Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844
Economic and Philosophic Manuscripts of 1844 are a series of notes written between April and August 1844 by Karl Marx. Not published by Marx during his lifetime, they were first released in 1932 by researchers in the Soviet Union; the notebooks are an early expression of Marx's analysis of economics, chiefly Adam Smith, critique of the philosophy of G. W. F. Hegel. Die Bewegung der Produktion by Friedrich Wilhelm Schulz is a key influence; the notebooks cover a wide range of topics including private property and money. They are best known for their early expression of Marx's argument that the conditions of modern industrial societies result in the estrangement of wage-workers from their own work, their own products, in turn from themselves and from each other; because the 1844 manuscripts show Marx's thought at the time of its early genesis, their publication, in English not until 1959, has profoundly affected recent scholarship on Marx and Marxism regarding the relation of Marxism to earlier work in German Idealism.
The young Marx had been ignored until because his early works were considered more "philosophical" and by some as not "scientific" enough, that is, "economic" as in Das Kapital. However, Marxist humanists regard this book as one of the most important texts by Marx and crucial for understanding his entire thought, Marxians refer to it. In the first manuscript in which there are extensive quotes on economics from Adam Smith, Marx exposes his theory of alienation, which he adapted from Feuerbach's The Essence of Christianity, he explains how, under capitalism and more people rely on "labour" to live. That is, before people could rely in part on Nature itself for its "natural needs". Thus, if the alienation of the worker consists in being a "slave toward its object", the worker is doubly alienated: "first, he receives an object of labour, he finds work, second, he receives means of subsistence, he thereby owes it second as a physical subject. The last straw of this servitude is that it is only his quality as a worker that permits him to continue to conserve himself as a physical subject, it is only as a physical subject that he can be a worker".
In other words, the worker relies on labour to gain money to be able to live. Labour is only used to create more wealth, instead of achieving the fulfillment of human nature. ‘Excerpt notes of 1844’ called the ‘Paris manuscripts’ are known as some of Karl Marx’s earliest writings on philosophy plus economics. However, they were only published in the 1930s after the Soviet Revolution of 1917 had taken place, he argues that the worker is alienated in four ways: Alienation from the product he produces The labour becomes impersonal Alienation from nature and self Alienation from other human beings Within classical political economy, economists lay out theories determining value in terms of precious metals or money such as silver and gold, costs of production, amount of labour embedded within a product and the, in Marx's view, chaotic process of demand and supply. Money was invented only to overcome difficulties exchanging goods, since it was and still would be difficult to trade five oranges for half a dog.
Hence money, as the empiricist John Stuart Mill says, is just the medium of exchange to be more flexible. For Marx, the problem with money consists of the fact that from being a substitute money becomes a good, it does not represent the value of a several goods. Therefore, due to its flexibility, money could purchase everything, as long as sufficiently available; the market mechanism for exchange altered and Marx claimed the market principle formula Money-Commodity-Profit in contrast to the traditional formula Commodity-Money-Commodity to be a perversion of the logic of market. As did Aristotle, Marx argues that the market system does not serve a mere desire of exchange, but the aim of profit. To gain profits, money thereby becomes capital resulting in capitalism. Marx defines capital as “accumulated labour”; the fetishism of money is born. Men are evaluated in terms of their materialistic creditability; this becomes an economic judgement of their morality. The consequence is that morality becomes a vehicle for money.
Basic human ideals change. The main objective of men moves towards earning as much money as possible, putting everything else in background; this enhances the formation and size of gaps between the capitalist and the labourer, gives power to those who are wealthy. This means that the poorer become more dependent on the rich, since they are the rich’s employees; this is a rather unfortunate process for the poor, since they have to sell their labour to the capitalist and in return are being paid a wage. However, the capitalist pays lesser wage than the value added by the labourer; when he brings the product onto the market, the labourer has to buy the product at a proportionally higher price than he can afford. Thereby it becomes impossible for the poor to build up capital and on the other hand quite easy for the capitalist to increase his. A situation of dissimulation and subservience of the poor is created. Developing this idea further on, the credit relationship becomes an object of trades of abuse and misuse.
