La République En Marche!
La République En Marche!, sometimes called En Marche!, is a centrist and social-liberal political party in France. It was founded on 6 April 2016 by Emmanuel Macron, a former Minister of Economy and Digital Affairs, elected President of the French Republic in the 2017 election with 66.1% of the second-round vote. Macron considers La République En Marche! to be a progressive movement, uniting both the left and the right. The party ran candidates in the 2017 legislative elections including dissidents from the Socialist Party, The Republicans, as well as minor parties, it won an absolute majority in the National Assembly. Its ally, the Democratic Movement, secured 42. La République En Marche! is a pro-European movement that accepts globalization and wants to modernize and moralize French politics. The movement accepts members from other parties at a higher rate than other political parties in France and does not impose any fees on members who want to join; the party is seen as the most pro-European party in France, but it is not part of any European parliamentary group.
La Gauche Libre, the think tank for the movement, was declared as an organization on 1 March 2015. Afterwards, lesjeunesavecmacron.fr was registered as a domain on 23 June 2015. Two Facebook pages were created and an extra domain registered. Another organization was created by Macron, declared as L'Association pour le renouvellement de la vie politique and registered as a micro-party in January 2016; this was following en-marche.fr being claimed as a domain. L'Association pour le renouvellement de la vie politique was registered as EMA EN MARCHE in March. En Marche! was founded on 6 April 2016 in Amiens by Emmanuel Macron aged 38, with the help of political advisor Ismaël Emelien. The initials of the name of the party are the same as the initials of Macron's name; the announcement of En Marche! was the first indication by Macron that he was planning to run for President, with Macron using En Marche! to fundraise for the potential presidential run. The launch of the party was covered throughout the media and media coverage continued to peak as tensions rose among Macron and other government ministers as his loyalty was questioned.
In the weeks following the creation of En Marche!, Macron soared in the opinion polls to be seen as the main competitor on the left. The creation of En Marche! was welcomed by several political figures including Najat Vallaud-Belkacem, Jean-Pierre Raffarin and Pierre Gattaz, though it was criticised by Jean-Luc Mélenchon and Christian Estrosi. In an attempt to create the party's first platform that it would launch into a campaign with and head of operations Ludovic Chaker recruited 4,000 volunteers to conduct door-to-door surveys to 100,000 people and they would use the information gained to create a programme closer to the French electorate. Only a quarter of the 100,000 surveys handed out were completed. La République En Marche! Ran candidates in most constituencies. At least half its candidates came from civil society, the other half having held political office and half were women. No double investitures were permitted, though Macron waived the original requirement of prospective candidates to leave their previous political party on 5 May 2017.
In addition to those parameters, Macron specified in his initial press conference on 19 January that he would require that candidates demonstrate probity, political plurality and efficacy. Those wishing to seek the endorsement of République En Marche! had to sign up online and the movement received nearly 15,000 applications. When dealing with nominations sought by those in the political world, the party considered the popularity and media skills of applicants, with the most difficult cases adjudicated by Macron himself. To present themselves under the label of La République En Marche!, outgoing deputies had to leave the Socialist Party or The Republicans. Macron said the legislative candidates would have to leave the PS before they could join République En Marche! in the election. However La République En Marche! Spokesperson Christophe Castaner said they could stay in the PS as long as they supported Macron. Moreover, spokesperson Jean-Paul Delevoye said the members of civil society could be mayors or members of regional councils and departmental councils.
After François Bayrou endorsed Macron in February, the Democratic Movement, which he leads, reserved 90 constituencies for MoDem candidates, of which 50 were considered winnable. On 15 May 2017, the secretary general of the presidency announced the appointment of Édouard Philippe, a member of LR, as Prime Minister. By winning an absolute majority in the National Assembly in the second round of the elections on 18 June 2017, La République En Marche! became France's party of power in support of the President. In the September 2017 senate elections, La République En Marche! lost seats, ending up with 21, seven fewer than before. While hoping to double its representatives in the senate, party officials have noted that due to the elections electoral system of indirect universal suffrage, where deputies and regional councilors elect senators, the party had a disadvantage due to being new. In the same month, the first party congress was announced to be held in Lyon; the first gathering of party adherents and representatives
Left-wing politics supports social equality and egalitarianism in opposition to social hierarchy. It involves a concern for those in society whom its adherents perceive as disadvantaged relative to others as well as a belief that there are unjustified inequalities that need to be reduced or abolished; the term left-wing can refer to "the radical, reforming, or socialist section of a political party or system". The political terms "Left" and "Right" were coined during the French Revolution, referring to the seating arrangement in the French Estates General: those who sat on the left opposed the monarchy and supported the revolution, including the creation of a republic and secularization, while those on the right were supportive of the traditional institutions of the Old Regime. Use of the term "Left" became more prominent after the restoration of the French monarchy in 1815 when it was applied to the "Independents"; the word "wing" was appended to Left and Right in the late 19th century with disparaging intent and "left-wing" was applied to those who were unorthodox in their religious or political views.
