Anti-communism is opposition to communism. Organized anti-communism developed after the 1917 October Revolution in Russia and it reached global dimensions during the Cold War, when the United States and the Soviet Union engaged in an intense rivalry. Anti-communism has been an element of movements holding many different political positions, including nationalist, social democratic, libertarian, fascist, capitalist and socialist viewpoints; the first organization dedicated to opposing communism was the Russian White movement, which fought in the Russian Civil War starting in 1918 against the established Communist government. The White movement was supported militarily by several allied foreign governments, which represented the first instance of anti-communism as a government policy; the Communist Red Army defeated the White movement and the Soviet Union was created in 1922. During the existence of the Soviet Union, anti-communism became an important feature of many different political movements and governments across the world.
In the United States, anti-communism came to prominence with the First Red Scare of 1919–1920. During the 1920s and 1930s, opposition to communism in Europe was promoted by conservatives, social democrats and fascists. Fascist governments rose to prominence as major opponents of communism in the 1930s and they founded the Anti-Comintern Pact in 1936 as an anti-communist alliance. In Asia, the Empire of Japan and the Kuomintang were the leading anti-communist forces in this period. After World War II, fascism ceased to be a major political movement due to the defeat of the Axis powers; the victorious Allies were an international coalition led by the United States, the United Kingdom and the Soviet Union, but after the war this alliance broke down into two opposing camps: a Communist one led by the Soviet Union and a capitalist one led by the United States. The rivalry between the two sides came to be known as the Cold War and during this period the United States government played a leading role in supporting global anti-communism as part of its containment policy.
There were numerous military conflicts between Communists and anti-Communists in various parts of the world, including the Chinese Civil War, the Korean War, the Vietnam War and the Soviet–Afghan War. NATO was founded as an anti-communist military alliance in 1949 and continued throughout the Cold War. With the Revolutions of 1989 and the dissolution of the Soviet Union in 1991, most of the world's Communist governments were overthrown and the Cold War ended. Anti-communism remains an important intellectual element of many contemporary political movements and organized anti-communism is a factor in the domestic opposition found to varying degrees within the People's Republic of China and other countries governed by Communist parties. Since the split of the Communist parties from the socialist Second International to form the Communist Third International, social democrats have been critical of Communism for its anti-democratic nature. Examples of left-wing critics of Communist states and parties are such as Friedrich Ebert, Boris Souveraine, Bayard Rustin, Irving Howe and Max Shachtman.
The American Federation of Labor has always been anti-communist. The more leftist Congress of Industrial Organizations purged its Communists in 1947 and has been staunchly anti-communist since. In Britain, the Labour Party strenuously resisted Communist efforts to infiltrate its ranks and take control of locals in the 1930s; the Labour Party became anti-communist and Labour Prime Minister Clement Attlee was a staunch supporter of NATO. Although most anarchists describe themselves as communists, most anarchists criticize authoritarian Communist parties and states. Many argue that Marxist concepts such as dictatorship of the proletariat and state ownership of the means of production are anathema to anarchism; some anarchists criticize communism from an individualist point of view. Anarchists participated in and rejoiced over the 1917 February Revolution as an example of workers taking power for themselves. However, after the October Revolution it became evident that the Bolsheviks and the anarchists had different ideas.
Anarchist Emma Goldman, deported from the United States to Russia in 1919, was enthusiastic about the revolution, but was left sorely disappointed and began to write her book My Disillusionment in Russia. Anarchist Peter Kropotkin proffered trenchant criticism of the emergent Bolshevik bureaucracy in letters to Vladimir Lenin, noting in 1920 that " is positively harmful for the building of a new socialist system. What is needed is local construction by local forces. Russia has become a Soviet Republic only in name". Many anarchists fought against Russian and Greek Communists—many were killed by them, such as Lev Chernyi, Camillo Berneri and Konstantinos Speras. In The Communist Manifesto, Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels outline some provisional short-term measures that could be steps towards communism, they note: "These measures will, of course, be different in different countries. In most advanced countries, will be pretty applicable". Ludwig von Mises described this as a "10-point plan" for the redistribution of land and production and argues that the initial and ongoing forms of redistribution constitute direct coercion.
