Republic of Croatia Armed Forces

The Republic of Croatia Armed Forces is the military service of Croatia. The President is the Armed Forces Commander-in-Chief, exercises administrative powers in times of war by giving orders to the chief of staff, while administration and defence policy execution in peacetime is carried out by the Government through the Ministry of Defence; this unified institution consists of land and air branches referred to as: Croatian Army Croatian Navy Croatian Air Force The Croatian Armed Forces are charged with protecting the Republic as well as supporting international peacekeeping efforts, when mandated by the NATO, United Nations and/or European Union. The Army has 650 AFVs, around 150 pieces of artillery, 100 MLRSs, around 70 tanks, 20 SPGs; the Air Force has 12 MiG-21 jet fighters, 10 combat-transport Mi-171 and 16 OH-58 attack helicopters. The Navy has 29 ships, out of which five 60-80 metre fast attack craft are used in offensive capabilities; the total number of active military personnel in the Croatian Armed Forces stands at 14,506 and 6,000 reserves working in various service branches of the armed forces.

In May 2016, Armed Forces had 16,019 members, of which 14,506 were active military personnel and 1,513 civil servants. Of the 14,506 active military personnel, 3,183 were officers, 5,389 non-commissioned officers, 5,393 soldiers, 520 military specialists, 337 civil servants and 1,176 other employees. Total available male manpower aged 16–49 numbers 1,035,712, of which 771,323 are technically fit for military service. Male citizens are now no longer subject to compulsory military service since January 1, 2008. However, the last generation of 2007 servicemen was absolved of compulsory service by an act from Minister of Defence Berislav Rončević; the Croatian military budget for the past 6–7 years was kept below 2% of GDP, a vast difference from the 1990s when defence expenditure represented a major stake in Croatian budgetary expenditure due to the Croatian War of Independence. For example, 1995 Croatian defence budget stood at 12.4 billion Croatian Kuna or just over 10% of GDP, the highest defence expenditure rate ever.

In late 2019, Croatian Government issued revised defence expenditure which will see country increase defence expenditure to meet 2% NATO target by 2020, with 2019 and 2020 defence budgets seeing immediate revisions and increases to meet new spending plan. Defence expenditure in 2024 therefore based on current projections could reach 9.4 billion kuna or around 2% NATO requirement. Defence expenditures in recent years; this downsizing of the armed forces has allowed for more funds to be allocated to modernisation over the past few years with an average of 1.6 billion kuna spent on modernisation and construction of new facilities. A $3 billion modernisation plan was proposed by the Prime Minister Ivica Račan of the SDP led government in 2003, with planned modernisation starting in 2006 and ending in 2015; however it has been delayed in part due to the subsequent economic recession, but due to serious corruption that has cost the Croatian MOD several billion kuna since 2006. A new plan under former Prime Minister Zoran Milanović should define how and what the Croatian armed forces should look like by 2023.

A defence white paper was published in 2015 with emphasis placed on modernisation of the Army. The Dr. Franjo Tuđman Military Academy acts as a school of higher learning responsible for training and educating future generations of military personnel; the academy consists of several schools including "Ban Josip Jelačić", "Blago Zadro", "Katarina Zrinska", the Officers Academy, a school for non commissioned officers. The academy is the only military academy in Croatia; each year 100–120 foreign nationals attend the academy. The Commander-in-Chief of all Croatian armed forces in peace and war is the President of the Republic; the Commander-in-Chief prescribes the organisation of the Croatian Armed Forces at the proposal of the Chief of General Staff, with consent of the Minister of Defence. The Armed Forces consist of wartime components; the peacetime component is composed of the active military officers, civil servants and employees in the Croatian Armed Forces and conscripts serving a 6-month national service and reservists when on military exercise.

The wartime component of the Armed Forces includes all other reservists. The General Staff is part of the Ministry of Defence in charge of commanding and use of the Armed Forces, it has a number of units under its direct command, including the Special Operations Battalion, Honour Guard Battalion and several others. In peace, the Commander-in-Chief exercises his command through the Minister of Defence. In war and in cases where the Minister of Defence is not fulfilling his orders, the Commander-in-Chief exercises his command directly through the General Staff Commander; the Croatian Parliament exercises democratic control over the Armed Forces by adopting defence strategy, defence budget, defence laws. Special Forces Command was established in February 2015, succeeding the Special Operations Battalion, in accordance with the Long-term Development Plan of the Croatian Armed Forces in the period 2015–2024; the command staff is composed of the members who served in the special units, guards brigades and reconnaissa

Gloria Careaga PĂ©rez

Gloria Angélica Careaga Pérez is a Mexican social psychologist and feminist. She has taught at the Faculty of Psychology in the National Autonomous University of Mexico since 1979, she is co-founder of Mexican organization El Closet de Sor Juana and co-Secretary General of the International Lesbian, Bisexual and Intersex Association. Careaga Pérez was born in Guadalajara on 28 January 1947, she received her bachelor's degree in psychology from the Western Institute of Technology and Higher Education. She earned her master's in social psychology from the National Autonomous University of Mexico, she started teaching at the UNAM as a member of the Psychology Faculty in 1979. The focus of her work is the study of sexuality and society and, more gender, she co-founded the University's gender studies program in 1992. In 1998 she established a Sexual Diversity Studies department and taught new perspectives on the analysis of masculinity. Careaga has published numerous articles and book chapters. In 1992 Careaga-Pérez and Patria Jiménez founded the lesbian organization "El clóset de Sor Juana", one of Mexico's most important LGBT organizations.