The term was applied to a number of movements republicanism during the French Revolution in the 18th century, followed by socialism, communism and social democracy in the 19th and 20th centuries. Since the term left-wing has been applied to a broad range of movements including civil rights movements, feminist movements, anti-war movements and environmental movements, as well as a wide range of parties. According to former professor of economics Barry Clark, " claim that human development flourishes when individuals engage in cooperative, mutually respectful relations that can thrive only when excessive differences in status and wealth are eliminated". In politics, the term "Left" derives from the French Revolution, as the anti-monarchist Montagnard and Jacobin deputies from the Third Estate sat to the left of the presiding member's chair in parliament, a habit which began in the French Estates General of 1789. Throughout the 19th century in France, the main line dividing Left and Right was between supporters of the French Republic and those of the monarchy.
The June Days Uprising during the Second Republic was an attempt by the Left to assert itself after the 1848 Revolution, but only a small portion of the population supported this. In the mid-19th century, socialism and anti-clericalism became features of the French Left. After Napoleon III's 1851 coup and the subsequent establishment of the Second Empire, Marxism began to rival radical republicanism and utopian socialism as a force within left-wing politics; the influential Communist Manifesto by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels, published in 1848, asserted that all human history is the history of class struggle. They predicted that a proletarian revolution would overthrow bourgeois capitalism and create a classless, post-monetary communist society, it was in this period that the word "wing" was appended to both Right. In the United States, many leftists, social liberals and trade unionists were influenced by the works of Thomas Paine, who introduced the concept of asset-based egalitarianism, which theorises that social equality is possible by a redistribution of resources.
The International Workingmen's Association, sometimes called the First International, brought together delegates from many different countries, with many different views about how to reach a classless and stateless society. Following a split between supporters of Marx and Mikhail Bakunin, anarchists formed the International Workers' Association; the Second International became divided over the issue of World War I. Those who opposed the war, such as Vladimir Lenin and Rosa Luxemburg, saw themselves as further to the left. In the United States after Reconstruction, the phrase "the Left" was used to describe those who supported trade unions, the civil rights movement and the anti-war movement. More in the United States, left-wing and right-wing have been used as synonyms for Democratic and Republican, or as synonyms for liberalism and conservatism respectively. Since the Right was populist, both in the Western and the Eastern Bloc anything viewed as avant-garde art was called leftist in all Europe, thus the identification of Picasso's Guernica as "leftist" in Europe and the condemnation of the Russian composer Shostakovich's opera in Pravda as follows: "Here we have'leftist' confusion instead of natural, human music".
The following positions are associated with left-wing politics. Leftist economic beliefs range from Keynesian economics and the welfare state through industrial democracy and the social market to nationalization of the economy and central planning, to the anarcho-syndicalist advocacy of a council- and assembly-based self-managed anarchist communism. During the industrial revolution, leftists supported trade unions. At the beginning of the 20th century, many leftists advocated strong government intervention in the economy. Leftists continue to criticize what they perceive as the exploitative nature of globalization, the "race to the bottom" and unjust lay-offs. In the last quarter of the 20th century, the belief that government ought to be directly involved in the day-to-day workings of an economy declined in popularity amongst the center-left social democrats who became influenced by "Third Way" ideology. Other leftists believe in Marxian economics; some distinguish Marx's economic theories from his political philos
Lionel Jospin is a French politician. He served as prime minister of France from 1997 to 2002. Jospin was the Socialist Party candidate for president of France in the elections of 1995 and 2002. In 1995 he was narrowly defeated in the final runoff election by Jacques Chirac. In 2002 he was eliminated in the first round after finishing behind both Chirac and the far-right candidate Jean-Marie Le Pen, he announced his retirement from politics. Lionel Jospin was born to a Protestant family in a suburb of Paris, he is the son of Robert Jospin. He attended the Lycée Janson-de-Sailly before studying at the Institut d'études politiques de Paris and the École nationale d'administration, he was active in the UNEF students' union, protesting against the war in Algeria. He completed his military service as an officer in charge of armoured training in Trier. After his graduation from the ENA in 1965, he entered the Ministry of Foreign Affairs as secretary of Foreign Affairs, he became in charge of economic cooperation there, worked with Ernest-Antoine Seillière, future leader of the MEDEF employers' union.