Neither Marx's 10-point plan nor the rest of the manifesto say anything about who has the right to carry out the plan. Milton Friedman argued that the absence of voluntary economic activity makes it too easy for repressive political leaders to grant themselves coercive powers. Friedman's view was shared by Friedrich
Lalu Prasad Yadav
Lalu Prasad is a convicted Indian politician from the state of Bihar. He is the President of the Rashtriya Janata Dal, former Chief Minister of Bihar, former UPA Minister of Railways, former Member of Parliament of the 15th Lok Sabha, he entered politics at Patna University as a student leader and was elected as youngest member of the Lok Sabha in 1977 as a Janata Party candidate at the age of 29. He became Chief Minister of Bihar in 1990 but had to resign in 1997 following escalating corruption charges relating to the Fodder Scam. From 1997 to 2005 his wife Rabri Devi ruled as the Chief Minister of the state." His party came to power in Bihar Legislative Assembly election, 2015 in partnership with Nitish Kumar of JD, but Nitish Kumar dumped Lalu's party from the power in July 2017 after the Enforcement Directorate and CBI lodged several criminal cases against Lalu, his wife Rabri, his son and former deputy Chief Minister, Tejashwi Yadav, in another disproportionate assets and railway tender bribery scam during Lalu's stint as the Railway Minister.
On 3 October 2013, he was sentenced to five years of rigorous imprisonment and ₹25 lakh fine for his role in the first Fodder Scam by CBI court again for 3.5 years in a second fodder scam case on the same day 23 December 2017 when his member of parliament daughter Misa Bharti was officially charged by Enforcement Directorate in disproportionate assets, while 3 more fodder scam cases against him are pending in the court. Yadav was found guilty in third fodder scam case in January, 2018. In March, 2018 Special CBI Court convicted him in the fourth fodder scam case, related to swindling of Rs. 3.13 crore from the Dumka treasury. In Dumka Treasury case total Rs 60 lakh fine imposed and 14 years' imprisonment on Lalu Prasad Yadav in to run consecutively. Lalu, second of his parents' six sons, was born in Phulwaria in Bihar to Kundan Ray and Marachhiya Devi, attended a local middle school before moving to Patna with his elder brother. After completing Bachelor of Laws and a Master in Political Science from B. N.
College of Patna University, he worked as clerk in Bihar Veterinary College at Patna where his elder brother was a peon. He turned down Patna University's Honorary Doctorate in 2004. Yadav married Rabri Devi on 1 June 1973, in an arranged marriage, they went on to have 9 children: two sons and seven daughters."The Making of Laloo Yadav, The Unmaking of Bihar", updated and reprinted under the title "Subaltern Sahib: Bihar and the Making of Laloo Yadav", is a book based on Lalu's life by Sankarshan Thakur. Lalu Prasad and his wife have 9 children. 1977: Elected to the 6th Lok Sabha at the age of 29. 1980–1989: Member of the Bihar Legislative Assembly. 1989: A Leader of Opposition of Bihar Legislative Assembly, Chairman of Pustakalaya Committee, Convenor of Committee on Public Undertakings. Re-elected to the 9th Lok Sabha. 1990–1995: Member of the Bihar Legislative Council. 1990–1997: Chief Minister of Bihar 1995–1998: Member of the Bihar Legislative Assembly. 1996: Lalu implicated in Fodder Scam 1997: Splits from Janata Dal to form Rashtriya Janata Dal. 1998: Re-elected to 12th Lok Sabha.
1998–1999: Member of General Purposes Committee, Committee on Home Affairs and its Sub Committee on Swatantrata Sainik Samman Pension Scheme, Consultative Committee of Ministry of Information and Broadcasting. 2004: Re-elected to the 14th Lok Sabha. Appointed Cabinet Minister in the Ministry of Railways in UPA govt. Lalu, wife Rabri Devi, son Tejashwi Yadav and daughter Misa Bharti booked for railway tender bribery scam, disproportionate illegal property and income tax evasion cases in 2017. 2009: Re-elected to the 15th Lok Sabha and disqualified in 2013 subsequent to his conviction in the first fodder scam case. In 1970, Lalu entered in student politics as General Secretary of the Patna University Students' Union, became its president in 1973, joined Jai Prakash Narayan' Bihar Movement in 1974 where he became sufficiently close to Janata Party leaders to became the Janata alliance's winning candidate in the 1977 Lok Sabha election from Chapra at the age of 29. In 1979, the Janata Party government fell due to in-fighting.
