In taxonomy, Homo sapiens is the only extant human species. The name was introduced in 1758 by Carl Linnaeus. Extinct species of the genus Homo include Homo erectus, extant during 1.9 to 0.4 million years ago, a number of other species. The age of speciation of H. sapiens out of ancestral H. erectus is estimated to have been 350,000 years ago. Sustained archaic admixture is known to have taken place both in Africa and in Eurasia, between about 100,000 and 30,000 years ago; the term anatomically modern humans is used to distinguish H. sapiens having an anatomy consistent with the range of phenotypes seen in contemporary humans from varieties of extinct archaic humans. This is useful for times and regions where anatomically modern and archaic humans co-existed, for example, in Paleolithic Europe; the binomial name Homo sapiens was coined by Linnaeus, 1758. The Latin noun homō means "human being", while the participle sapiēns means "discerning, sensible"; the species was thought to have emerged from a predecessor within the genus Homo around 300,000 to 200,000 years ago.
A problem with the morphological classification of "anatomically modern" was that it would not have included certain extant populations. For this reason, a lineage-based definition of H. sapiens has been suggested, in which H. sapiens would by definition refer to the modern human lineage following the split from the Neanderthal lineage. Such a cladistic definition would extend the age of H. sapiens to over 500,000 years. Extant human populations have been divided into subspecies, but since around the 1980s all extant groups have tended to be subsumed into a single species, H. sapiens, avoiding division into subspecies altogether. Some sources show Neanderthals as a subspecies; the discovered specimens of the H. rhodesiensis species have been classified by some as a subspecies, although it remains more common to treat these last two as separate species within the genus Homo rather than as subspecies within H. sapiens. The subspecies name H. sapiens sapiens is sometimes used informally instead of "modern humans" or "anatomically modern humans".
It has no formal authority associated with it. By the early 2000s, it had become common to use H. s. sapiens for the ancestral population of all contemporary humans, as such it is equivalent to the binomial H. sapiens in the more restrictive sense. The speciation of H. sapiens out of archaic human varieties derived from H. erectus is estimated as having taken place over 350,000 years ago, as the Khoisan split from other populations is dated between 260,000 and 350,000 years ago. An alternative suggestion defines H. sapiens cladistically as including the lineage of modern humans since the split from the lineage of Neanderthals 500,000 to 800,000 years ago. The time of divergence between archaic H. sapiens and ancestors of Neanderthals and Denisovans caused by a genetic bottleneck of the latter was dated at 744,000 years ago, combined with repeated early admixture events and Denisovans diverging from Neanderthals 300 generations after their split from H. sapiens, as calculated by Rogers et al..
The derivation of a comparatively homogeneous single species of H. sapiens from more diverse varieties of archaic humans was debated in terms of two competing models during the 1980s: "recent African origin" postulated the emergence of H. sapiens from a single source population in Africa, which expanded and led to the extinction of all other human varieties, while the "multiregional evolution" model postulated the survival of regional forms of archaic humans converging into the modern human varieties by the mechanism of clinal variation, via genetic drift, gene flow and selection throughout the Pleistocene. Since the 2000s, the availability of data from archaeogenetics and population genetics has led to the emergence of a much more detailed picture, intermediate between the two competing scenarios outlined above: The recent Out-of-Africa expansion accounts for the predominant part of modern human ancestry, while there were significant admixture events with regional archaic humans. Since the 1970s, the Omo remains, dated to some 195,000 years ago, have been taken as the conventional cut-off point for the emergence of "anatomically modern humans".