Representative of a generation of left-wingers who criticized the old SFIO Socialist Party, he joined a Trotskyist group, the Internationalist Communist Organization in the 1960s, before entering the renewed Socialist Party in 1971. Joining François Mitterrand's circle, he became the second highest-ranking member of the party in 1979 its First Secretary when Mitterrand was elected president of France in 1981; when President Mitterrand decided, in 1982–83, to change his economic policy to give priority to the struggle against inflation and for a hard currency, Jospin justified his choice. After Laurent Fabius was chosen as prime minister in 1984, a rivalry between these two political heirs of Mitterrand broke out when they competed for the leadership of the 1986 legislative campaign. In 1988, after Mitterrand's reelection, Jospin left the PS leadership, though Mitterrand considered naming him prime minister, he was nominated for minister of education. Under Jospin's tenure as education minister, teacher training was consolidated, the lycees and universities were reformed, teachers’ salaries improved, technical and vocational education were reformed, which the socialists saw as a means of improving economic performance, tackling youth unemployment, attaining social justice.
Jospin's rivalry with Fabius intensified and caused an internal crisis, notably during the Rennes Congress. The party's mitterrandist faction split because Jospin's followers allied with the other factions to prevent Fabius's election as First Secretary; this damaged Jospin's relationship with Mitterrand and, after the Socialist Party's failure in the March 1992 local elections, Jospin was not included in the new government formed by Pierre Bérégovoy. As a member of the National Assembly, Jospin served first as a representative of Paris, of Haute-Garonne département, he lost his seat in the National Assembly in the Socialists' landslide defeat in the 1993 legislative election and announced his political retirement. In 1993, Jospin was appointed ministre plénipotentiaire, 2nd class, a position he held until his appointment as prime minister in 1997, but he was not appointed to any embassy. In 1995 Jospin claimed a necessity to "take stock" of the mitterrandist inheritance so as to restore the credibility of the Socialist Party.
He was selected as the Socialist candidate for president against the PS leader Henri Emmanuelli. In the run-up to the election, Jospin made various policy proposals, such as a programme for the environment, an extension of social services, a housebuilding programme, the rebuilding of run-down parts of cities, a 37-hour workweek. Following the Socialists' landslide defeats of 1992–94, Jospin was considered to have little chance of victory, but he did well, leading in the first round and losing only narrowly to Jacques Chirac in the final runoff election. His performance was seen to mark a revival of the Socialists as a strong force in French politics and he returned to being the party's First Secretary. Jospin built a new coalition with the other left-wing parties: the French Communist Party, the Greens, the Left Radical Party and the dissident Citizen and Republican Movement. Two years Chirac decided to call an early election for the National Assembly, hoping for a personal endorsement; the move backfired: the "Plural Left" won a parliamentary majority and Jospin became prime minister.
Jospin is a Member of the Club of Madrid. Jospin served as prime minister during France's third "cohabitation" government under President Chirac from 1997 to 2002. Despite his previous image as a rigid socialist, Jospin sold state-owned enterprises and lowered the VAT, income tax and company tax rates, his government introduced the 35-hour workweek, provided additional health insurance for those on the lowest incomes through the creation of Couverture maladie universelle, promoted the representation of women in politics, expanded the social security system, created the PACS – a civil partnership or union between two people of any genders. During his term, with the help of a favorable economic situation, unemployment fell by 900,000. There were several women but no ethnic minorities in Jospin's government; the "law against social exclusion" extended social security and introduced various measures to combat poverty. These included: The optimization of extra earnings for Revenu minimum d'insertion recipients.