Reaching the state level quickly it puts the state in power of financiers. For Ma
Dialectics of Nature
Dialectics of Nature is an unfinished 1883 work by Friedrich Engels that applies Marxist ideas – those of dialectical materialism – to science. Engels wrote most of the manuscript between 1872 and 1882, a melange of German and English notations on the contemporary development of science and technology. However, it was not published within his lifetime. In times, Eduard Bernstein passed the manuscripts to Albert Einstein, who thought the science confused but the overall work worthy of a broader readership. After that in 1927, the Marx-Engels Institute in Moscow published the manuscripts; the biologist J. B. S. Haldane wrote a preface for the work in 1939, "Hence it is hard to follow if one does not know the history of the scientific practice of that time; the idea of what is now called the conservation of energy was beginning to permeate physics and biology, but it was still incompletely realised, still more incompletely applied. Words such as'force','motion', and'vis viva' were used where we should now speak of energy".
Some controversial topics of Engels' day, pertaining to incomplete or faulty theories, are now settled, making some of Engels' essays dated. "Their interest lies not so much in their detailed criticism of theories, but in showing how Engels grappled with intellectual problems". One "law" proposed in the Dialectics of Nature is the "law of the transformation of quantity into quality and vice versa"; the most cited example of this is the change of water from a liquid to a gas, by increasing its temperature. In contemporary science, this process is known as a phase transition. There has been an effort to apply this mechanism to social phenomena, whereby population increases result in changes in social structure. Dialectics and its study was derived from the philosopher G. W. F. Hegel, who, in turn, had studied the Greek philosopher Heraclitus and author of Science of Logic. Heraclitus taught that everything was changing and that all things consisted of two opposite elements which changed into each other as night changes into day, light into darkness, life into death etc.
Engels's work develops from the comments. It includes the famous "The Part Played by Labour in the Transition from Ape to Man", published separately as a pamphlet. Engels argues that the hand and brain grew together, an idea supported by fossil discoveries. Most of the work is fragmentary. A quotation from its biology: Vertebrates, their essential character: the grouping of the whole body about the nervous system. Thereby the development of self-consciousness, etc. becomes possible. In all other animals the nervous system is a secondary affair, here it is the basis of the whole organisation. Natural philosophy Full text on-line. Available as pdf Michael Kosok, Essay on Dialectics of Nature Dialectics and Chaos
Historical materialism is a methodology used by some communist and Marxist historiographers that focuses on human societies and their development through history, arguing that history is the result of material conditions rather than ideas. This was first articulated by Karl Marx as the "materialist conception of history." It is principally a theory of history which asserts that the material conditions of a society's mode of production or in Marxist terms, the union of a society's productive forces and relations of production, fundamentally determine society's organization and development. Historical materialism is an example of Marx and Engel's scientific socialism, attempting to show that socialism and communism are scientific necessities rather than philosophical ideals. Historical materialism is materialist as it does not believe that history has been driven by individual's consciousness or ideals, but rather ascribes to the philosophical monism that matter is the fundamental substance of nature and henceforth the driving force in all of world history.
In contrast, idealists believe that human consciousness creates reality rather than the materialist conception that material reality creates human consciousness. This put Marx in direct conflict with groups like the liberals and egoists who believed that reality was governed by some set of ideals. Communism is for us not a state of affairs, to be established, an ideal to which reality have to adjust itself. We call communism the real movement; the conditions of this movement result from the premises now in existence. -Karl Marx, The German Ideology Historical materialism looks for the causes of developments and changes in human society in the means by which humans collectively produce the necessities of life. It posits that social classes and the relationship between them, along with the political structures and ways of thinking in society, are founded on and reflect contemporary economic activity. Since Marx's time, the theory has been expanded by some writers, it now has many non-Marxist variants.
Many Marxists contend that historical materialism is a scientific approach to the study of history: scientific socialism. While Marx never used the words "historical materialism" to describe his theory of history, it first appears in Friedrich Engels' 1880 work Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, to which Marx wrote an introduction for the French edition. By 1892, Friedrich Engels indicated that he accepted the broader usage of the term "historical materialism," writing in an introduction to an English edition of Socialism: Utopian and Scientific. I hope British respectability will not be overshocked if I use, in English as well as in so many other languages, the term "historical materialism", to designate that view of the course of history which seeks the ultimate cause and the great moving power of all important historic events in the economic development of society, in the changes in the modes of production and exchange, in the consequent division of society into distinct classes, in the struggles of these classes against one another.