Since the 2000s, the discovery of older remains with comparable characteristics, the discovery of ongoing hybridization between "modern" and "archaic" populations after the time of the Omo remains, have opened up a renewed debate on the "age of H. sapiens", in journalistic publications cast into terms of "H. sapiens may be older than thought". H. s. idaltu, dated to 160,000 years ago, has been postulated as an extinct subspecies of H. sapiens in 2003. H. Neanderthalensis, which became extinct about 40,000 years ago, has been classified as a subspecies, H. s. neanderthalensis. H. heidelbergensis, dated 600,000 to 300,000 years ago, has long been thought to be a candidate for the last common ancestor of the Neanderthal and modern human lineages. However, genetic evidence from the Sima de los Huesos fossils published in 2016 seems to suggest that H. heidelbergensis in its entirety should be included in the Neanderthal lineage, as "pre-Neanderthal" or "early Neanderthal", while the divergence time between the Neanderthal and
W. E. B. Du Bois
William Edward Burghardt Du Bois was an American sociologist, civil rights activist, Pan-Africanist, author and editor. Born in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, Du Bois grew up in a tolerant and integrated community, after completing graduate work at the University of Berlin and Harvard, where he was the first African American to earn a doctorate, he became a professor of history and economics at Atlanta University. Du Bois was one of the founders of the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People in 1909. Before that, Du Bois had risen to national prominence as the leader of the Niagara Movement, a group of African-American activists who wanted equal rights for blacks. Du Bois and his supporters opposed the Atlanta compromise, an agreement crafted by Booker T. Washington which provided that Southern blacks would work and submit to white political rule, while Southern whites guaranteed that blacks would receive basic educational and economic opportunities. Instead, Du Bois insisted on full civil rights and increased political representation, which he believed would be brought about by the African-American intellectual elite.
He referred to this group as the Talented Tenth and believed that African Americans needed the chances for advanced education to develop its leadership. Racism was the main target of Du Bois's polemics, he protested against lynching, Jim Crow laws, discrimination in education and employment, his cause included people of color everywhere Africans and Asians in colonies. He was a proponent of Pan-Africanism and helped organize several Pan-African Congresses to fight for the independence of African colonies from European powers. Du Bois made several trips to Europe and Asia. After World War I, he surveyed the experiences of American black soldiers in France and documented widespread prejudice in the United States military. Du Bois was a prolific author, his collection of essays, The Souls of Black Folk, is a seminal work in African-American literature. Borrowing a phrase from Frederick Douglass, he popularized the use of the term color line to represent the injustice of the separate but equal doctrine prevalent in American social and political life.
He opens The Souls of Black Folk with the central thesis of much of his life's work: "The problem of the twentieth century is the problem of the color-line." He wrote one of the first scientific treatises in the field of American sociology, he published three autobiographies, each of which contains essays on sociology and history. In his role as editor of the NAACP's journal The Crisis, he published many influential pieces. Du Bois believed that capitalism was a primary cause of racism, he was sympathetic to socialist causes throughout his life, he advocated nuclear disarmament. The United States' Civil Rights Act, embodying many of the reforms for which Du Bois had campaigned his entire life, was enacted a year after his death. William Edward Burghardt Du Bois was born on February 23, 1868, in Great Barrington, Massachusetts, to Alfred and Mary Silvina Du Bois. Mary Silvina Burghardt's family was part of the small free black population of Great Barrington and had long owned land in the state.
She was descended from Dutch and English ancestors. William Du Bois's maternal great-great-grandfather was Tom Burghardt, a slave, held by the Dutch colonist Conraed Burghardt. Tom served in the Continental Army during the American Revolutionary War, which may have been how he gained his freedom during the late 18th century, his son Jack Burghardt was the father of Othello Burghardt, who in turn was the father of Mary Silvina Burghardt. William Du Bois claimed Elizabeth Freeman as his relative, but Freeman was 20 years older than Burghardt, no record of such a marriage has been found. It may have been Freeman's daughter, Betsy Humphrey, who married Burghardt after her first husband, Jonah Humphrey, left the area "around 1811", after Burghardt's first wife died. If so, Freeman would have been William Du Bois's step-great-great-grandmother. Anecdotal evidence supports Humphrey's marrying Burghardt. William Du Bois's paternal great-grandfather was James Du Bois of Poughkeepsie, New York, an ethnic French-American of Huguenot origin who fathered several children with slave women.