The parliament was dissolved with new polls held in 1980. Lalu quit Janata party to join the splinter group, Janata Party-S led by Raj Narain, only to lose the re-election in 1980, he managed to win Bihar Legislative Assembly election in 1980, again in 1985 to become leader of opposition in Bihar assembly in 1989. In 1989, he was elected for Lok Sabha under V. P. Singh government. By 1990, he positioned himself as the leader of lower castes. Muslims, who had traditionally served as Congress vote bank, shifted their loyalty to Prasad after the 1989 Bhagalpur violence, he became popular among the Yadav voters of Bihar. In 1990, Janta Dal came to power in Bihar. PM V. P. Singh wanted former Chief Minister Ram Sundar Das to lead the government, and Chandra Shekhar backed Raghunath Jha. To break deadlock deputy PM Devi Lal nominated Prasad as CM candidate, he became the Chief Minister. On 23 September 1990, Prasad arrested L. K. Advani at Samastipur during the latter's Ram Rath Yatra to Ayodhya, presented himself as a secular leader.
The World Bank lauded his party for its work in the 1990s on the economic front. In 1993, Prasad adopted a pro-English policy and pushed for the re-introduction of English as a language in school curriculum, contrary to the angrezi hatao policy of Uttar Pradesh CM Mulayam Singh Yadav. Policy of opposition to
Forward caste is a term used in India to denote social groups that do not qualify for reservation benefits and other affirmative action schemes operated by the government of India. Forward castes form about 25 % per cent of the number varying by region; those groups that qualify for reservation benefits are listed as Other Backward Castes or Scheduled Castes and Scheduled Tribes, they can take advantage of defined quotas amongst other benefits for education, special government schemes, government employment and political representation. The lists of general, Other Backward and Scheduled Castes, Scheduled Tribes are compiled irrespective of religion; the lists are subject to change from time to time, dependent upon social and economic factors. General caste may be an absolute term, it may refer to: A caste perceived to higher than another caste. In any given region there may be dozens of castes. A caste considered "higher" than a scheduled caste. For example a newspaper report may term a Gujar as "higher caste than a Jatav.
However in some regions Gujars may themselves be considered "Lower case" relative to others. Forward Castes in the context of politics and reservation Ritual status in the Varna system As of 2007, forward castes had to compete only in the open category, as they are considered educationally, economically advanced. At that time the reservation proportion stood at 50% in central-government educational institutions and central-government jobs. However, in certain states, such as Tamil Nadu, the reservation percentage was around 69%. Forward castes are only allowed to compete for seats in the unreserved category in educational institutions and central government jobs, regardless of their educational/economical status in the society. However, a significant percentage of the forward caste population lives below the poverty line and more than 30% of the members of this community are illiterate. To meet their aspirations, demands have been raised for providing separate reservations for the poor among forward caste populations.
Many political parties like BJP, Samajwadi Party, LJP, Rastriya Janata Dal, Communist Party of India, Bahujan Samaj Party have supported proposals for providing a separate reservation for the poor among the forward castes. These parties account for over 400 of the 542 members in the current parliament, as well as holding power in most states in the union. 1991: Congress government headed by Narasimha Rao introduced 10% separate reservation for poor among forward castes. 1992: The Supreme Court has ruled in the Indra Sawhney case that separate reservation for poor among forward castes is invalid. Government has withdrawn separate reservation as per supreme court judgement. 2003: BJP government appointed a group of ministers for suggesting measures for implementation of separate reservation for the poor among forward castes. 2004: A task force has been set up to work out modalities for providing reservations to the poor among forward castes. No information available regarding a report submitted by this task force.
