Na Fianna Éireann, known as the Fianna, is an Irish nationalist youth organisation founded by Bulmer Hobson and Constance Markievicz in 1909. Fianna members were involved in the setting up of the armed nationalist body the Irish Volunteers, had their own circle of the Irish Republican Brotherhood, they took part in the 1916 Easter Rising. They took the anti-Treaty side in the Civil War; the Fianna were declared an illegal organisation by the government of the Irish Free State in 1931. This was reversed when Fianna Fáil came to power in 1932, but re-introduced in 1938. During the splits in the Republican movement of the part of the 20th century, the Fianna and Cumann na mBan supported Provisional Sinn Féin in 1969 and Republican Sinn Féin in 1986; the Fianna is a Proscribed Organisation in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act 2000. An earlier "Fianna" was organised "to serve as a Junior Hurling League to promote the study of the Irish Language" on 26 June 1902 at the Catholic Boys’ Hall, Falls Road, in West Belfast, the brainchild of Bulmer Hobson.
Hobson, a Quaker influenced by suffragism and nationalism, joined the Irish Republican Brotherhood in 1904 and was an early member of Sinn Féin during its monarchist-nationalist period, alongside Arthur Griffith and Constance Markievicz. Hobson relocated to Dublin and the Fianna organisation collapsed in Belfast. Markievicz, inspired by the rapid growth of Baden-Powell's Boy Scouts, formed sometime before July 1909 the Red Branch Knights, a Dublin branch of Irish National Boy Scouts. After discussions involving Hobson, Markievicz and labour activist Helena Molony and Seán McGarry, the Irish National Boy Scouts changed their name to Na Fianna Éireann at a meeting in 34 Lower Camden Street, Dublin, on 16 August 1909, at which Hobson was elected as president, Markievicz as vice-president and Pádraig Ó Riain as secretary. Seán Heuston was the leader of the Fianna on Dublin's north side, while Cornelius "Con" Colbert was the leader on the south side; as with all Scouting organisations, an instructional handbook was a necessity.
The job of producing this Fianna handbook fell to Pádraig Ó Riain. With articles from Patrick Pearse and Roger Casement, advertisements from suppliers of uniforms and equipment, the first Fianna handbook appeared in 1913, it came at a time when the Irish Volunteers was being established and the book was used by this group also. Countess Markievicz bought a large rambling house at Surrey House, it became the unofficial headquarters of the Fianna for some time. The older boys would gather and train here, a mini firing range was set up in the basement; the boys had a radio set in operation and this led to a raid from the DMP. A proper HQ was set up in D'Olier Street. Members who reached seventeen years of age were recruited into the Irish Republican Brotherhood, in 1912 Hobson started an IRB circle within the Fianna, named the John Mitchel Literary and Debating Society, whose members included Colbert, Ó Riain, Garry Holohan, Desmond Ryan, Liam Mellows and Barney Mellows; the Fianna played an active part during the 1913 Dublin Lock-out.
A Fianna, Patsy O'Connor, died after being struck on the head by a Dublin Metropolitan Police baton while giving first aid to an injured man. As the Fianna had been organised four years earlier than the Irish Volunteers, as many of its members were now young adults trained in many aspects of military discipline, many young members transferred over to the Volunteers in November 1913; the original committee which set up the new volunteer movement had three Fianna members on it. Con Colbert, Michael Lonergan, Éamon Martin and Padraig Ó'Riain were prominent in training Irish Volunteers. Seamus Pounch was instrumental in the training of the newly formed Cumann na mBan women's organisation in 1914; the Fianna played a part in gun-running under Hobson's direction. Fianna members brought their treck-cart to Howth Pier to meet the Asgard; the treck-cart was full of home-made batons, these were distributed to the Volunteers on the pier. The cart was used to carry the surplus rifles back to the city. At Clontarf, the DMP and British military were awaiting the return of the volunteers and a confrontation ensued.
Fianna officers made a decision and detoured with their gun-laden cart up the Howth Road, arriving at Kilmore Road, where the arms were stored for future recovery. Hobson reluctantly allowed John Redmond to gain influence over the Volunteers, leading to a split at the outbreak of World War I; this and his subsequent opposition to the Easter Rising led to Hobson's being sidelined by the republican movement and removed from any leadership role for the rest of his life. The Fianna was represented at all the garrisons that were involved in the fighting of the 1916 Easter Rising. Though they were more involved with the Irish Volunteers, Seán Heuston and Con Colbert were still regarded as Fianna members. Heuston was given the task of commanding the Mendicity Institution, while Colbert was under the command of Éamonn Ceannt at Watkins Brewery. Heuston and Colbert both were executed for their part in the Rising. In Galway, Liam Mellows was in command of activities, but escaped capture and got safely to the United States.
