A women's shelter known as a women's refuge and battered women's shelter, is a place of temporary protection and support for women escaping domestic violence and intimate partner violence of all forms. The term is frequently used to describe a location for the same purpose, open to people of all genders at risk. Representative data samples done by the Centers for Disease Control and Prevention show that one in three women will experience physical violence during their lifetime. One in ten will experience sexual violence. Women's shelters help individuals escape these instances of domestic violence and intimate partner violence and act as a place for protection as they choose how to move forward. Additionally, many shelters offer a variety of other services to help women and their children including counseling and legal guidance; the ability to escape is valuable for women subjected to domestic violence or intimate partner violence. Additionally, such situations involve an imbalance of power that limits the victim's financial options when they want to leave.
Shelters help women gain tangible resources to help them and their families create a new life. Lastly, shelters are valuable to battered women because they can help them find a sense of empowerment. Women's shelters are available in more than forty-five countries, they are supported with government resources as well as non-profit funds. Additionally, many philanthropists help and support these institutions; the first women's shelter in Canada was started in 1965 by the Harbour Rescue Mission in Hamilton, Ontario. It was named Inasmuch House, with the name referencing a Bible verse quoting Jesus Christ as saying "Inasmuch as you have done it for the least of these, you have done it for me." It was designed to be a practical outworking of Christian values relating to care. Although conceived as a shelter for women leaving prison, its clientele became women escaping abuse by their partners; the concept of Inasmuch House was shared with other Christian inner-city missions across North America and led to the opening of other such shelters.
The first shelters in Canada developed from a feminist perspective were started by Interval House, Toronto in April 1973, the Ishtar Transition Housing Society in Langley, B. C.in June 1973. These homes were grass roots organizations that lived on short term grants at first, with staff working sacrificially in order to keep the houses running to ensure women's safety. From there,the movement in Canada grew, with women's shelters opening under a variety of names - as a Transition House or Interval House - opening up across the country in order to help women flee from abusive situations; the first women's shelter in the United States was established in St. Paul, Minnesota shortly after the first domestic violence hotline was established in the same location. However, other early locations include Rosie's Place in Boston, opened in 1974 by Kip Tiernan, the Atlanta Union Mission in Atlanta, opened by Elsie Huck. Women's shelters evolved over time. Grassroots community advocates in the 1970s offered shelters as one of the first services for victims of intimate partner violence.
At this time, most shelters involved stays less than six months. Volunteers and shelter workers offered legal and welfare referrals to women when they exited but contact afterwards was limited. More recent programs, such as those funded by the Violence Against Women Act, offer longer term stays for women; these locations, as well as transitional housing, offer more services to their children. Another recent change is the increasing amount of shelters publicizing their locations to increase funding and visibility in the community. Due to a larger women's movement, the number of shelters increased after their induction and by 1977 the United States had eighty-nine shelters available for victims of violence. By 2000, the United States had over 2,000 domestic violence programs in place, many with domestic violence shelters included. For Asia, offering shelter to abused women is not a new concept. In feudal Japan, Buddhist temples known as Kakekomi Dera acted as locations where abused women could take shelter before filing for divorce.
A formal system took more time, however, so it was not until 1993 that the grassroots women's movement of Japan built the first shelter. Today, there are thirty shelters throughout the country. A similar history did not lead to as much progress in China. Women's shelters did not exist until the nineties and since the country only opened a small number. In Beijing there are no shelters for the twenty million residents. In England, Erin Pizzey opened the first known shelter for battered women, Chiswick Women's Aid in 1971. Since this time every European country has opened shelters to help domestic violence victims. Two countries offer shelters for particular ethnicities and cultures. Additionally, a new development in Europe is that countries like the Netherlands and Austria opened social housing for long term stays. One reason for this growth is the Istanbul Convention against Violence Against Women and Domestic Violence, a convention signed by forty-seven Council of Europe member states in 2011.