One of James' mixed-race sons was Alexander, born on Long Cay in the Bahamas in 1803. Alexander Du Bois traveled and worked in Haiti, where he fathered a son, with a mistress. Alexander returned to Connecticut. Sometime before 1860, Alfred Du Bois immigrated to the United States, he married Mary Silvina Burghardt on February 1867, in Housatonic. Alfred left Mary in 1870. Mary Du Bois moved with her son back to her parents' house in Great Barrington, they lived there until he was five, she worked to support her family. She died in 1885. Great Barrington had a majority European American community, who treated Du Bois well, he played with white schoolmates. As an adult, he wrote about racism which he felt as a fatherless child and t
Scientific racism, is the pseudoscientific belief that empirical evidence exists to support or justify racism, racial inferiority, or racial superiority. Scientific racist ideas received credence in the scientific community but are no longer considered scientific. Scientific racism employs anthropology, anthropometry and other disciplines or pseudo-disciplines, in proposing anthropological typologies supporting the classification of human populations into physically discrete human races, that might be asserted to be superior or inferior. Scientific racism was common during the period from 1600s to the end of World War I. Since the second half of the 20th century, scientific racism has been criticized as obsolete and discredited, yet has persistently been used to support or validate racist world-views, based upon belief in the existence and significance of racial categories and a hierarchy of superior and inferior races. After the end of World War II, scientific racism in theory and action was formally denounced in UNESCO's early antiracist statement "The Race Question": "The biological fact of race and the myth of'race' should be distinguished.
For all practical social purposes'race' is not so much a biological phenomenon as a social myth. The myth of ` race' has created an enormous amount of social damage. In recent years, it has taken a heavy toll in human lives, caused untold suffering"; such "biological fact" has not reached a consensus as developments in human evolutionary genetics showed that human genetic differences are gradual. The term "scientific racism" is used pejoratively as applied to more modern theories, as in The Bell Curve. Critics argue that such works postulate racist conclusions unsupported by available evidence such as a connection between race and intelligence. Publications such as the Mankind Quarterly, founded explicitly as a "race-conscious" journal, are regarded as platforms of scientific racism for publishing articles on fringe interpretations of human evolution, ethnography, mythology and race subjects. During the Age of Enlightenment, concepts of monogenism and polygenism became popular, though they would only be systematized epistemologically during the 19th century.
Monogenism contends that all races have a single origin, while polygenism is the idea that each race has a separate origin. Until the 18th century, the words "race" and "species" were interchangeable. An early scientist who studied race was Robert Boyle, an Anglo-Irish natural philosopher, chemist and inventor. Boyle believed in what today is called'monogenism', that is, that all races, no matter how diverse, came from the same source and Eve, he studied reported stories of parents' giving birth to different coloured albinos, so he concluded that Adam and Eve were white and that whites could give birth to different coloured races. Theories of Robert Hooke and Isaac Newton about color and light via optical dispersion in physics were extended by Robert Boyle into discourses of polygenesis, speculating that maybe these differences were due to "seminal impressions". However, Boyle's writings mention that at his time, for "European Eyes", beauty was not measured so much in colour, but in "stature, comely symmetry of the parts of the body, good features in the face".
Various members of the scientific community rejected his views and described them as "disturbing" or "amusing". On the other hand, historian Henri de Boulainvilliers divided the French as two races: the aristocratic "French race" descended from the invader Germanic Franks, the indigenous Gallo-Roman race; the Frankish aristocracy dominated the Gauls by innate right of conquest. In his time, Henri de Boulainvilliers, a believer in the "right of conquest", did not understand "race" as biologically immutable, but as a contemporary cultural construct, his racialist account of French history was not mythical: despite "supporting" hagiographies and epic poetry, such as The Song of Roland, he sought scientific legitimation by basing his racialist distinction on the historical existence of genetically and linguistically distinguished Germanic and Latin-speaking peoples in France. His theoretic racialism was distinct from the biologic facts manipulated in 19th-century scientific racism; the Scottish lawyer Henry Home, Lord Kames was a polygenist: he believed God had created different races on Earth in separate regions.
In his 1734 book Sketches on the History of Man, Home claimed that the environment, climate, or state of society could not account for racial differences, so the races must have come from distinct, separate stocks. Carl Linnaeus, the Swedish physician and zoologist, modified the established taxonomic bases of binomial nomenclature for fauna and flora, was a pioneer researcher in biologically defining human race. In Systema Naturae, he labeled five "varieties" of human species; each one was described as possessing the following physiognomic characteristics "varying by culture and place": The Americanus: red, righteous. The Europeanus: white, browny; the Asiaticus: yellow, stiff.