2006: Present Congress government appointed commission to study separate reservation for economically backward castes. 2006: Communist government in Kerala earmarked 12% seats in private professional colleges for economically poor among forward castes. Many backward caste leaders allege. State and central governments have not released adequate data regarding representation of various communities in their services and admissions to educational institutions. Most of the private companies in India do not collect data regarding community of their employees. Few reports are available regarding representation of various communities in public–private services and admissions in educational institutions. In Tamil Nadu forward castes have secured around 1.9% of seats in medical colleges in 2004 and 2.68% seats in 2005, against their population percentage of 13%. See caste-based reservations in Tamil Nadu; this trend of poor representation has continued for the last 10 years as claimed by lawyers in one of the reservation cases.
Narendra committee report in Kerala has pointed out that forward castes representation in public services and PSU units is around 36 to 38%, more or less equal to their population percentage. Karnataka minister in state Assembly has announced that the per capita income of the Brahmins is less than all communities including scheduled castes and scheduled tribes. Oversight committee in its final report has indicated that forward castes are placed better than backward castes in some indicators and comparable with backward castes in few indicators and backward castes are superior in some parameters like health indicators in states like Assam, Haryana, West Bengal, etc. National survey 99-00 indicates that forward castes are better placed than SC/ST in all parameters. However, in rural unemployment, forward castes score worse than all other communities. Released provisional report of national survey 04-05 states that buying capacities of backward castes in rural and urban areas are comparable to forward castes.
It revises backward castes figure as 41%. It states that landownership of backward castes are comparable to forward castes, it reiterates its earlier finding. National surveys used rural landholding pattern to assess wealthiness of various social groups, its findings indicate that OBC
1998 Indian general election
General elections were held in India in 1998, after the government elected in 1996 collapsed and the 12th Lok Sabha was convened. New elections were called when Indian National Congress left the United Front government led by I. K. Gujral, after they refused to drop the regional Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam party from the government after the DMK was linked by an investigative panel to Sri Lankan separatists blamed for the killing of Rajiv Gandhi; the outcome of the new elections was indecisive, with no party or alliance able to create a strong majority. Although the Bharatiya Janata Party's Atal Bihari Vajpayee regained his position of Prime Minister getting support from 286 members out of 545, the government collapsed on 17 April 1999 when the All India Anna Dravida Munnetra Kazhagam, with its 18 seats, withdrew their support; this led to a vote-of-confidence motion in the parliament that the government lost 272-273, leading to a fresh general election in 1999. It marked the first time since independence that India's long-time governing party, the INC, failed to win majority two consecutive elections.
Turnout was 61.97%. State Assembly elections in India, 1998 Election Commission of India Indian presidential election, 1997
Nitish Kumar is an Indian politician. He is the present Chief Minister of Bihar, a state in India, since 2017 and has served in that role on five previous occasions, he has served as a minister in the Union Government of India. Kumar is a member of the Janata Dal political party, he endeared himself to Biharis, used to low expectations from previous regimes, when as Chief Minister, his socialist policies bore dividends in appointing more than 100,000 school teachers, ensuring that doctors worked in primary health centres, electrification of villages, paving of roads, cutting female illiteracy by half, turning around a lawless state by cracking down on criminals and doubling the income of the average Bihari. On 17 May 2014, Kumar resigned, taking responsibility for his party's poor performance in the 2014 general elections, was succeeded by Jitan Ram Manjhi. However, he returned to office in February 2015 following a political crisis in Bihar and won the state elections of November 2015, he was elected as the national president of his party on 10 April 2016.
He resigned again on 26 July 2017 as Chief Minister of Bihar due to differences with the coalition partner, Rashtriya Janata Dal, following the naming of Tejashwi Yadav, the Deputy Chief Minister and RJD member, in a corruption-based First Information Report by the Central Bureau of Investigation. Hours he joined the National Democratic Alliance coalition, which had thus far been the opposition, secured a majority in the assembly, he became Chief Minister again on the following day. Nitish Kumar was born on 1 March 1951 in Bihar, his father, Ram Lakhan Singh, was an ayurvedic practitioner. Kumar earned a degree in mechanical engineering from Bihar College of Engineering in 1972, he joined the Bihar State Electricity Board, half-heartedly, moved into politics. He has one son. Nitish Kumar belongs to a socialist class of politicians. During his early years as a politician he was associated with the likes of Jayaprakash Narayan, Ram Manohar Lohia, S. N. Sinha, Karpuri Thakur and V. P. Singh. Kumar participated in Jayaprakash Narayan's movement between 1974 and 1977.