An article in the Convention sets the creation of women's shelters as a minimum standard for compliance. Following austerity two thirds of local authorities in England have cut funding for women's refuges since 2010. In Australia, the first women's refuge, known as Elsie Refuge, was opened in Glebe, New South Wales in 1974 by a group of women's liberation activists. Many others followed, with 11 established around the country by the middle of 1975 and many more to follow; these services
Forced marriage is a marriage in which one or more of the parties is married without his or her consent or against his or her will. A forced marriage differs from an arranged marriage, in which both parties consent to the assistance of their parents or a third party such as a matchmaker in choosing a spouse. There is a continuum of coercion used to compel a marriage, ranging from outright physical violence to subtle psychological pressure. Forced marriage is still practised in various cultures across the world in parts of South Asia and Africa; some scholars object to use of the term "forced marriage" because it invokes the consensual legitimating language of marriage for an experience, the opposite. A variety of alternative terms exist, including "forced conjugal association" and "conjugal slavery"; the United Nations views forced marriage as a form of human rights abuse, since it violates the principle of the freedom and autonomy of individuals. The Universal Declaration of Human Rights states that a person's right to choose a spouse and enter into marriage is central to his/her life and dignity, his/her equality as a human being.
The Roman Catholic Church deems forced marriage grounds for granting an annulment — for a marriage to be valid both parties must give their consent freely. The Supplementary Convention on the Abolition of Slavery prohibits marriage without right to refuse of herself out of her parents', family's and other persons' will and requires the minimum age for marriage to prevent this. In 1969, the Special Court for Sierra Leone's Appeals Chamber found the abduction and confinement of women for "forced marriage" in war to be a new crime against humanity; the SCSL Trial Chamber in the Charles Taylor decision found that the term'forced marriage' should be avoided and rather described the practice in war as'conjugal slavery'. In 2013, the first United Nations Human Rights Council resolution against child and forced marriages was adopted. Marriages throughout history were arranged between families before the 18th century; the practices varied by culture, but involved the legal transfer of dependency of the woman from her father to the groom.
The emancipation of women in the 19th and 20th centuries changed marriage laws especially in regard to property and economic status. By the mid-20th century, many Western countries had enacted legislation establishing legal equality between spouses in family law; the period of 1975-1979 saw a major overhaul of family laws in countries such as Italy, Austria, West Germany, Portugal. In 1978, the Council of Europe passed the Resolution 37 on equality of spouses in civil law. Among the last European countries to establish full gender equality in marriage were Switzerland, Spain, the Netherlands, France in the 1980s. An arranged marriage is not the same as a forced marriage: in the former, the spouse has the possibility to reject the offer; the line between arranged and forced marriage is however difficult to draw, due to the implied familial and social pressure to accept the marriage and obey one's parents in all respects. In Europe, during the late 18th century and early 19th century, the literary and intellectual movement of romanticism presented new and progressive ideas about love marriage, which started to gain acceptance in society.
In the 19th century, marriage practices varied across Europe, but in general, arranged marriages were more common among the upper class. Arranged marriages were the norm in Russia before early 20th century. Child marriages were common but began to be questioned in the 19th and 20th century. Child marriages are considered to be forced marriages, because children are not able to make a informed choice whether or not to marry, are influenced by their families. In Western countries, during the past decades, the nature of marriage—especially with regard to the importance of marital procreation and the ease of divorce—has changed which has led to less social and familial pressure to get married, providing more freedom of choice in regard to choosing a spouse. Forced marriage was used to require a captive to integrate with the host community, accept his or her fate. One example is the English blacksmith John R. Jewitt, who spent three years as a captive of the Nootka people on the Pacific Northwest Coast in 1802–1805.
He was ordered to marry, because the council of chiefs thought that a wife and family would reconcile him to staying with his captors for life. Jewitt was given a choice between forced marriage for himself and capital punishment for both him and his "father". "Reduced to this sad extremity, with death on the one side, matrimony on the other, I thought proper to choose what appeared to me the least of the two evils". Forced marriage was practiced by authoritarian governments as a way to meet population targets; the Khmer Rouge regime in Cambodia systematically forced people into marriages, in order to increase the population and continue the revolution. These marriage
Types of rape
Rape can be categorized in different ways: for example, by reference to the situation in which it occurs, by the identity or characteristics of the victim, by the identity or characteristics of the perpetrator. These categories are referred to as types of rape; the types of rape described below are not mutually exclusive: a given rape can fit into multiple categories, by for example by being both a prison rape and a gang rape, or both a custodial rape and the rape of a child. The term "date rape" is used to refer to several types of rape, broadly acquaintance rape, a non-domestic rape committed by someone who knows the victim, drug facilitated sexual assault, where the rapist intentionally drugs the victim with a date rape drug so that they are incapacitated. Acquaintance rape constitutes the vast majority of reported rapes. A overlapping category is incapacitated rape, where the victim is incapacitated and unable to give consent – this is the result of intoxication, but can simply be because the victim is asleep or has a medical condition.