Racial Culture: A Critique
Racial Culture: A Critique is a 2005 non-fiction book by American author and Stanford Law School professor Richard T. Ford which raises critical questions regarding the somewhat popular and common presumption of political multiculturalism that social categories emerge from as a result of distinctive cultural practices. Ford argues against legislation that prevents discrimination on the basis of cultural practices and details specific examples in support of this argument; this book looks at, raises questions regarding racial culture and cultural practices. It contributes to the understanding of the politics of race arguments promoting what Ford calls "rights-to-difference", he claims that these arguments, which "hold that a just society could and should prohibit discrimination on the basis of the cultural difference for the same reasons it should prohibit discrimination based on statuses such as race", are not only wrong but can have negative social impacts. Ford's preamble is the main reasoning of his critique on multiculturalism.
He explains in the preamble that he intends to talk about the classifications of modern identity politics and multiculturalism which include ethnicity, sexual orientation, tribal membership. He states that the "simplest statement of my thesis in this regard to racism is different than social conflict arising as a result of cultural difference." He states three main points at the beginning of the chapter that include his opinions and what he hopes to achieve throughout the book and what he is going to talk about: 1) Support affirmative action, but worry about the effects of "diversity" justification for race conscious university admission as articulated by the Supreme Court in U. C Rogers v. Bakke and more in Grutter v. Bollinger. 2) Interrogate claims to cultural difference and find such claims difficult to distinguish in principle or in practice from ideological differences, difference in taste or difference in opinions. 3) Central focus is on law and legal institutions. "I hope to uncover the effects of law-not only what the text of various laws and their advocates say the laws do, but their unintended side effects, hidden messages and covert agendas."
The ideology behind the book Racial Culture: A Critique was that Ford was going to name it Racial Culture: A Critique from the Left. The reason why he did not stay with this title was because he wanted to use ideas from both sides rather than "go steady with one discrete set of influences." If someone had an idea he would talk about it and base part of his argument off of it. Ford explains that, "Racial Cultures is suspicious of governmental intervention and insistent on the limits of civil rights and law generally; this I expect will fuel the sense that the book is conservative, or libertarian." The Difference Discourse chapter is all about racial difference. Ford starts the chapter off by telling a story of a black woman who sued American Airlines for a grooming policy; the policy prohibited employees in certain employment categories from wearing an all-braided hairstyle. The lady argued; the woman alleged. She said. Ford stated that, "Although a right to cornrows might seem only to enhance the freedom of potential cornrow-wearers, it is arguably better understood as a policy of segregation through which a set of grooming styles are reserved for a particular group."
In the end, the court denied the case. The next story that Ford talks about is The TPG; the TGP was a group during election and their job was to "get out the vote" for political candidates. They would tell them to vote for a certain political candidate. However, 10% was race matched; this meant that there was a "white script" for whites. The rooms in the office were segregated. One room was for blacks and one room was for whites. Ford asked the question, "Is TGP's policy, as the court held, racially discriminatory because it is "based on a racial stereotype that blacks would respond to blacks and that... race was directly related to... ability to do the job?". This is an interesting question because it brings up the first topic of cultural and racial difference. Was it morally right to have race matched calling? An interesting definition for the word "difference" that Ford explains is that it, "Invites imprecise analogy: if the problem of the color line is the failure to appreciate and accommodate difference any unpopular out-of-the ordinary social group can claim to be victims of similar prejudice."