Marx's initial interest in materialism is evident in his doctoral thesis which compared the philosophical atomism of Democritus with the materialist philosophy of Epicurus as well as his close reading of Adam Smith and other writers in classical political economy. Marx and Engels first state and detail their materialist conception of history within the pages of The German Ideology, written in 1845; the book, which structural Marxists such as Louis Althusser regard as Marx's first'mature' work, is a lengthy polemic against Marx and Engels' fellow Young Hegelians and contemporaries Ludwig Feuerbach, Bruno Bauer, Max Stirner. Stirner's 1844 work The Unique and its Property had a strong impact on the worldview of Marx and Engels: Stirner's blistering critique of morality and whole-hearted embrace of egoism prompted the pair to formulate a conception of socialism along lines of self-interest rather than simple humanism alone, grounding that conception in the scientific study of history. Marx's clearest formulation of historical materialism resides in the preface to his 1859 book A Contribution to the Critique of Political Economy: The mode of production of material life conditions the general process of social and intellectual life.
It is not the consciousness of men that determines their existence, but their social existence that determines their consciousness. In a foreword to his essay Ludwig Feuerbach and the End of Classical German Philosophy, three years after Marx's death, Engels claimed confidently that "the Marxist world outlook has found representatives far beyond the boundaries of Germany and Europe and in all the literary languages of the world." Indeed, in the years after Marx and Engels' deaths, "historical materialism" was identified as a distinct philosophical doctrine and was subsequently elaborated upon and systematized by Orthodox Marxist and Marxist–Leninist thinkers such as Eduard Bernstein, Karl Kautsky, Georgi Plekhanov and Nikolai Bukharin. This occurred despite the fact that many of Marx's earlier works on historical materialism, including The German Ideology, remained unpublished until the 1930's. In the early years of the 20th century, historical materialism was treated by socialist writers as interchangeable with dialectical materialism, a formulation never used by Marx or Engels.
The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon
The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon is an essay written by Karl Marx between December 1851 and March 1852, published in 1852 in Die Revolution, a German monthly magazine published in New York City and established by Joseph Weydemeyer. English editions, such as an 1869 Hamburg edition, were entitled The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte; the essay discusses the French coup of 1851 in which Louis-Napoléon Bonaparte assumed dictatorial powers. It shows Marx in his form as a social and political historian, treating actual historical events from the viewpoint of his materialist conception of history; the title refers to the Coup of 18 Brumaire in which Napoleon Bonaparte seized power in revolutionary France, in order to contrast it with the coup of 1851. In the preface to the second edition of The Eighteenth Brumaire, Marx stated that the purpose of this essay was to "demonstrate how the class struggle in France created circumstances and relationships that made it possible for a grotesque mediocrity to play a hero's part."This essay contains the most famous formulation of Marx's view of the role of the individual in history translated to something like: "Men make their own history, but they do not make it as they please.
The Eighteenth Brumaire catalogs the mass of the bourgeoisie, which Marx says impounded the republic like its property, as composed of: the large landowners, the aristocrats of finance and big industrialists, the high dignitaries of the army, the university, the church, the bar, the academy, the press. It shows more criticism of the proletariat than is typical of his other works, referring to the bureaucracy as a "giant parasitic body" and describing widespread perceptions of the proletariat as a "party of anarchy and communism," a party paradoxically established on precepts of an oppositional "party of order." Along with Marx's contemporary writings on English politics and The Civil War in France, the Eighteenth Brumaire is a principal source for understanding Marx's theory of the capitalist state. Marx's interpretation of Louis Bonaparte's rise and rule is of interest to scholars studying the nature and meaning of fascism. Many Marxist scholars regard the coup as a forerunner of the phenomenon of 20th-century fascism.
This book is the source of one of Marx's most quoted statements, that history repeats itself, "the first as tragedy as farce", referring to Napoleon I and to his nephew Louis Napoleon: Hegel remarks somewhere that all great world-historic facts and personages appear, so to speak, twice. He forgot to add: the first time as the second time as farce. Caussidière for Danton, Louis Blanc for Robespierre, the Montagne of 1848 to 1851 for the Montagne of 1793 to 1795, the nephew for the uncle, and the same caricature occurs in the circumstances of the second edition of the Eighteenth Brumaire. Marx's sentiment echoed an observation made by Friedrich Engels at the same time Marx began work on this book. In a letter to Marx of 3 December 1851, Engels wrote from Manchester:.... It seems as though old Hegel, in the guise of the World Spirit, were directing history from the grave and, with the greatest conscientiousness, causing everything to be re-enacted twice over, once as grand tragedy and the second time as rotten farce, Caussidière for Danton, L. Blanc for Robespierre, Barthélemy for Saint-Just, Flocon for Carnot, the moon-calf together with the first available dozen debt-encumbered lieutenants for the little corporal and his band of marshals.