Kumar was the Union Minister for Railways and Minister for Surface Transport and the Minister for Agriculture in 1998–99, in the NDA government of Atal Bihari Vajpayee. In August 1999, he resigned following the Gaisal train disaster, for which he took responsibility as minister. However, in his short stint as Railway Minister, he brought in widespread reforms, such as internet ticket booking facility in 2002, opening a record number of railway ticket booking counters and introducing the tatkal scheme for instant booking; that year, he rejoined the Union Cabinet as Minister for Agriculture. From 2001 to May 2004, he was – again – the Union Minister for Railways. In the 2004 Lok Sabha elections, he contested elections from two places, when he was elected from Nalanda but lost from his traditional constituency, Barh. Kumar's government initiated bicycle and meal programs. Giving bicycles to girls who stayed in school resulted in the state getting a huge number of girls into schools and a reduction in school dropout rates.
In 2010, Kumar's party swept back to power along with its allies, the Bharatiya Janata Party, he again became Chief Minister. The alliance won 206 seats, while the RJD won 22. For the first time, electorates witnessed high turnout of women and young voters, while this was declared as the fairest election in Bihar, with no bloodshed or poll violence. On 17 May 2014, Kumar submitted his resignation to the Governor of Bihar, a day after his party fared poorly in the 2014 Lok Sabha elections, winning just 2 seats against 20 seats in the previous election. Kumar resigned, taking the moral responsibility of his party's poor performance in the election, Jitan Ram Manjhi took over. Kumar again became Chief Minister on 22 February 2015, on the backdrop of upcoming 2015 Bihar Legislative Assembly election, considered to be his toughest election to date, his JD, along with Congress, formed the Mahagathbandhan to counter the BJP in Bihar. Kumar campaigned aggressively during the elections for the Grand Alliance, countering the allegations raised by Narendra Modi and the BJP.
The Grand Alliance won the Assembly election by a margin of 178 over the BJP and its allies, with RJD emerging as the largest party with 80 seats and JD placed second with 71. Kumar was sworn in as Chief Minister on 20 November 2015 for a record fifth time and Tejashwi Yadav became Deputy Chief Minister of Bihar. Kumar's campaign was supported by the Indian Political Action Committee. I-PAC designed the campaign strategy which included reaching out to a larger set of voters through innovative campaigns, including sending hundreds of branded cycles for outreach, Har Ghar Dastak and the DNA campaign; when corruption charges were levelled against Tejashwi Yadav, the deputy Chief Minister, Kumar asked for him to resign from the cabinet. The RJD refused to countenance this and so, in order to protect his clean image and zero tolerance towards corruption, Kumar resigned on 26 July 2017, thus ending the Grand Alliance, he joined the principle opposition, the NDA, came back to power within a few hours.
Sankarshan Thakur authored a book based on his life titled Single Man: The Life and Times of Nitish Kumar of Bihar. Arun Sinha has authored a book titled The Rise of Bihar. Anuvrat Puraskar, by Shwetambar Terapanthi Mahasabha, for enforcing total prohibition on liquor in Bihar, 2017 JP Memorial Award, Nagpur's Manav Mandir, 2013 Ranked 77th in Foreign Policy Magazine' top 100 global thinkers 201
Hindi, or Modern Standard Hindi is a standardised and Sanskritised register of the Hindustani language. Hindi, written in the Devanagari script, is one of the official languages of India, along with the English language, it is one of the 22 scheduled languages of the Republic of India. However, it is not the national language of India because no language was given such a status in the Indian constitution. Hindi is the lingua franca of the Hindi belt, to a lesser extent other parts of India. Outside India, several other languages are recognized as "Hindi" but do not refer to the Standard Hindi language described here and instead descend from other dialects of Hindustani, such as Awadhi and Bhojpuri; such languages include Fiji Hindi, official in Fiji, Caribbean Hindustani, a recognized language in Trinidad and Tobago and Suriname. Apart from specialized vocabulary, spoken Hindi is mutually intelligible with Urdu, another recognized register of Hindustani; as a linguistic variety, Hindi is the fourth most-spoken first language in the world, after Mandarin and English.