This can relate to the racial differences. In the next section, Ford talks about the idea of multiculturalism and how it involves cultural differences and integrating different cultural practices. Ford describes multiculturalism with the example of designer jeans in the 1980s. Everybody thought this was a fad that wouldn't last long. However, designer jeans morphed into designer chinos, designer T-shirts, designer windbreakers, designer polo shirts, more jeans, he said that, "Multiculturalism is no longer notable because it is everywhere." An interesting story that he brings up in the book is the Bakke v. U. C. Regents case. Bakke was denied admission to the University of California at Davis medical school, he found out that racial minorities who have received lower grades and lower test scores got admission to the school. He took this case to court and as Ford explains, "He changed modern Civil Rights." The court established a set law
The term identity politics in common usage refers to a tendency of people sharing a particular racial, ethnic, social, or cultural identity to form exclusive political alliances, instead of engaging in traditional broad-based party politics, or promote their particular interests without regard for interests of a larger political group. In academic usage, the term has been used to refer to a wide range of political activities and theoretical analysis rooted in experiences of injustice shared by different social groups. In this usage, identity politics aim to reclaim greater self-determination and political freedom for marginalized groups through understanding their distinctive nature and challenging externally imposed characterizations, instead of organizing around belief systems or party affiliations. Identity is used as a tool to articulate political claims, promote political ideologies, guide political action with the aim of asserting group distinctiveness and gaining power and recognition in the context of perceived inequality or injustice.
The term identity politics has been in use in various forms since the 1960s or 1970s, but has been applied with, at times, radically different meanings by different populations. It has gained currency with the emergence of social movements such as the women's movement, the civil rights movement in the U. S. the LGBTQ movement, as well as nationalist and postcolonial movements. Examples include identity politics based on age, social class or caste, deafhood, disability, ethnicity, nationality, gender identity, occupation, race, political party affiliation, sexual orientation, settlement and rural habitation, veteran status; the term identity politics has been used in political discourse since at least the 1970s. One aim of identity politics has been for those feeling oppressed by and suffering under systemic social inequities to articulate their suffering and felt oppression in terms of their own experience by processes of consciousness-raising and collective action. One of the older written examples of it can be found in the April 1977 statement of the black feminist group, Combahee River Collective, subsequently reprinted in a number of anthologies, Barbara Smith and the Combahee River Collective have been credited with coining the term.
For example, in their terminal statement, they said: s children we realized that we were different from boys and that we were treated different—for example, when we were told in the same breath to be quiet both for the sake of being'ladylike' and to make us less objectionable in the eyes of white people. In the process of consciousness-raising life-sharing, we began to recognize the commonality of our experiences and, from the sharing and growing consciousness, to build a politics that will change our lives and end our oppression.... We realize that the only people who care enough about us to work for our liberation are us. Our politics evolve from a healthy love for ourselves, our sisters and our community which allows us to continue our struggle and work; this focusing upon our own oppression is embodied in the concept of identity politics. We believe that the most profound and most radical politics come directly out of our own identity, as opposed to working to end somebody else's oppression.
Identity politics, as a mode of categorizing, are connected to the ascription that some social groups are oppressed. Therefore, these lines of social difference can be seen as ways to gain empowerment or avenues through which to work towards a more equal society; some groups have combined identity politics and Marxist social class analysis and class consciousness—the most notable example being the Black Panther Party—but this is not characteristic of the form. Another example is MOVE, members of. Identity politics can be left wing or right wing, with examples of the latter being Ulster Loyalism and Christian Identity movements. During the 1980s, the politics of identity became prominent and it was linked to a new wave of social movement activism; the mid-2010s have seen a marked rise of identity politics, including white identity politics in the United States. This phenomenon is attributed to increased demographic diversity and the prospect of whites becoming a minority in America; such shifts have driven many to affiliate with conservative causes including those not related to diversity.
This includes the presidential election of Donald Trump, supported by prominent white supremacists such as David Duke and Richard B. Spencer; the term identity politics has been applied and misapplied retroactively to varying movements that long predate its coinage. Historian Arthur Schlesinger Jr. discussed identity politics extensively in his 1991 book The Disuniting of America. Schlesinger, a strong supporter of liberal conceptions of civil rights, argues that a liberal democracy requires a common basis for culture and society to function. Rather than seeing civil society as fractured along lines of power and powerless, Schlesinger suggests that basing politics on group marginalization is itself what fractures the civil polity, t
Caste is a form of social stratification characterized by endogamy, hereditary transmission of a lifestyle which includes an occupation, status in a hierarchy, customary social interaction, exclusion. It is an extreme evolution of a system of legally-entrenched social classes endogamous and hereditary, such as that of feudal Europe. Although caste systems exist in various regions, its paradigmatic ethnographic example is the division of Indian society into rigid social groups, with roots in India's ancient history and persisting until today. In biology, the term is applied to role stratification in eusocial animals like ants and termites, though the analogy is imperfect as these involve stratified reproduction; the origins of the term'caste' are attributed to the Spanish and Portuguese casta, according to the John Minsheu's Spanish dictionary, means "race, lineage, or breed". When the Spanish colonized the New World, they used the word to mean a "clan or lineage", it was, the Portuguese who first employed casta in the primary modern sense of the English word ‘caste’ when they applied it to the thousands of endogamous, hereditary Indian social groups they encountered upon their arrival in India in 1498, as a direct extension of the concept of ‘casta’ in contemporary Portugal.