Thus the 18th Brumaire would be upon us. Yet this motif appeared earlier, in Marx's 1837 unpublished novel Scorpion and Felix, this time with a comparison between the first Napoleon and King Louis Philippe: Every giant... presupposes a dwarf, every genius a hidebound philistine.... The first are too great for this world, so they are thrown out, but the latter strike root in it and remain.... Caesar the hero leaves behind him the play-acting Octavianus, Emperor Napoleon the bourgeois king Louis Philippe.... Marxist philosophy Margaret A. Rose, Reading the Young Marx and Engels: Poetry and the Censor. London: Croon Helm, 1978; the Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Napoleon Preface to the Second Edition The Eighteenth Brumaire of Louis Bonaparte, Charles H. Kerr, Chicago, 1907; the Eighteenth Brumaire Of Louis Bonaparte, International Publishers, New York City, 1963
State capitalism is an economic system in which the state undertakes commercial economic activity and where the means of production are organized and managed as state-owned business enterprises, or where there is otherwise a dominance of corporatized government agencies or of publicly listed corporations in which the state has controlling shares. Marxist literature defines state capitalism as a social system combining capitalism with ownership or control by a state—by this definition, a state capitalist country is one where the government controls the economy and acts like a single huge corporation, extracting the surplus value from the workforce in order to invest it in further production; this designation applies regardless of the political aims of the state and some people argue that the modern People's Republic of China constitutes a form of state capitalism and/or that the Soviet Union failed in its goal to establish socialism, but rather established state capitalism. The term "state capitalism" is used by some in reference to a private capitalist economy controlled by a state meaning a owned economy, subject to statist economic planning.
This term was used to describe the controlled economies of the Great Powers in the First World War. State capitalism has come to refer to an economic system where the means of production are owned but the state has considerable control over the allocation of credit and investment as in the case of France during the period of dirigisme after the Second World War. State capitalism may be used to describe a system where the state intervenes in the economy to protect and advance the interests of large-scale businesses. Libertarian socialist Noam Chomsky applies the term "state capitalism" to economies such as that of the United States, where large enterprises that are deemed "too big to fail" receive publicly funded government bailouts that mitigate the firms' assumption of risk and undermine market laws and where the state funds private production at public expense, but private owners reap the profits; this practice is claimed to be in contrast with the ideals of both socialism and laissez-faire capitalism.
There are various theories and critiques of state capitalism, some of which existed before the 1917 October Revolution. The common themes among them identify that the workers do not meaningfully control the means of production and detect that commodity relations and production for profit still occur within state capitalism. In Socialism: Utopian and Scientific, Friedrich Engels argued that state ownership does not do away with capitalism by itself, but rather would be the final stage of capitalism, consisting of ownership and management of large-scale production and communication by the bourgeois state, he argued. The term was first used by Wilhelm Liebknecht in 1896 who said: "Nobody has combated State Socialism more than we German Socialists, it has been suggested that the concept of state capitalism can be traced back to Mikhail Bakunin's critique during the First International of the potential for state exploitation under Marxist-inspired socialism, or to Jan Waclav Machajski's argument in The Intellectual Worker that socialism was a movement of the intelligentsia as a class, resulting in a new type of society he termed state capitalism.
For anarchists, state socialism is equivalent to state capitalism, hence oppressive and a shift from private capitalists to the state being the sole employer and capitalist. During World War I, using Vladimir Lenin's idea that Czarism was taking a "Prussian path" to capitalism, the Bolshevik Nikolai Bukharin identified a new stage in the development of capitalism in which all sectors of national production and all important social institutions had become managed by the state—he termed this new stage "state capitalism". After the October Revolution, Lenin used the term positively. In spring 1918, during a brief period of economic liberalism prior to the introduction of war communism and again during the New Economic Policy of 1921, Lenin justified the introduction of state capitalism controlled politically by the dictatorship of the proletariat to further central control and develop the productive forces: Reality tells us that state capitalism would be a step forward. If in a small space of time we could achieve state capitalism, that would be a victory.