Alongside Urdu as Hindustani, it is the third most-spoken language in the world, after Mandarin and English. The term Hindī was used to refer to inhabitants of the region east of the Indus, it was borrowed from Classical Persian Hindī, meaning "Indian", from the proper noun Hind "India". The name Hindavī was used by Amir Khusrow in his poetry. Like other Indo-Aryan languages, Hindi is a direct descendant of an early form of Vedic Sanskrit, through Sauraseni Prakrit and Śauraseni Apabhraṃśa, which emerged in the 7th century A. D. Modern Standard Hindi is based on the Khariboli dialect, the vernacular of Delhi and the surrounding region, which came to replace earlier prestige dialects such as Awadhi and Braj. Urdu – another form of Hindustani – acquired linguistic prestige in the Mughal period, underwent significant Persian influence. Modern Hindi and its literary tradition evolved towards the end of the 18th century. However, modern Hindi's earlier literary stages before standardization can be traced to the 16th century.
In the late 19th century, a movement to further develop Hindi as a standardised form of Hindustani separate from Urdu took form. In 1881, Bihar accepted Hindi as its sole official language, replacing Urdu, thus became the first state of India to adopt Hindi. Modern Standard Hindi is one of the youngest Indian languages in this regard. After independence, the government of India instituted the following conventions: standardisation of grammar: In 1954, the Government of India set up a committee to prepare a grammar of Hindi. Standardisation of the orthography, using the Devanagari script, by the Central Hindi Directorate of the Ministry of Education and Culture to bring about uniformity in writing, to improve the shape of some Devanagari characters, introducing diacritics to express sounds from other languages. On 14 September 1949, the Constituent Assembly of India adopted Hindi written in the Devanagari script as the official language of the Republic of India replacing Urdu's previous usage in British India.
To this end, several stalwarts rallied and lobbied pan-India in favor of Hindi, most notably Beohar Rajendra Simha along with Hazari Prasad Dwivedi, Kaka Kalelkar, Maithili Sharan Gupt and Seth Govind Das who debated in Parliament on this issue. As such, on the 50th birthday of Beohar Rajendra Simha on 14 September 1949, the efforts came to fruition following the adoption of Hindi as the official language. Now, it is celebrated as Hindi Day. In Northeast India a pidgin known as Haflong Hindi has developed as a lingua franca for various tribes in Assam that speak other languages natively. In Arunachal Pradesh, Hindi emerged as a lingua franca among locals who speak over 50 dialects natively. Part XVII of the Indian Constitution deals with the official language of the Indian Commonwealth. Under Article 343, the official languages of the Union has been prescribed, which includes Hindi in Devanagari script and English: The official language of the Union shall be Hindi in Devanagari script; the form of numerals to be used for the official purposes of the Union shall be the international form of Indian numerals.
Notwithstanding anything in clause, for a period of fifteen years from the commencement of this Constitution, the English language shall continue to be used for all the official purposes of the Union for which it was being used before such commencement: Provided that the President may, during the said period, by order authorize the use of the Hindi language in addition to the English language and of the Devanagari form of numerals in addition to the international form of Indian numerals for any of the official purposes of the Union. Article 351 of the Indian constitution states It shall be the duty of the Union to promote the spread of the Hindi language, to develop it so that it may serve as a medium of expression for all the elements of the composite culture of India and to secure its enrichment by assimilating without interfering with its genius, the forms and expressions used in Hindustani and in the other languages of India specified in the Eighth Schedule, by drawing, wherever necessary or desirable, for its vocabulary on Sanskrit and secondarily on other languages.
It was envisioned that Hindi would become the sole working language of the Union Government by 1965 (per directi
Sanskrit is a language of ancient India with a history going back about 3,500 years. It is the primary liturgical language of Hinduism and the predominant language of most works of Hindu philosophy as well as some of the principal texts of Buddhism and Jainism. Sanskrit, in its variants and numerous dialects, was the lingua franca of ancient and medieval India. In the early 1st millennium CE, along with Buddhism and Hinduism, Sanskrit migrated to Southeast Asia, parts of East Asia and Central Asia, emerging as a language of high culture and of local ruling elites in these regions. Sanskrit is an Old Indo-Aryan language; as one of the oldest documented members of the Indo-European family of languages, Sanskrit holds a prominent position in Indo-European studies. It is related to Greek and Latin, as well as Hittite, Old Avestan and many other extinct languages with historical significance to Europe, West Asia, Central Asia, South Asia, it traces its linguistic ancestry to the Proto-Indo-Aryan language, Proto-Indo-Iranian and the Proto-Indo-European languages.