Markievicz and Molony both fought as members of the Irish Citizen Army (the Irish Volunteers was an mal
Irish nationalism is a nationalist ideology which asserts that the Irish people are a nation and espouses the creation of a sovereign Irish nation-state on the island of Ireland. It grew more potent during the period in which the whole of Ireland was part of United Kingdom, which lead to most of the island seceding from the UK in 1921. Politically, Irish nationalism gave way to many factions which created conflict violent, throughout the island; the chief division affecting nationalism in Ireland was religious. The majority of the island's population was Roman Catholic, the part that seceded, but a portion of the northern part has a Protestant majority that elected to stay a part of the United Kingdom. Since the partition of Ireland, the term Irish nationalism refers to support for the island's unification. Irish nationalists assert. Irish nationalism speaks to celebration of the culture of Ireland the Irish language, literature and sports. Irish nationalism is regarded as having emerged following the Renaissance revival of the concept of the patria and the religious struggle between the ideology of the Protestant Reformation and the Catholic Counter-Reformation.
At this early stage in the 16th century, Irish nationalism represented an ideal of the native Gaelic Irish and the Old English banding together in common cause, under the banner of Catholicism and Irish civic identity, hoping to protect their land and interests from the New English Protestant forces sponsored by England. This vision sought to overcome the old ethnic divide between Gaeil and Gaill, a feature of Irish life since the 12th century. Protestantism in England introduced a religious element to the 16th century Tudor conquest of Ireland, as many of the native Gaels and Hiberno-Normans remained Catholic; the Plantations of Ireland dispossessed many native Catholic landowners in favour of Protestant settlers from England and Scotland. In addition, the Plantation of Ulster, begun in 1609, "planted" a sizeable population of English and Scottish Protestant settlers into the north of Ireland. Irish aristocrats waged many campaigns against the English presence. A prime example is the rebellion of Hugh O'Neill which became known as the Nine Years War of 1594–1603, which aimed to expel the English and make Ireland a Spanish protectorate.
A more significant movement came in the 1640s, after the Irish Rebellion of 1641, when a coalition of Gaelic Irish and Old English Catholics set up a de facto independent Irish state to fight in the Wars of the Three Kingdoms. The Confederate Catholics of Ireland known as the Confederation of Kilkenny, emphasised the idea of Ireland as a Kingdom independent from England, albeit under the same monarch, they demanded autonomy for the Irish Parliament, full rights for Catholics and an end to the confiscation of Catholic-owned land. The Cromwellian conquest of Ireland destroyed the Confederate cause and resulted in the permanent dispossession of the old Catholic landowning class. A similar Irish Catholic monarchist movement emerged in the 1680s and 1690s, when Irish Catholic Jacobites supported James II after his deposition in England in the Glorious Revolution of 1688–1689; the Jacobites demanded that Irish Catholics have a majority in an autonomous Irish Parliament, the restoration of confiscated Catholic land, an Irish-born Lord Deputy of Ireland.
To the Confederates of the 1640s, the Jacobites were conscious of representing the "Irish nation", but were not separatists and represented the interests of the landed class as opposed to all the Irish people. Like the Confederates, they suffered defeat, in the Williamite War in Ireland. Thereafter, the English Protestant Ascendancy dominated Irish government and landholding; the Penal Laws discriminated against non-Anglicans. This coupling of religious and ethnic identity – principally Roman Catholic and Gaelic – as well as a consciousness of dispossession and defeat at the hands of British and Protestant forces, became enduring features of Irish nationalism. However, the Irish Catholic movements of the 16th century were invariably led by a small landed and clerical elite. Professor Kevin Whelan has traced the emergence of the modern Catholic-nationalist identity that formed in 1760–1830. Irish historian Marc Caball, on the other hand, claims that "early modern Irish nationalism" began to be established after the Flight of the Earls, based on the concepts of "the indivisibility of Gaelic cultural integrity, territorial sovereignty, the interlinking of Gaelic identity with profession of the Roman Catholic faith".