Lenin argued the state should temporarily run the economy, which would be taken over by workers. To Lenin, "state capitalism" did not mean the state would run most of the economy, but that "state capitalism" would be one of five elements of the economy: State capitalism would be a step forward as compared with the present state of affairs in our Soviet Republic. If in six months' time state capitalism became established in our Republic, this would be a great success and a sure guarantee that within a year socialism will have gained a permanently firm hold; the term "state capitalism" has been used by various socialists, including anarchists and Leninists. The earliest critique of the Soviet Union as state capitalist was formulated by the Russian anarchists as documented in Paul Avrich's work on Russian anarchism; this claim would become standard in anarchist works. For example, the prominent anarchist Emma Goldman in an article from 1935 titled "There Is No Communism in Russia" said of the Soviet Union
Illinois is a state in the Midwestern and Great Lakes region of the United States. It has the fifth largest gross domestic product, the sixth largest population, the 25th largest land area of all U. S. states. Illinois is noted as a microcosm of the entire United States. With Chicago in northeastern Illinois, small industrial cities and immense agricultural productivity in the north and center of the state, natural resources such as coal and petroleum in the south, Illinois has a diverse economic base, is a major transportation hub. Chicagoland, Chicago's metropolitan area, encompasses over 65% of the state's population; the Port of Chicago connects the state to international ports via two main routes: from the Great Lakes, via the Saint Lawrence Seaway, to the Atlantic Ocean and from the Great Lakes to the Mississippi River, via the Illinois Waterway to the Illinois River. The Mississippi River, the Ohio River, the Wabash River form parts of the boundaries of Illinois. For decades, Chicago's O'Hare International Airport has been ranked as one of the world's busiest airports.
Illinois has long had a reputation as a bellwether both in social and cultural terms and, through the 1980s, in politics. The capital of Illinois is Springfield, located in the central part of the state. Although today's Illinois' largest population center is in its northeast, the state's European population grew first in the west as the French settled the vast Mississippi of the Illinois Country of New France. Following the American Revolutionary War, American settlers began arriving from Kentucky in the 1780s via the Ohio River, the population grew from south to north. In 1818, Illinois achieved statehood. Following increased commercial activity in the Great Lakes after the construction of the Erie Canal, Chicago was founded in the 1830s on the banks of the Chicago River at one of the few natural harbors on the southern section of Lake Michigan. John Deere's invention of the self-scouring steel plow turned Illinois's rich prairie into some of the world's most productive and valuable farmland, attracting immigrant farmers from Germany and Sweden.
The Illinois and Michigan Canal made transportation between the Great Lakes and the Mississippi River valley faster and cheaper, new railroads carried immigrants to new homes in the country's west and shipped commodity crops to the nation's east. The state became a transportation hub for the nation. By 1900, the growth of industrial jobs in the northern cities and coal mining in the central and southern areas attracted immigrants from Eastern and Southern Europe. Illinois was an important manufacturing center during both world wars; the Great Migration from the South established a large community of African Americans in the state, including Chicago, who founded the city's famous jazz and blues cultures. Chicago, the center of the Chicago Metropolitan Area, is now recognized as a global alpha-level city. Three U. S. presidents have been elected while living in Illinois: Abraham Lincoln, Ulysses S. Grant, Barack Obama. Additionally, Ronald Reagan, whose political career was based in California, was born and raised in the state.
Today, Illinois honors Lincoln with its official state slogan Land of Lincoln, displayed on its license plates since 1954. The state is the site of the Abraham Lincoln Presidential Library and Museum in Springfield and the future home of the Barack Obama Presidential Center in Chicago. "Illinois" is the modern spelling for the early French Catholic missionaries and explorers' name for the Illinois Native Americans, a name, spelled in many different ways in the early records. American scholars thought the name "Illinois" meant "man" or "men" in the Miami-Illinois language, with the original iliniwek transformed via French into Illinois; this etymology is not supported by the Illinois language, as the word for "man" is ireniwa, plural of "man" is ireniwaki. The name Illiniwek has been said to mean "tribe of superior men", a false etymology; the name "Illinois" derives from the Miami-Illinois verb irenwe·wa - "he speaks the regular way". This was taken into the Ojibwe language in the Ottawa dialect, modified into ilinwe·.
The French borrowed these forms, changing the /we/ ending to spell it as -ois, a transliteration for its pronunciation in French of that time. The current spelling form, began to appear in the early 1670s, when French colonists had settled in the western area; the Illinois's name for themselves, as attested in all three of the French missionary-period dictionaries of Illinois, was Inoka, of unknown meaning and unrelated to the other terms. American Indians of successive cultures lived along the waterways of the Illinois area for thousands of years before the arrival of Europeans; the Koster Site demonstrates 7,000 years of continuous habitation. Cahokia, the largest regional chiefdom and urban center of the Pre-Columbian Mississippian culture, was located near present-day Collinsville, Illinois, they built an urban complex of more than 100 platform and burial mounds, a 50-acre plaza larger than 35 football fields, a woodhenge of sacred cedar, all in a planned design expressing the culture's cosmology.