Sanskrit is traceable to the 2nd millennium BCE in a form known as the Vedic Sanskrit, with the Rigveda as the earliest known composition. A more refined and standardized grammatical form called the Classical Sanskrit emerged in mid-1st millennium BCE with the Aṣṭādhyāyī treatise of Pāṇini. Sanskrit, though not Classical Sanskrit, is the root language of many Prakrit languages. Examples include numerous modern daughter Northern Indian subcontinental languages such as Hindi, Bengali and Nepali; the body of Sanskrit literature encompasses a rich tradition of philosophical and religious texts, as well as poetry, drama, scientific and other texts. In the ancient era, Sanskrit compositions were orally transmitted by methods of memorisation of exceptional complexity and fidelity; the earliest known inscriptions in Sanskrit are from the 1st-century BCE, such as the few discovered in Ayodhya and Ghosundi-Hathibada. Sanskrit texts dated to the 1st millennium CE were written in the Brahmi script, the Nāgarī script, the historic South Indian scripts and their derivative scripts.
Sanskrit is one of the 22 languages listed in the Eighth Schedule of the Constitution of India. It continues to be used as a ceremonial and ritual language in Hinduism and some Buddhist practices such as hymns and chants; the Sanskrit verbal adjective sáṃskṛta- is a compound word consisting of sam and krta-. It connotes a work, "well prepared and perfect, sacred". According to Biderman, the perfection contextually being referred to in the etymological origins of the word is its tonal qualities, rather than semantic. Sound and oral transmission were valued quality in ancient India, its sages refined the alphabet, the structure of words and its exacting grammar into a "collection of sounds, a kind of sublime musical mold", states Biderman, as an integral language they called Sanskrit. From late Vedic period onwards, state Annette Wilke and Oliver Moebus, resonating sound and its musical foundations attracted an "exceptionally large amount of linguistic and religious literature" in India; the sound was visualized as "pervading all creation", another representation of the world itself, the "mysterious magnum" of the Hindu thought.
The search for perfection in thought and of salvation was one of the dimensions of sacred sound, the common thread to weave all ideas and inspirations became the quest for what the ancient Indians believed to be a perfect language, the "phonocentric episteme" of Sanskrit. Sanskrit as a language competed with numerous less exact vernacular Indian languages called Prakritic languages; the term prakrta means "original, normal, artless", states Franklin Southworth. The relationship between Prakrit and Sanskrit is found in the Indian texts dated to the 1st millennium CE. Patanjali acknowledged that Prakrit is the first language, one instinctively adopted by every child with all its imperfections and leads to the problems of interpretation and misunderstanding; the purifying structure of the Sanskrit language removes these imperfections. The early Sanskrit grammarian Dandin states, for example, that much in the Prakrit languages is etymologically rooted in Sanskrit but involve "loss of sounds" and corruptions that result from a "disregard of the grammar".
Dandin acknowledged that there are words and confusing structures in Prakrit that thrive independent of Sanskrit. This view is found in the writing of the author of the ancient Natyasastra text; the early Jain scholar Namisadhu acknowledged the difference, but disagreed that the Prakrit language was a corruption of Sanskrit. Namisadhu stated that the Prakrit language was the purvam and they came to women and children, that Sanskrit was a refinement of the Prakrit through a "purification by grammar". Sanskrit belongs to the Indo-European family of languages, it is one of the three ancient documented languages that arose from a common root language now referred to as the Proto-Indo-European language: Vedic Sanskrit. Mycenaean Greek and Ancient Greek. Mycenaean Greek is the older recorded form of Greek, but the limited material that has survived has a ambiguous writing system. More important to Indo-European studies is Ancient Greek, documented extensively beginning with the two Homeric poems. Hittite.
This is the earliest-recorded of all Indo-European languages, distinguishable into Old Hittite, Middle Hittite and Neo-Hittite. I