 members appointed by the governor, 3 ex officio members and the governor himself as the President of the LegCo; the electoral method of the 1995 Legislative Council was fixed under the Basic Law, the mini constitution of Hong Kong after 1997, with only 20 directly elected seats from the geographical constituencies, 30 functional constituencies, 10 seats elected by an election committee.
To broaden the democratic structure of LegCo under such a framework, Patten had to find room under the Joint Declaration and the Basic Law. On 7 October 1992 during his inaugural policy address to the Legislative Council, Chris Patten announced his 1994-95 electoral arrangements; the proposal included: "single seat, single constituency" measure should be applied in geographical constituency elections including the Legislative Council, Municipal Councils and District Boards. In this way, Patten extended the definition of functional constituencies and thus every Hong Kong subject was able to vote for the so-called indirectly elected members of the Legislative Council; the new nine functional constituencies with much larger eligible electorates that would be created with 2.7 millions eligible voters as follows: Agriculture, Mining and Construction Textiles and Garment Manufacturing Import and Export Wholesale and Retail Hotels and Catering Transport and Communication Financing, Real Estate and Business Services Community and Personal Services The CCP government treated Patten's unanticipated top-down reforms as a tactic by Western countries to subvert its political system incrementally.
Prior to the announcement of the reform package, British foreign minister Douglas Hurd had given the details of the proposal to PRC foreign minister Qian Qichen. Beijing warned that some aspects of the plan were in violation of the Basic Law, the legislature elected in 1995 would not travel through the transfer of the sovereignty in 1997 and beyond, so