The use of the spelling "caste", with this latter meaning, is first attested in English in 1613. Modern India's caste system is based on the artificial superimposition of a four-fold theoretical classification called the Varna on the natural social groupings called the Jāti. From 1901 onwards, for the purposes of the Decennial Census, the British classified all Jātis into one or the other of the Varna categories as described in ancient texts. Herbert Hope Risley, the Census Commissioner, noted that "The principle suggested as a basis was that of classification by social precedence as recognized by native public opinion at the present day, manifesting itself in the facts that particular castes are supposed to be the modern representatives of one or other of the castes of the theoretical Indian system." The system of Varnas propounded in ancient Hindu texts envisages the society divided into four classes: Brahmins, Kshatriyas and Shudras. The texts do not mention any untouchable category in Varna classification.
Scholars believe that the Varnas system was never operational in society and there is no evidence of it being a reality in Indian history. The practical division of the society had always been in terms of Jātis, which are not based on any specific principle, but could vary from ethnic origins to occupations to geographic areas; the Jātis have been endogamous groups without any fixed hierarchy but subject to vague notions of rank articulated over time based on lifestyle and social, political or economic status. Many of India's major empires and dynasties like the Mauryas, Shalivahanas,Chalukyas,Kakatiyas among many others, were founded by people who would have been classified as Shudras, under the Varnas system, it is well established that by the 9th century, kings from all the four castes, including Brahmins and Vaishyas, had occupied the highest seat in the monarchical system in Hindu India, contrary to the Varna theory. In many instances, as in Bengal the kings and rulers had been called upon, when required, to mediate on the ranks of Jātis, which might number in thousands all over the subcontinent and vary by region.
In practice, the jātis may or may not fit into the Varna classes and many prominent Jatis, for example the Jats and Yadavs, straddled two Varnas i.e. Kshatriyas and Vaishyas, the Varna status of Jātis itself was subject to articulation over time. Starting with the British colonial Census of 1901 led by Herbert Hope Risley, all the jātis were grouped under the theoretical varnas categories. According to political scientist Lloyd Rudolph, Risley believed that varna, however ancient, could be applied to all the modern castes found in India, " meant to identify and place several hundred million Indians within it." In an effort to arrange various castes in order of precedence functional grouping was based less on the occupation that prevailed in each case in the present day than on that, traditional with it, or which gave rise to its differentiation from the rest of the community. "This action removed Indians from the progress of history and condemned them to an unchanging position and place in time.
In one sense, it is rather ironic that the British, who continually accused the Indian people of having a static society, should impose a construct that denied progress" The terms varna and jāti are two distinct concepts: while varna is the idealised four-part division envisaged by the Twice-Borns, jāti refers to the thousands of actual endogamous groups prevalent across the subcontinent. The classical authors scarcely speak of anything other than the varnas, as it provided a convenient shorthand. Thus, starting with the 1901 Census, Caste became India's essential institution, with an imprimatur from the British administrators, augmenting a discourse that had dominated Indology. “Despite India's acquisition of formal political independence, it has still not regained the power to know its own past and present apart from that discourse”. Upon independence from Britain, the Indian Constitution listed 1,108 castes across the country as Scheduled Castes in 1950, for positive
Xenophobia is the fear and distrust of that, perceived to be foreign or strange. Xenophobia can involve perceptions of an ingroup towards an outgroup and can manifest itself in suspicion of the activities of others, a desire to eliminate their presence to secure a presumed purity and may relate to a fear of losing national, ethnic or racial identity. Xenophobia can be exhibited in the form of an "uncritical exaltation of another culture" in which a culture is ascribed "an unreal and exotic quality"; the terms xenophobia and racism are sometimes confused and used interchangeably because people who share a national origin may belong to the same race. Due to this, xenophobia is distinguished by opposition to foreign culture. Dictionary definitions of xenophobia include: "deep-rooted fear towards foreigners", "fear of the unfamiliar"; the word comes from the Ancient Greek words ξένος, meaning "strange", "foreigner", φόβος, meaning "fear". A scholarly definition of xenophobia, according to Andreas Wimmer, is "an element of a political struggle about who has the right to be cared for by the state and society: a fight for the collective goods of the modern state."