The Protestant Parliament of Ireland of the eighteenth century called for more autonomy from the British Parliament – the repeal of Poynings' Law, which allowed the latter to legislate for Ireland. They were supported by popular sentiment that came from the various publications of William Molyneux about Irish constitutional independence. Parliamentarians who wanted more self-government formed the Irish Patriot Party, led by Henry Grattan, who achieved substantial legislative independence in 1782–83. Grattan and radical elements of the'Irish Whig' party campaigned in the 1790s for Catholic political equality and a reform of electoral rights, he wanted useful links with Britain to remain, best understood by his comment:'The channel forbids union. Grattan's movement was notable for being both inclusive and nationalist as
Physical force Irish republicanism
Physical force Irish republicanism is the recurring appearance of a non-parliamentary violent insurrection in Ireland between 1798 and the present. It is described as a rival to parliamentary nationalism which for most of the period drew the predominant amount of support from Irish nationalists. Physical force Irish republicanism has been marked by a number of features: A commitment to an Irish republic which stresses the rights of the Irish people as a community, agitating for independence and the ownership of Ireland rather than to individual rights, such as private property rights; the use of secret societies to plot and organise rebellions. The physical force mantra emerged in 19th century Anglo-Irish literary societies that began with Gaelic revivalism; the movement of aristocratic distinguished figures conversed on vexed question of Irishry, cultural identity, the meaning of nationalism, its outward expression through theatrical displays, street performances and the formation of a meaningful dialogue with idealism.
But the ultimate conclusions they reached moved inexorably towards freedom being achievable only through the use of violence or physical force. Where Jansenissistic priests did help was in the constructive truths behind doors hiding secrets, persons wanted, providing shelter and forgiveness. Another important strand of thinking that supported the illumination of Irishness was the concept of manliness. To many the idea of oppression by tyranny was shameful, it was a man's duty to resist, his honour depended on it. This could be found in the associative likeness of a'Green Ireland' that endeavor was to undermine Englishness, taking a borrowed culture, de-anglicizing, to move Ireland closer to her island roots; the evocative use of force was a co-dependent of the physical geography of the Emerald Isle. The Catholic church was integral element towards establishing a national identity for Irishness, but the church remained pacific. Attempts by the church leaders to reconcile the challenge to its spiritual dominance in a New Ireland, with accommodation of the long struggle of many of its parishioners for freedom aced as a condign judgement.
Condemnatory declarations exacerbated contradictory messages to the population driving the movement underground. That the IRB was founded in the United States of America provoked legitimatism to counteract the universality of non-violent Christendom; this was doctrinaire, secretive. The most prominent physical force rebellions and campaigns were: 1798 rebellion of Wolfe Tone and the Society of United Irishmen 1803 rebellion associated with Robert Emmet and the United Irishmen 1848 rebellion associated with Thomas Davis, Charles Gavan Duffy and the Young Ireland movement 1867 rebellion associated with James Stephens, Jeremiah O'Donovan Rossa and the Irish Republican Brotherhood 1867–1885 Fenian dynamite campaign associated with the Irish Republican Brotherhood 1916 Easter Rising associated with Padraig Pearse and James Connolly which commenced the Irish Commemoration culture of celebrating martyrdom and remembrance; this includes the elevation of Pearse to an iconic, cult hero status in the national consciousness.
1919–21 Irish War of Independence – in which Green uniformed, Tricolor republicans lived out the "blood sacrifice" to rid Ireland of British occupation and rule. 1922–23 Irish Civil War - physical force was relegated to'discretionary attacks' on a National Army not yet representative of a Republican force. 1939–1941 Sabotage Campaign - in Ireland'The Emergency' referred to the Free State's neutrality during World War Two. De Valera's constitution required the re-unification of All-Ireland, if necessary by force. Ireland remained sympathetic to German immigration. 1942–1944 Northern Campaign - Northern Ireland was engaged in fighting with the British Empire to defeat Nazism, defending Protestant Unionism, expelling Catholic workers who espoused a Republican terror. 1956–1962 Border Campaign - Cold War Republic led Fianna Fáil'to turn a blind eye' to indiscreet numbers of cross-border incursive actions against unionist positions in Northern Ireland. 1969–97 Provisional IRA campaign 1969–1997 during The Troubles During Civil Rights Marches in the North, the British Army opened fire on its own citizens, sparking a blood feud that committed large numbers of Catholic Nationalists to use physical force in the form of terror bombings, raids,'kneecapping', extortion and other threats in an attempt bring the British Government to negotiate for a United Ireland.