Monks Mound, the center of the site, is the largest Pre-Columbian structure north of the Valley of Mexico. It is 100 feet high, 951 feet long, 836 feet wide, covers 13.8 acres. It contains about 814,000 cubic yards of earth, it was topped by a structure thought to have measured about 105 feet in length and 48 feet in width, covered an area 5,000 square feet, been as much as 50 feet high, making its peak 150 feet above the level of the pl
The Communist Manifesto
The Communist Manifesto is an 1848 political pamphlet by the German philosophers Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels. Commissioned by the Communist League and published in London just as the Revolutions of 1848 began to erupt, the Manifesto was recognised as one of the world's most influential political documents, it presents an analytical approach to the class struggle and the conflicts of capitalism and the capitalist mode of production, rather than a prediction of communism's potential future forms. The Communist Manifesto summarises Marx and Engels' theories concerning the nature of society and politics, namely that in their own words "he history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles", it briefly features their ideas for how the capitalist society of the time would be replaced by socialism. Near the end of the Manifesto, the authors call for a "forcible overthrow of all existing social conditions", which served as the justification for all communist revolutions around the world.
In 2013, The Communist Manifesto was registered to UNESCO's Memory of the World Programme along with Marx's Capital, Volume I. The Communist Manifesto is divided into a preamble and four sections, the last of these a short conclusion; the introduction begins by proclaiming: "A spectre is haunting Europe—the spectre of communism. All the powers of old Europe have entered into a holy alliance to exorcise this spectre". Pointing out that parties everywhere—including those in government and those in the opposition—have flung the "branding reproach of communism" at each other, the authors infer from this that the powers-that-be acknowledge communism to be a power in itself. Subsequently, the introduction exhorts Communists to publish their views and aims, to "meet this nursery tale of the spectre of communism with a manifesto of the party itself"; the first section of the Manifesto, "Bourgeois and Proletarians", elucidates the materialist conception of history, that "the history of all hitherto existing society is the history of class struggles".
Societies have always taken the form of an oppressed majority exploited under the yoke of an oppressive minority. In capitalism, the industrial working class, or proletariat, engage in class struggle against the owners of the means of production, the bourgeoisie; as before, this struggle will end in a revolution that restructures society, or the "common ruin of the contending classes". The bourgeoisie, through the "constant revolutionising of production uninterrupted disturbance of all social conditions" have emerged as the supreme class in society, displacing all the old powers of feudalism; the bourgeoisie exploits the proletariat for its labour power, creating profit for themselves and accumulating capital. However, in doing so the bourgeoisie serves as "its own grave-diggers". "Proletarians and Communists", the second section, starts by stating the relationship of conscious communists to the rest of the working class. The communists' party will not oppose other working-class parties, but unlike them, it will express the general will and defend the common interests of the world's proletariat as a whole, independent of all nationalities.
The section goes on to defend communism from various objections, including claims that it advocates communal prostitution or disincentivises people from working. The section ends by outlining a set of short-term demands—among them a progressive income tax; the third section, "Socialist and Communist Literature", distinguishes communism from other socialist doctrines prevalent at the time—these being broadly categorised as Reactionary Socialism. While the degree of reproach toward rival perspectives varies, all are dismissed for advocating reformism and failing to recognise the pre-eminent revolutionary role of the working class. "Position of the Communists in Relation to the Various Opposition Parties", the concluding section of the Manifesto discusses the communist position on struggles in specific countries in the mid-nineteenth century such as France, Switzerland and Germany, this last being "on the eve of a bourgeois revolution" and predicts that a world revolution will soon follow. It ends by declaring an alliance with the democratic socialists, boldly supporting other communist revolutions and calling for united international proletarian action—"Working Men of All Countries, Unite!".
In spring 1847, Marx and Engels joined the League of the Just, who were convinced by the duo's ideas of "critical communism". At its First Congress in 2–9 June, the League tasked Engels with drafting a "profession of faith", but such a document was deemed inappropriate for an open, non-confrontational organisation. Engels wrote the "Draft of a Communist Confession of Faith", detailing the League's programme. A few months in October, Engels arrived at the League's Paris branch to find that Moses Hess had written an inadequate manifesto for the group, now called the League of Communists. In Hess's absence, Engels criticised this manifesto, convinced the rest of the League to entrust him with drafting a new one; this became the draft Prin