DFSA is when the rapist intentionally incapacitates the victim via drugs, while acquaintance rape can occur when the victim is not incapacitated. Acquaintance rape can occur between two people who know one another in social situations, between people who are dating as a couple and have had consensual sex in the past, between two people who are starting to date, between people who are just friends, between acquaintances, they include rapes of co-workers, family, friends and other acquaintances, providing they are dating. A college survey conducted by the United States' National Victim Center reported that one in four college women have been raped or experienced attempted rape; this report indicates that young women are at considerable risk of becoming a victim of date rape while in college. In addition, there have been reported incidents of colleges questioning accounts of alleged victims, further complicating documentation and policing of student assaults, despite such preventative legislation as the Clery Act.
Gang rape occurs. Rape involving at least two or more violators is reported to occur in many parts of the world. Systematic information on the extent of the problem, however, is scant. One study showed that offenders and victims in gang rape incidents were younger with a higher possibility of being unemployed. Gang rapes involved more alcohol and other drug use, night attacks and severe sexual assault outcomes and less victim resistance and fewer weapons than individual rapes. Another study found that group sexual assaults were more violent and had greater resistance from the victim than individual sexual assaults and that victims of group sexual assaults were more to seek crisis and police services, contemplate suicide, seek therapy than those involved in individual assaults; the two groups were about the same in the amount of drinking and other drug use during the assault. Known as marital rape, wife rape, husband rape, partner rape or intimate partner sexual assault, is rape between a married or de facto couple.
Research reveals that victims of marital/partner rape suffer longer lasting trauma than victims of stranger rape. Rape of a child is a form of child sexual abuse; when committed by another child or adolescent, it is called child-on-child sexual abuse. When committed by a parent or other close relatives such as grandparents and uncles, it is incest and can result in serious and long-term psychological trauma; when a child is raped by an adult, not a family member but is a caregiver or in a position of authority over the child, such as school teachers, religious authorities, sports trainers or therapists, to name a few, on whom the child is dependent, the effects can be similar to incestual rape. National and regional governments, citing an interest in protecting "young people" from sexual exploitation, treat any sexual contact with such a person as an offense if he or she agrees to or initiates the sexual activity; the offense is based on a presumption that people under a certain age do not have the capacity to give consent.
The age at which individuals are considered competent to give consent, called the age of consent, varies in different countries and regions. Sexual activity that violates age-of-consent law, but is neither violent nor physically coerced, is sometimes described as "statutory rape", a legally-recognized category in the United States. Most states, allow persons younger than the age of consent to engage in sexual activity if the age difference between the partners is small. Rates of prison rape have been reported as affecting between 3% and 12% of prison inmates in the US. Although prison rapes are more same-sex crimes, the attacker does not identify as homosexual; this phenomenon is much less common elsewhere in the western world. This is because of the differences in the structure of the prison system in the US as compared to the prison systems in Canada and Europe; the attacker is most another inmate. Serial rape is rape committed by a person over a long period of time and committed on a number of victims.
Witch trials in the early modern period
Witch-phobia and prosecutions for the crime of witchcraft reached a highpoint from 1580 to 1630 during the Counter-Reformation and the European wars of religion, when an estimated 50,000 persons were burned at the stake, of which 80% were women, most over the age of 40. Throughout the medieval era mainstream Christian doctrine had denied the existence of witches and witchcraft, condemning it as pagan superstition; some have argued that the work of the Dominican Thomas Aquinas in the 13th century helped lay the groundwork for a shift in Christian doctrine by which certain Christian theologians began to accept the possibility of collaboration with devil/s resulting in a person obtaining certain real supernatural powers. That pagan superstitions would be considered heretical is unsurprising, as any departure from the official positions of Rome could be considered a heresy, for instance, a definition of the relationships within the trinity as seen in the much-vilified Arianism, but with witchcraft, a fear and panic for certain Christian theologians seems to grow in lockstep with the embrace of a new doctrinal position that it was possible for a person to obtain real supernatural power through a collaboration with the devil/s.