1998–present Dissident Irish Republican campaign – Declaration of peace at the Good Friday Agreement did not prevent splinter Republican groups from taking the law into their own hands, contrariwise to orders from the Provisional IRA's high command. The last manifestation of the physical force philosophy in current Irish history. Groups included'Real IRA', and'New Provos', it was the Volunteers of 1782. Irish republi
The Troubles was an ethno-nationalist conflict in Northern Ireland during the late 20th century. Known internationally as the Northern Ireland conflict, it is sometimes described as an "irregular war" or "low-level war"; the conflict began in the late 1960s and is deemed to have ended with the Good Friday Agreement of 1998. Although the Troubles took place in Northern Ireland, at times the violence spilled over into parts of the Republic of Ireland and mainland Europe; the conflict was political and nationalistic, fuelled by historical events. It had an ethnic or sectarian dimension, although it was not a religious conflict. A key issue was the constitutional status of Northern Ireland. Unionists/loyalists, who were Protestants, wanted Northern Ireland to remain within the United Kingdom. Irish nationalists/republicans, who were Catholics, wanted Northern Ireland to leave the United Kingdom and join a united Ireland; the conflict began during a campaign to end discrimination against the Catholic/nationalist minority by the Protestant/unionist government and police force.
The authorities were accused of police brutality. Increasing inter-communal violence, conflict between nationalist youths and police led to riots in August 1969 and the deployment of British troops, who constructed'peace walls' to keep the opposing communities apart; some Catholics welcomed the army as a more neutral force, but it soon came to be seen as hostile and biased. The emergence of armed paramilitary organisations led to the subsequent warfare over the next three decades; the main participants in the Troubles were republican paramilitaries such as the Provisional Irish Republican Army and the Irish National Liberation Army. The security forces of the Republic played a smaller role. Republican paramilitaries carried out a guerrilla campaign against the British security forces, as well as a bombing campaign against infrastructure and political targets. Loyalists targeted republicans/nationalists, attacked the wider Catholic community in what they claimed was retaliation. At times there were bouts of sectarian tit-for-tat violence.
The British security forces undertook both a policing and a counter-insurgency role against republicans. There were some incidents of collusion between British security loyalists; the Troubles involved numerous riots, mass protests and acts of civil disobedience, led to segregation and the creation of no-go areas. More than 3,500 people were killed in the conflict, of whom 52% were civilians, 32% were members of the British security forces, 16% were members of paramilitary groups. There has been sporadic violence since the Good Friday Agreement was signed, including a campaign by anti-ceasefire republicans. "The Troubles" refers to the three-decade conflict between unionists. The term "Troubles" had been used in conjunction with the 17th century Wars of the Three Kingdoms, as well as to describe the Irish revolutionary period in the early twentieth century, it was subsequently adopted to refer to the escalating violence in Northern Ireland after 1969. The violence was characterised by the armed campaigns of Irish republican and Ulster loyalist paramilitary groups and British state security forces.
It thus became the focus for the longest major campaign in the history of the British Army. The British government's position is that its forces were neutral in the conflict, trying to uphold law and order in Northern Ireland and the right of the people of Northern Ireland to democratic self-determination. Nationalists regard the state forces as partisan combatants in the conflict; the British security forces focused on republican paramilitaries and activists, the "Ballast" investigation by the Police Ombudsman confirmed that British forces colluded on several occasions with loyalist paramilitaries, were involved in murder, furthermore obstructed the course of justice when claims of collusion and murder were investigated. The Troubles were brought to an uneasy end by a peace process that included the declaration of ceasefires by most paramilitary organisations, the complete decommissioning of the IRA's weapons, the reform of the police, the corresponding withdrawal of the British Army from the streets and sensitive Irish border areas such as South Armagh and County Fermanagh, as agreed by the signatories to the Belfast Agreement.
One part of the Agreement is that Northern Ireland will remain within the United Kingdom unless a majority of the Northern Irish electorate vote otherwise. It established the Northern Ireland Executive, a devolved power-sharing government, which must consist of both unionist and nationalist parties. Although the number of active participants was small, the Troubles affected many in Northern Ireland on a daily basis. In 1609, Scottish and English settlers, known as planters, were given land escheated from the native Irish in the Plantation of Ulster. Coupled with Protestant immigration to "unplanted" areas of Ulster Antrim and Dow
Irish National Liberation Army
The Irish National Liberation Army is an Irish republican socialist paramilitary group formed on 10 December 1974, during "the Troubles". It seeks to remove Northern Ireland from the United Kingdom and create a socialist republic encompassing all of Ireland, it is the paramilitary wing of the Irish Republican Socialist Party. The INLA was founded by former members of the Official Irish Republican Army who opposed that group's ceasefire, it was known as the "People's Liberation Army" or "People's Republican Army". The INLA waged a paramilitary campaign against the British Army and Royal Ulster Constabulary in Northern Ireland, it was active to a lesser extent in the Republic of Ireland and Great Britain. High-profile attacks carried out by the INLA include the Droppin Well bombing, the 1994 Shankill Road killings and the assassinations of Airey Neave in 1979 and Billy Wright in 1997. However, it was smaller and less active than the main republican paramilitary group, the Provisional IRA, it was weakened by feuds and internal tensions.