It was accredited as an NGO by the United Nations for the Fourth World Conference on Women. She is co-founder of Fundacion Arcoiris, a group that studies sexuality. Together with Beto de Jesus, she represents the Latin America and Caribbean region on the Executive Board of the International Lesbian and Gay Association. During the September 1999 ILGA general meeting she was elected representative of the Women's Secretariat. In 2008 she was elected co-Secretary General of ILGA with Renato Sabbadini, they were both reelected at ILGA world conferences in 2010 and 2012. Along with Marta Lamas, Ana Amuchástegui, Norma Mogrovejo, she played an important role in the development of a discourse around sexual diversity within Mexican academia. Careaga Pérez is a member of the International Working Group on Sexuality and Social Policy at Columbia University, the International Fund Advisory Panel of the Astraea Lesbian Foundation for Justice, the International Advisory Board of the International Gay and Lesbian Human Rights Commission and the Advisory Board of the Hirschfeld Eddy Foundation.

Gloria Careaga at TEDx Rua Monte Alegre

Mass mobilization

Mass mobilization refers to mobilization of civilian population as part of contentious politics. Mass mobilization is defined as a process that engages and motivates a wide range of partners and allies at national and local levels to raise awareness of and demand for a particular development objective through face-to-face dialogue. Members of institutions, community networks and religious groups and others work in a coordinated way to reach specific groups of people for dialogue with planned messages. In other words, social mobilization seeks to facilitate change through a range of players engaged in interrelated and complementary efforts; the process takes the form of large public gatherings such as mass meetings, parades and demonstrations. Those gatherings are part of a protest action. Mass mobilization is used by grassroots-based social movements, including revolutionary movements, but can become a tool of elites and the state itself. Social movements are groups that protest against political issues.

Different social movements try to make the public and politicians aware of different social problems. For social movements it is important to solve collective action problems; when social movements protest for something in the interest of the whole society, it is easier for the individual to not protest. The individual will not risk anything by participating in the protest; this is known as the free-rider problem. Social movements must convince people to join the movement to solve this problem. Opposition to United States involvement in the Vietnam War. During the Vietnam war and opponents of the war mobilized for protests. Social movements against the war were groups of veterans; these groups did not believe the war was justified and that the United States had to pull out the troops stationed there. To counter these protests, president Richard Nixon addressed the'silent majority', the people who did support the war, to organize counter protests supporting the war. Yellow vests movement is a social movement originated in Paris.

The protests started. Protesters saw this as a tax on the working class, the people in the countryside who have to drive to work. At first, the movement was successful. A lot of people joined and a majority of the population supported it. After the first weeks, the movement fell apart and some factions became violent; the number of protesters and support of the population decreased. Governments can promote mass mobilization to support the causes. Many governments attempt to mobilize the population to participate in elections and other voting events. In particular, it is important for political parties in any country to be able to mobilize voters in order to gain support for their party, which affects voter turnout in general. Nazi Germany applied mass mobilization techniques to win support for their policies; the Nazi Party mobilized the population with mass meetings and other gatherings. These events appealed to the people's emotions. North Korea employs mass mobilization to convene its people to publicly express loyalty around important events and holidays.

Mobilization is used to acquire workforce for tasks such as construction, farm work, keeping public places clean, urgent disaster relief. Mass mobilization is used to acquire hard currency. Participating in mobilization campaigns is mandatory and failure to appear may result in penalties. However, for some, it is possible to bribe themselves out of the duty; the effect of social media on mass mobilization can both be positive. Cyberoptimists believe. Political ideas spread on social media and everyone can participate in online political actions. Ruijgruk identified four mechanisms, it reduces the risks of the opposition. To be politically active online is less risky than to be active on the streets; the opposition can organize protests without having to meet in a physical place. It can change the attitude of the citizens; when news independent from the government can spread online, people will get a more honest image of their government. On the long term people who are satisfied with their life can become politically active and be mobilized to protest against the regime.

It reduces uncertainty for individuals. When people see a lot of people will be attending the protests, people are more inclined to join; the risk of getting punished is lower. Dramatic videos and pictures will reach more people. People who get to see those images are more inclined to join the protests. Cyberpessimists point to the effect. By liking or sharing a political post, someone might think they are politically active, but they are not doing anything effective; this useless activism, or slactivism does not contribute to the overall goal of the social movement. Is increases the collective action problem. Someone might think they contributed to the cause, so they are less to go to a physical protest. Social media is used by states in order to check society. Authoritarian states use social media to punish activists and political opponents. There are several ways to do this. State led internet providers can use a monopoly position to provide information about internet behaviour to secret services.

These providers can shut down the internet if the government faces mass mobilization, what happened in the Arab Spring. To evade the government online, people c