In 1233, a papal bull by Gregory IX established a new branch of the inquisition in Toulouse, France to be led by the Dominicans. It was intended to prosecute Christian groups considered heretical, such as the Cathars and the Waldensians; the Dominicans evolved into the most zealous prosecutors of persons accused of witchcraft in the years leading up to the Reformation. Records were kept by the French inquisitors but the majority of these did not survive, one historian working in 1880, Charles Molinier, refers to the surviving records as only scanty debris. Molinier notes that the inquisitors themselves describe their attempts to safeguard their records when moving from town to town; the inquisitors were hated and would be ambushed on the road but their records were more the target than the inquisitors themselves. The records seem to have been targeted by the accused or their friends and family wishing to thereby sabotage the proceedings, or failing that, to spare their reputations and the reputations of their descendants.
This would be all the more true of those accused of witchcraft. A difficulty in understanding the larger witchcraft trials to come in centuries is deciding how much can be extrapolated from what remains. In 1329, with the papacy in nearby Avignon, the inquisitor of Carcassonne sentenced a monk to the dungeon for life and the sentence refers to...multas et diversas daemonum conjurationes et invocationes... and uses the same Latin synonym for witch -- sortilegia -- found on the title page of Nicolas Rémy's work from 1595 where it is claimed that 900 persons were executed for sortilegii crimen. The skeptical Canon Episcopi retained many supporters, still seems to have been supported by the theological faculty at the University of Paris in their decree from 1398, was never repudiated by a majority of bishops within the papal lands, nor by the Council of Trent which preceded the peak of the trials, but beginning in 1428 the Valais witch trials lasted six to eight years, starting in the French-speaking lower Valais and spreading to German-speaking regions.
This time period coincided with the Council of Basel and some scholars have suggested a new witch-phobic doctrinal view may have spread among certain theologians and inquisitors in attendance at this council as the Valais trials were discussed. Not long after, a cluster of powerful opponents of the Canon Episcopi emerges: a Dominican inquisitor in Carcassonne named Jean Vinet, the Bishop of Avila named Alfonso Tostado, another Dominican Inquisitor named Nicholas Jacquier, it is unclear. The coevolution of their shared view centers around "a common challenge: disbelief in the reality of demonic action in the world."Nicholas Jacquier's lengthy and complex argument against the Canon Episcopi was written in Latin and began as a tract in 1452 and was expanded into a fuller monograph in 1458. Many copies seem to have been made by hand but it was not printed until 1561. Jacquier describes a number trials he witnessed, including one against a man named William Adeline against whom the main charge seems to have been that he had preached a sermon, supportive of the Canon Episcopi -- that witchcraft was an illusion.
Adeline recanted this view, most under torture. The most important and influential book promoting the new heterodox view was the Malleus Maleficarum by Heinrich Kramer. Kramer begins his work in opposition to the Canon Episcopi, but oddly enough he does not cite Jacquier and may not have been aware of his work. Like most witch-phobic writers, Kramer had met strong resistance by those who opposed his heterodox view and this inspired him to write his work as both propaganda and a manual for like-minded zealots; the Gutenburg printing press had only been invented along the Rhine river and Kramer utilized it to shepherd his work into print and spread the ideas that had developed by inquisitors and theologians in France into the Rhineland. Malleus Maleficarum was printed 13 times between 1486-1520, and-- following a curious 50 year pause that coincided with the height of the Protestant Reformation-- it was printed again another 16 times following the Council of Trent, it inspired many similar works such as an influential work by Jean Bodin and was cited as late a
Bride kidnapping known as bridenapping, marriage by abduction or marriage by capture, is a practice in which a man abducts the woman he wishes to marry. Bride kidnapping has been practiced throughout history, it continues to occur in countries in Central Asia, the Caucasus region, parts of Africa, among peoples as diverse as the Hmong in Southeast Asia, the Tzeltal in Mexico, the Romani in Europe. In most nations, bride kidnapping is considered a sex crime rather than a valid form of marriage; some types of it may be seen as falling along the continuum between forced marriage and arranged marriage. The term is sometimes used to include not only abductions, but elopements, in which a couple runs away together and seeks the consent of their parents later; however when the practice is against the law, judicial enforcement remains lax in some areas. Bride kidnapping occurs in various parts of the world, but it is most common in the Caucasus and Central Asia. Bride kidnapping is a form of child marriage.