Members of the group used the covernames People's Liberation Army, People's Republican Army and Catholic Reaction Force for attacks its volunteers carried out but the INLA didn't want to claim responsibility for. The INLA became a proscribed group in the United Kingdom on the 3 July 1979 under the 1974 Prevention of Terrorism Act. After a 24-year armed campaign, the INLA declared a ceasefire on 22 August 1998. In August 1999, it stated that "There is no political or moral argument to justify a resumption of the campaign". In October 2009, the INLA formally vowed to pursue its aims through peaceful political means and began decommissioning its weapons; the party supports a'No First Strike' policy, allowing people to see the perceived failure of the peace process for themselves without military actions. The INLA is a Proscribed Organisation in the United Kingdom under the Terrorism Act 2000 and an illegal organisation in the Republic of Ireland; the INLA was founded on 8 December 1974 in the Spa Hotel in Lucan, Dublin by former members of the Official IRA.
The group's political wing, the IRSP was founded on the same day. The IRSP's foundation was made public but the INLA's was kept a secret until the group could operate effectively; the group was formed due to dissatisfaction with the Official IRA ceasefire in 1972 and the supposed refusal to implement the democratic will of the members. Shortly after it was founded, the INLA came under attack from their former comrades in the OIRA, who wanted to destroy the new grouping before it could get off the ground. On 20 February 1975, Hugh Ferguson, an INLA member and an Irish Republican Socialist Party branch chairperson, was the first person to be killed in the feud. One of the first military operations of the INLA was the shooting of OIRA leader Sean Garland in Dublin on 1 March. Although shot six times, he survived. After several more shootings a truce was arranged; the most prominent victim of the restarted feud was Billy McMillen, the commander of the OIRA in Belfast, shot by INLA member Gerard Steenson.
His murder was condemned by Costello. This was followed by several more assassinations on both sides, the most prominent victim being Seamus Costello, shot dead on the North Strand Road in Dublin on 5 October 1977. Costello's death was a severe blow to the INLA, as he was their most able political and military leader, it has recently been claimed by some in the Republican Socialist Movement that one of their members killed in 1975, Brendan McNamee, was killed by Provisional Irish Republican Army members. The Officials had denied involvement at the time of the killing and had instead blamed it on the Provisionals, who denied involvement. In the late 1970s and early 1980s, the INLA developed into a modest organisation in Northern Ireland, operating from the Divis Flats in west Belfast, which, as a result, became colloquially known as "the planet of the Irps", they had a large presence in Derry and the surrounding area, all three of the INLA prisoners who died in the 1981 Irish hunger strike were from County Londonderry.
During this period, the INLA competed with the Provisional IRA for members, with both groups in conflict with the British Army and the Royal Ulster Constabulary. The first action to bring the INLA to international notice was its assassination on 30 March 1979 of Airey Neave, the British Conservative Party's spokesman on Northern Ireland and one of Margaret Thatcher's closest political supporters; the INLA lost another of its founding leadership in 1980, when Ronnie Bunting, a Protestant nationalist, was assassinated at his home. Noel Little, another Protestant member of the INLA, was killed in the same incident. Another leading INLA member, Miriam Daly, was killed by loyalist assassins in the same year. Although no group claimed responsibility, the INLA claimed that the Special Air Service was involved in the killings of Bunting and Little. Offensive INLA actions at this time included the 1982 bombing of the Mount Gabriel radar station in County Cork, which the INLA believed was providing assistance to the North Atlantic Treaty Organisation in violation of Irish neutrality, although this was disputed by the Irish government.