In other words, xenophobia arises when people feel that their rights to benefit from the government is being subverted by other people's rights. An early example of xenophobic sentiment in Western culture is the Ancient Greek denigration of foreigners as "barbarians", the belief that the Greek people and culture were superior to all others, the subsequent conclusion that barbarians were meant to be enslaved. Ancient Romans held notions of superiority over all other peoples, such as in a speech attributed to Manius Acilius, "There, as you know, there were Macedonians and Thracians and Illyrians, all most warlike nations, here Syrians and Asiatic Greeks, the most worthless peoples among mankind and born for slavery." Despite the majority of the country's population being of mixed, African, or indigenous heritage, depictions of non-European Brazilians on the programming of most national television networks is scarce and relegated for musicians/their shows. In the case of telenovelas, Brazilians of darker skin tone are depicted as housekeepers or in positions of lower socioeconomic standing.
Muslim and Sikh Canadians have faced racism and discrimination within recent years after 2001, the spill over effect of the United States’ War on Terror. A 2016 survey from The Environics Institute, a follow-up to a study conducted 10 years prior that there may be discriminating attitudes that may be a residual of the effects of the September 11, 2001 attacks in the United States; when it comes to opinions on both Sikh's and Muslims, a poll done by Maclean's revealed that only 28% of Canadians view Islam favourably, only 30% viewed the Sikh religion favourably. 45 % of respondents believed. In Quebec in particular, only 17% of respondents had a favourable view of Muslims There has been racial tension between the Indo-Guyanese people and the Afro-Guyanese. Racism in Mexico has a long history. Mexicans with light skin tones had absolute control over dark skinned Amerindians due to the structure of the Spanish colonial caste system; when a Mexican of a darker-skinned tone marries one of a lighter skinned-tone, it is common for them say that they are "'making the race better'."
This can be interpreted as a self-attack on their ethnicity. Despite improving economic and social conditions of Indigenous Mexicans, discrimination against Indigenous Mexicans continues to this day and there are few laws to protect Indigenous Mexicans from discrimination. Violent attacks against indigenous Mexicans are moderately common and many times go unpunished. In Venezuela, like other South American countries, economic inequality breaks along ethnic and racial lines. A 2013 Swedish academic study stated that Venezuela was the most racist country in the Americas, followed by the Dominican Republic. Concern over Japanese ethnic and immigrant groups during the Second World War prompted the Canadian and U. S. governments to intern most of their ethnically Japanese populations in the western portions of North America. As in most countries, many people in the U. S. continue to be xenophobic against other races. In the view of a network of scores of US civil rights and human rights organizations, "Discrimination permeates all aspects of life in the United States, extends to all communities of color."
Discrimination against racial and religious minorities when it comes to African Americans, is acknowledged. Members of every major American ethnic and religious minority have perceived discrimination in their dealings with other minority racial and religious groups. Philosopher Cornel West has stated that "racism is an integral element within the fabric of American culture and society, it is embedded in the country's first collective definition, enunciated in its subsequent laws, imbued in its dominant way of life." After Donald Trump took presidential office in 2017, he attempted to enact a travel ban on seven countries which were listed as "countries of concern" by Secretary of Homeland Security Jeh Johnson under the Obama administration in 2011. This was changed to six in a revision that removed Iraq in part due to criticism that the original order overlooked the country’s role in fighting Islamic terrorism and barred entry to the Iraqi interpreters, embedded with US forces in the region.
Khizr Khan, the father of United States Army Captain Humayun Khan, described it in a CNN interview as a continuat