It may be connected to the practice of bride price, the inability or unwillingness to pay it. Bride kidnapping is distinguished from raptio in that the former refers to the abduction of one woman by one man, is still a widespread practice, whereas the latter refers to the large scale abduction of women by groups of men in a time of war; some cultures today maintain symbolic bride kidnapping ritual as part of traditions surrounding a wedding, in a nod to the practice of bride kidnapping which may have figured in that culture's history. According to some sources, the honeymoon is a relic of marriage by capture, based on the practice of the husband going into hiding with his wife to avoid reprisals from her relatives, with the intention that the woman would be pregnant by the end of the month. Though the motivations behind bride kidnapping vary by region, the cultures with traditions of marriage by abduction are patriarchal with a strong social stigma on sex or pregnancy outside marriage and illegitimate births.
In some modern cases, the couple collude together to elope under the guise of a bride kidnapping, presenting their parents with a fait accompli. In most cases, the men who resort to capturing a wife are of lower social status, because of poverty, poor character or criminality, they are sometimes deterred from legitimately seeking a wife because of the payment the woman's family expects, the bride price. In agricultural and patriarchal societies, where bride kidnapping is most common, children work for their family. A woman leaves her birth family and economically, when she marries, becoming instead a member of the groom's family. Due to this loss of labour, the women's families do not want their daughters to marry young, demand economic compensation when they do leave them; this conflicts with the interests of men, who want to marry early, as marriage means an increase in social status, the interests of the groom's family, who will gain another pair of hands for the family farm, business or home.
Depending on the legal system under which she lives, the consent of the woman may not be a factor in judging the validity of the marriage. In addition to the issue of forced marriage, bride kidnapping may have other negative effects on the young women and their society. For example, fear of kidnap is cited as a reason for the lower participation of girls in the education system; the mechanism of marriage by abduction varies by location. This article surveys the phenomenon by region, drawing on common cultural factors for patterns, but noting country-level distinctions. In three African countries, bride kidnapping takes the form of abduction followed by rape. Bride-kidnapping is prevalent in areas of Rwanda; the abductor kidnaps the woman from her household or follows her outside and abducts her. He and his companions may rape the woman to ensure that she submits to the marriage; the family of the woman either feels obliged to consent to the union, or is forced to when the kidnapper impregnates her, as pregnant women are not seen as eligible for marriage.
The marriage is confirmed with a ceremony. In such ceremonies, the abductor asks his bride's parents to forgive him for abducting their daughter; the man may offer money, or other goods as restitution to his bride's family. Bride-kidnap marriages in Rwanda lead to poor outcomes. Human rights workers report that one third of men who abduct their wives abandon them, leaving the wife without support and impaired in finding a future marriage. Additionally, with the growing frequency of bride-kidnapping, some men choose not to solemnize their marriage at all, keeping their "bride" as a concubine. Bride kidnapping is not outlawed in Rwanda, though violent abductions are punishable as rape. According to a criminal justice official, bride kidnappers are never tried in court: "When we hear about abduction, we hunt down the kidnappers and arrest them and sometimes the husband, too, but we're forced to let them all go several days later," says an official at the criminal investigation department in Nyagatare, the capital of Umutara.
Women's rights groups have attempted to reverse the tradition by conducting awareness raising campaigns and by promoting gender equity, but the progress has been limited so far. Coptic Christian women and girls are abducted, forced to convert to Islam and married to Muslim men. Bride kidnap
Pregnancy from rape
Pregnancy is a potential result of rape. It has been studied in the context of war as a tool for genocide, as well as other unrelated contexts, such as rape by a stranger, statutory rape and underage pregnancy; the current scientific consensus is that rape is at least as to lead to pregnancy as consensual sexual intercourse, with some studies suggesting rape may result in higher rates of pregnancy than consensual intercourse. Rape can cause difficulties during and after pregnancy, with potential negative consequences for both the victim and a resulting child. Medical treatment following a rape includes testing for and managing pregnancy. A woman who becomes pregnant after a rape may face a decision about whether to raise the child, to make an adoption plan, or to have an abortion. In some countries where abortion is illegal after rape and incest, over 90% of pregnancies in girls age 15 and under are due to rape by family members; the false belief that pregnancy can never result from rape was widespread for centuries.