Their most bloody attack came on 6 December 1982 – the Ballykelly disco bombing of the Droppin' Well Bar in Ballykelly, County Londonderry, which catered to British military personnel, in which 11 soldiers on leave and 6 civilians were killed. Members of the INLA participated in the 1980 and 1981 hunger strikes for the recognition of the political status of
Ógra Shinn Féin
Ógra Shinn Féin is the youth wing of the Irish political party Sinn Féin. Ógra Shinn Féin is organised throughout the island of Ireland. Upon its establishment in 1997 it was known as Sinn Féin Youth. A number of Sinn Féin's elected representatives are members of Ógra Shinn Féin. Membership is free and open to all Sinn Féin party members and college society members aged 15 to 29 who support a united Ireland and the establishment of a democratic socialist republic. Ógra Shinn Féin is organised in all 32 counties of Ireland, in both local communities and universities. Its structure is similar to that of Sinn Féin. Ógra Shinn Féin cumainn are autonomous from local Sinn Féin structures. Cumainn - cumainn are organised within a local area or within a college or university. At present there are over 50 active Ógra Shinn Féin cumainn throughout Ireland. A cumainn is required to have a minimum of five members. National Youth Committee - the National Committee is the democratically elected governing body of Ógra Shinn Féin.
It consists of between 21 members. Half of the National Youth Committee will be elected by activists at an annual conference, half will be selected by those elected in place; the chair of the National Youth Committee will be appointed by the party chair. The long-term aim of Ógra Shinn Féin is "to recruit young dedicated activists to ensure the continuity and successful conclusion of the struggle" to establish a 32 County Democratic Socialist Republic. Specific issues of primary importance include: Irish independence; the following is a list of some campaigns which Ógra Shinn Féin has been involved in: Educate to be Free Campaign - This campaign was launched in Winter 2008 and calls for free education for all. It calls for an increase in Irish language education and for student empowerment and radicalizing students unions. Green Postbox Campaign - This campaign was launched in 2008 and involved young republicans in Northern Ireland painting postboxes green; the campaign received severe criticism from Unionist politicians such as Jim Wells.
It is alleged. Although this campaign was launched in 2008, it had been common for ÓSF members and other Irish republicans to engage in this practice. In 2006, a Tyrone ÓSF member was arrested for painting a postbox in Fintona. National Suicide Prevention Campaign - In 2006 Ógra Shinn Féin launched a nationwide suicide prevention campaign; the campaign focuses on the dissemination of information and the demand for an all Ireland approach to suicide awareness. ARISE - In 2007 Ógra Shinn Féin launched the Anti-Racism, Imperialism and Exploitation campaign. Other campaigns - It is/was involved in campaigns regarding Demilitarization, Anti-Collusion, Disband the Royal Ulster Constabulary/Proper Policing, Minimum Wage, Lower Car Insurance, A President for All, Gay Rights, Re-routing Orange Order marches, "Freedom for the POW's", "Bring them home", anti-occupation of Iraq, remembering "Irish martyrs", Irish language, Shell to Sea, Save 16 Moore Street and All Ireland mobile tariff. In August 2016 Sinn Féin youth activists staged a protest outside of Fine Gael Headquarters due to their decision to use tax-payer's money to appeal the European Commission's decision to force Apple Inc. to hand over €13 billion in unpaid taxes to the state.
The protest involved dumping dozens of apples on the doorstep of the building as well as impaling apples on the railings. As part of the transformation of the Republican Movement to reflect changing realities brought about by the peace process, a decision was taken to change the logo, at the 2004 National Congress the green star and orange graffiti-style logo was adopted; the logo was again changed at the 2006 Congress when the current logo, incorporating the words Ógra Shinn Féin, the Starry Plough, the Sunburst Flag and the "Freedom Lark" was adopted. Ógra Sinn Féin has been criticised by the Young Unionists for failing to remove the petrol bomb logo from a number of its wall murals. National Youth Council of Ireland - Ógra Shinn Féin is a full member of the National Youth Council of Ireland. European Network of Democratic Young Left - Ógra Shinn Féin is a full member of the ENDYL. Ógra Shinn Féin has strong connections with a number of pro-independence and socialist groups throughout the world, including: SEGI - A Basque nationalist party that forms part of the Basque National Liberation Movement and is aligned with Langile Abertzaleen Batzordeak and the militant organisation ETA.
SEGI is proscribed as a terrorist organisation by the French authorities. ÓSF send delegations to the Basque Country It has been reported in the Spanish media that the Spanish security services are monitoring both groups and have noticed a sharp increase in co-operation between the two. Spanish papers have claimed that the youth wings exchange IRA and ETA knowledge and information. Ghjuventù Indipendentista - A youth movement which supports Corsican Nationalism and advocates independence from France. An ÓSF delegation attend the "Scontri Internaziunali", held in the town of Corte in central Corsica every year. JERC - The youth wing of the Catalan na