The introduction of CMU. Guaranteeing
The Programme commun was a reform programme, signed 27 June 1972 by the Socialist Party, the French Communist Party and the centrist Radical Movement of the Left, which provided a great upheaval in the economic and military fields in France. That alliance opened a political repositioning for the left that lasted 30 years, contributing to the election of François Mitterrand in the presidential election of 1981. Between 1981 and 1983, he began putting Programme commun into action; the Keynesian-inspired policies led to an increase in the trade deficit. To keep France in the European Monetary System, a different approach was needed. In March 1983, Mitterrand did a U-turn by cancelling the parts of Programme commun, passed, sometimes referred to as the "austerity turn". "Living better, changing lives": Reduction of working hours, higher wages, social security expansion, socialised housing. Compensated nationalisation of major industrial companies in the key sectors, of 38 banks and financial institutions, increased market regulation, worker participation in company decisions Decentralisation and "democratisation" of government institutions, guarantee of individual liberties, restriction of police custody Fight against unemployment "Politics of peace": abolishing nuclear deterrent, military service reduction to 6 months, dissolution of both NATO and the Warsaw Pact Education reform
Maurice Faure was a member of the French Resistance and a minister in several French governments. He was born in Dordogne, he was a deputy in the French parliament from 1951 to 1983 and a Senator from 1983 to 1988, representing Lot and served 25 years as Mayor of Cahors. Faure was appointed to the Constitutional Council of France by President François Mitterrand; as secretary to the French foreign minister, he co-signed the Treaty of Rome for France in 1957, thus helping to create the European Union. In 1957, Faure was awarded the Grand Decoration of Honour in Gold with Sash for Services to the Republic of Austria. Faure died in March 2014 at the age of 92 in Lot. Maurice Faure
National Assembly (France)
The National Assembly is the lower house of the bicameral Parliament of France under the Fifth Republic, the upper house being the Senate. The National Assembly's members are known as députés. There are 577 députés, each elected by a single-member constituency through a two-round voting system. Thus, 289 seats are required for a majority; the assembly is presided over by a president from the largest party represented, assisted by vice-presidents from across the represented political spectrum. The term of the National Assembly is five years; this measure is becoming rarer since the 2000 referendum reduced the presidential term from seven to five years: a President has a majority elected in the Assembly two months after the presidential election, it would be useless for him/her to dissolve it for those reasons. Following a tradition started by the first National Assembly during the French Revolution, the "left-wing" parties sit to the left as seen from the president's seat, the "right-wing" parties sit to the right, the seating arrangement thus directly indicates the political spectrum as represented in the Assembly.
The official seat of the National Assembly is the Palais Bourbon on the banks of the river Seine. It is guarded by Republican Guards; the Constitution of the French Fifth Republic increased the power of the executive at the expense of Parliament, compared to previous constitutions. The President of the Republic can decide to dissolve the National Assembly and call for new legislative elections; this is meant as a way to resolve stalemates where the Assembly cannot decide on a clear political direction. This possibility is exercised; the last dissolution was by Jacques Chirac in 1997, following from the lack of popularity of prime minister Alain Juppé. The National Assembly can overthrow the executive government by a motion of no confidence. For this reason, the prime minister and his cabinet are from the dominant party or coalition in the assembly. In the case of a president and assembly from opposing parties, this leads to the situation known as cohabitation. While motions de censure are periodically proposed by the opposition following government actions that it deems inappropriate, they are purely rhetorical.
Since the beginning of the Fifth Republic, there has only been one single successful motion de censure, in 1962 in hostility to the referendum on the method of election of the President, President Charles de Gaulle dissolved the Assembly within a few days. The government used to set the priorities of the agenda for the assembly's sessions, except for a single day each month. In practice, given the number of priority items, it meant that the schedule of the assembly was entirely set by the executive. This, was amended on 23 July 2008. Under the amended constitution, the government sets the priorities for two weeks in a month. Another week is designated for the assembly's "control" prerogatives, and the fourth one is set by the assembly. One day per month is set by a "minority" or "opposition" group. Members of the assembly can ask oral questions to ministers; the Wednesday afternoon 3 p.m. session of "questions to the Government" is broadcast live on television. Like Prime Minister's Questions in Britain, it is a show for the viewers, with members of the majority asking flattering questions, while the opposition tries to embarrass the government.