In Europe, from medieval times well into the 18th century a man could use a woman's pregnancy as a legal defense to "prove" that he could not have raped her, since her pregnancy was thought to mean that she had enjoyed the sex and, consented to it. In recent decades, some pro-life organizations and politicians who oppose legal abortion in cases of rape have advanced claims that pregnancy rarely arises from rape, that the practical relevance of such exceptions to abortion law is, limited or non-existent. Any female capable of ovulation may become pregnant after rape by a virile male. Estimates of the numbers of pregnancies from rape vary widely. Recent estimates suggest that rape conception happens between 25,000 and 32,000 times each year in the U. S. In a 1996 three-year longitudinal study of 4,000 American women, physician Melisa Holmes estimated from data from her study that forced sexual intercourse causes over 32,000 pregnancies in the United States each year. Physician Felicia H. Stewart and economist James Trussell estimated that the 333,000 assaults and rapes reported in the US in 1998 caused about 25,000 pregnancies, up to 22,000 of those pregnancies could have been prevented by prompt medical treatment, such as emergency contraception.
A 1996 study of 44 cases of rape-related pregnancy estimated that in the United States, the pregnancy rate is 5.0% per rape among victims of reproductive age. A 1987 study found a 5% pregnancy rate from rape among 18- to 24-year-old college students in the US. A 2005 study placed the rape-related pregnancy rate at around 3–5%. Rate Of Sexual Assault From 1993 - 2016 While the 1996 study shows that there was over 32,000 cases of pregnancy's caused by rape, it's important to note that as of 2016 the number of sexual assault cases has been cut in half so therfore that the number of rape-related pregnancies has altered. A study of Ethiopian adolescents who reported being raped found that 17% subsequently became pregnant, rape crisis centres in Mexico reported the figure the rate of pregnancy from rape at 15–18%. Estimates of rape-related pregnancy rates may be inaccurate since the crime is under-reported, resulting in some pregnancies from rape not being recorded as such, or alternately, social pressure may mean some rapes are not reported if no pregnancy results.
Although most studies suggest that conception rates are independent of whether insemination is due to rape or consensual sex, some analysts have suggested that the rate of conception may be higher, or lower, from insemination due to rape. Psychologist Robert L. Smith states that some studies have reported "unusually high rates of conception following rape", he cites a paper by C. A. Fox and Beatrice Fox, reporting that biologist Alan Sterling Parkes had speculated in personal correspondence that "there is a high conception rate in rape, where hormonal release, due to fear or anger, could produce reflex ovulation". Smith cites veterinary scientist Wolfgang Jöchle, who "proposed that rape may induce ovulation in human females". Literary scholar Jonathan Gottschall and economist Tiffani Gottschall argued in a 2003 Human Nature article that previous studies of rape-pregnancy statistics were not directly comparable to pregnancy rates from consensual intercourse, because the comparisons were uncorrected for such factors as the use of contraception.
Adjusting for these factors, they estimated that rapes are about twice as to result in pregnancies as "consensual, unprotected penile-vaginal intercourse". They discuss a variety of possible explanations and advance the hypothesis that rapists tend to target victims with biological "cues of high fecundity" or subtle indications of ovulation. In contrast, psychologists Tara Chavanne and Gordon Gallup Jr. citing unpublished dissertations by Rogel and Morgan, argued that female adaptations reduce the likelihood of rape during fertile periods. A 1995 study of women who became pregnant after rape found that 60% had been impregnated during consensual intercourse. Anthropologist Daniel Fessler disputed these findings, saying, "analysis of conception rates reveals that the probability of conception following rape does not differ from that following consensual coitus". Sociobiologists and evolutionary psychologists have hypothesized that causing pregnancy by rape may be a mating strategy in humans, as a way for males to ensure the survival of their genes by passing them on to future generations.
Randy Thornhill and Craig T. Palmer are key popularizers of this hypothesis, they assert that most rape victims are women of childbearing age and that many cultures treat rape as a crime against the victim's husband. They state that rape victims suffer less emotional distres