The history of national representation for two centuries is linked to history of the democratic principle and the uneven road that it had to go before finding in the French institutions the consecration, its own today. Although the French have periodically elected representatives since 1789, the mode of appointment and the powers of these representatives have varied according to the times, the periods of erasure of the parliamentary institution coinciding with a decline in public liberties. In this respect, the names are not innocent; the name of National Assembly, chosen in the fervor of 1789, just reappears - if we except the short parenthesis of 1848 - in 1946. In the meantime, more or less reductive appellations "Instituted by the Constitution of the year III in August 1795," Chamber of deputies of the departments "," House of Representatives "," Legislative body "," Chambers of deputies ", etc.) which show, to varying degrees, the reluctance or the declared hostility of some governments or governments to the principle
2002 French presidential election
The 2002 French presidential election consisted of a first round election on 21 April 2002, a runoff election between the top two candidates on 5 May 2002. This presidential contest attracted a greater than usual amount of international attention because of far-right candidate Le Pen's unexpected appearance in the runoff election. Chirac ran for a second term, it was expected that Chirac and Lionel Jospin, the prime minister and candidate for the Socialist Party, would be the most popular candidates in the first round, would thus go on to face each other in the runoff. However, Jospin unexpectedly finished in third place behind Le Pen. Journalists and politicians claimed that polls had failed to predict Le Pen's second-place finish in the general election, though his strong stance could be seen in the week prior to the election; this led to serious discussions about the climate of French politics. Although Le Pen's political party National Front described itself as mainstream conservative, non-partisan observers agreed in defining it as a far right or ultra-nationalist party.
As a protest all French political parties called for their supporters to vote against Le Pen, most notably the Socialists who were traditionally billed as the archrivals to Chirac's party. Chirac thus went on to win the biggest landslide in a French presidential election, winning over 82% of the vote; the National Front would not appear again in the second round of the French presidential election until 2017. It got 34% of the votes doubling its 2002 tally, thus displacing nominees from the traditional Left & Right parties who failed to qualify for the runoff for the first time in history of the Fifth Republic, their combined share of the vote from eligible voters, at 26%, was a historic low. The 2002 election was the first for which the President would be elected to a five-year, instead of a seven-year, term. In the months before the election, the campaign had focused on questions of law and order, with a particular focus on crimes committed by young people those of foreign origin. Lionel Jospin was, at the time, Prime Minister of France.
Alarmist reporting on the TF1 and France2 television channel and other media overemphasised the alleged crime wave. The first round of the election, which saw an exceptional number of 16 candidates, came as a shock to many commentators all of whom had expected the second ballot to be between Jacques Chirac and Lionel Jospin. Indeed, it was this expectation that led to Jospin's downfall, with a plethora of "small party" left candidates all intending to support him in the second round, but to raise their profile in the first, like Jean-Pierre Chevènement and Christiane Taubira, they cumulatively took enough votes away from Jospin to prevent him from reaching the second round, which he could have won. Instead Jean-Marie Le Pen faced Chirac in the second ballot; the election brought the opinion polls and two-round voting system into question as well as raising many concerns about apathy and the way in which the left had become so divided as a result of the over democratical refusal of Jospin to strategically ask the nearest small parties of his own government coalition to withdraw, like the preceding leaders of the left had done for such an election.
There was a widespread stirring of national public opinion, more than one million people in France took part in street rallies, in an expression of fierce opposition to Le Pen's ideas. Some held up protest signs stating "I'm ashamed to be French," which parodied Le Pen's party slogan, "Proud to be French." Spontaneous street protests began in the night from 21 April to 22 April on 22 April and 23 as follows: 24 April: 60,000 people in the streets protesting against Le Pen's success 25 April: 250,000 people in the streets protesting against Le Pen's success 27 April: 200,000 people in the streets protesting against Le Pen's success 1 May: Approximately 20,000 people turned out for the National Front's yearly demonstration in Paris in honor of Joan of Arc and in support of Le Pen. Between 900,000 and 1,300,000 people turned up to the Labor Day demonstrations and against the National Front. Hundreds of thousands of people who did not take part in such demonstrations came, in addition to the usual unions.
In Paris, 500,000 people were seen in the streets, one of the greatest protest since the Liberation of Paris. In another unusual sight for 1 May demonstrations, French tricolour flags were commonplace; the choice between Chirac, under suspicion for actions carried out whilst he was mayor of Paris but benefited from Presidential immunity as long as he stayed president, Le Pen, a nationalist accused of racism and antisemitism, was one that many found tough. Some people suggested going to vote with a clothes peg on their noses to express disgust when voting for Chirac, but this may have been illegal, because it is prohibited to advertise one's vote inside the voting precinct. In the days before the second ballot, a memorable poster was put up of Chirac with the slogan "Vote for the Crook, not the Fascist". Chirac defeated Le Pen