Black separatism is a separatist political movement that seeks separate economic and cultural development for those of African descent in societies in the United States. Black separatism is a subcategory of black nationalism, stemming from the idea of racial solidarity, implies that blacks should organize themselves on the basis of their common experience of oppression as a result of their blackness and African heritage. Black separatism in its purest form, as a subcategory of black nationalism, asserts that blacks and whites ideally should form two independent nations. Black separatists often seek their original cultural homeland. Black separatists think that black people are hindered in their advancement in a society dominated by a white majority. There are similarities between black separatism, they both aim for the rights of blacks. All black separatists are black nationalists. Black separatists believe that black people should be physically separated from other races whites; this is different from black nationalists because black nationalists don't always believe in a physical separation of black people.
In some form, black nationalists do believe in separation, but not physical separation. Black nationalists focus more on black pride and identity, their belief is that blacks should be proud of their own skin and beauty. They believe that there should be justice for black people in America. Examples of black nationalist organizations include the Nation of Islam and the New Black Panther Party. A specific example of a separatist movement is the Pan-Africanism movement. In his discussion of black nationalism in the late nineteenth and early twentieth centuries, the historian Wilson Jeremiah Moses observes that "black separatism, or self-containment, which in its extreme form advocated the perpetual physical separation of the races referred only to a simple institutional separatism, or the desire to see black people making independent efforts to sustain themselves in a proven hostile environment."Scholars Talmadge Anderson and James Stewart further make a distinction between the "classical version of Black separatism advocated by Booker T. Washington" and "modern separatist ideology."
They observe that "Washington's accommodationist advice" at the end of the nineteenth century "was for Blacks not to agitate for social and professional equality with Whites." By contrast, they observe, "contemporary separatists exhort Blacks not only to equal Whites but to surpass them as a tribute to and redemption of their African heritage." Anderson and Stewart add, that in general "modern black separatism is difficult to define because of its similarity to black nationalism."Indeed, black separatism's specific goals were in flux and varied from group to group. Martin Delany in the 19th century and Marcus Garvey in the 1920s outspokenly called for African Americans to return to Africa, by moving to Liberia. Benjamin "Pap" Singleton looked to form separatist colonies in the American West; the Nation of Islam calls for several independent black states on American soil. More mainstream views within black separatism hold that black people would be better served by schools and businesses for black people, by local black politicians and police.
Afrocentric education Cultural nationalism Economic nationalism List of organizations designated by the Southern Poverty Law Center as hate groups Religious nationalism White separatism Anderson, Talmadge. Introduction to African American studies: Transdisciplinary Approaches and Implications, Baltimore: Inprint, ISBN 978-1-58073-039-6. Hall, Raymond L. Black Separatism in the United States, University Press of New England. Malcolm X, The Ballot or the Bullet, April 4, 1964. Moses, Wilson Jeremiah, The Golden Age of Black Nationalism, 1850-1925, Oxford: Oxford University Press, ISBN 978-0-19-520639-5. Jenkins, B. L. & Phillis, S.. Black separatism: a bibliography. Westport, Conn: Greenwood Press. Hall, R. L.. Black separatism and social reality: rhetoric and reason. New York: Pergamon Press. Hall, R. L.. Black separatism in the United States. Hanover, N. H.: Published for Dartmouth College by the University Press of New England. Bell, H. H. Holly, J. T. & Harris, J. D.. Black separatism and the Caribbean, 1860.
Ann Arbor: University of Michigan Press. Browne, R. S. & Vernon, R.. On black separatism. New York: Pathfinder Press. Franklin Foer, Racial Integration Slate Magazine. Malcolm X - The Ballot or the Bullet-April 4, 1964 Malcolm X - By Any Means Necessary
Angela Yvonne Davis is an American communist, political activist and author. She emerged as a prominent counterculture activist in the 1960s working with the Communist Party USA, of which she was a member until 1991, was involved in the Black Panther Party during the Civil Rights Movement. Davis is a professor emerita at the University of California, Santa Cruz, in its History of Consciousness Department, she is a former director of the university's Feminist Studies department. Her research interests are feminism, African-American studies, critical theory, popular music, social consciousness, the philosophy and history of punishment and prisons, she co-founded Critical Resistance, an organization working to abolish the prison–industrial complex. Davis's membership in the Communist Party USA led California Governor Ronald Reagan in 1969 to attempt to have her barred from teaching at any California university, she supported the governments of the Soviet Bloc for several decades. During the 1980s, she was twice a candidate for Vice President on the CPUSA ticket.
She left the party in 1991. After Davis purchased firearms for personal security guards, those guards used them in the 1970 armed takeover of a Marin County, California courtroom, in which four people were killed, she was prosecuted for three capital felonies, including conspiracy to murder, but was acquitted of the charges. Angela Davis was born in Alabama, her family lived in the "Dynamite Hill" neighborhood, marked in the 1950s by the bombings of houses in an attempt to intimidate and drive out middle-class blacks who had moved there. Davis spent time on her uncle's farm and with friends in New York City, she had two brothers and Reginald, a sister, Fania. Ben played defensive back for the Cleveland Browns and Detroit Lions in the late 1960s and early 1970s. Davis attended Carrie A. Tuggle School, a segregated black elementary school, Parker Annex, a middle-school branch of Parker High School in Birmingham. During this time, Davis's mother, Sallye Bell Davis, was a national officer and leading organizer of the Southern Negro Youth Congress, an organization influenced by the Communist Party aimed at building alliances among African Americans in the South.
Davis grew up surrounded by communist organizers and thinkers, who influenced her intellectual development. Davis was involved in her church youth group as a child, attended Sunday school regularly, she attributes much of her political involvement to her involvement with the Girl Scouts of the United States of America. She participated in the Girl Scouts 1959 national roundup in Colorado; as a Girl Scout, she picketed to protest racial segregation in Birmingham. By her junior year of high school, Davis had been accepted by an American Friends Service Committee program that placed black students from the South in integrated schools in the North, she chose Elisabeth Irwin High School in Greenwich Village. There she was recruited by Advance. Davis was awarded a scholarship to Brandeis University in Waltham, where she was one of three black students in her class, she encountered the Frankfurt School philosopher Herbert Marcuse at a rally during the Cuban Missile Crisis and became his student. In a 2007 television interview, Davis said, "Herbert Marcuse taught me that it was possible to be an academic, an activist, a scholar, a revolutionary."
She worked part-time to earn enough money to travel to France and Switzerland and attended the eighth World Festival of Youth and Students in Helsinki. She returned home in 1963 to a Federal Bureau of Investigation interview about her attendance at the Communist-sponsored festival. During her second year at Brandeis, Davis decided to major in French and continued her intensive study of philosopher and writer Jean-Paul Sartre, she was accepted by the Hamilton College Junior Year in France Program. Classes were at Biarritz and at the Sorbonne. In Paris and other students lived with a French family, she was in Biarritz when she learned of the 1963 Birmingham church bombing, committed by members of the Ku Klux Klan, in which four black girls were killed. She grieved as she was acquainted with the victims. Nearing completion of her degree in French, Davis realized, she was interested in Marcuse's ideas. On returning to Brandeis, she sat in on his course. Marcuse, she wrote in her autobiography, was helpful.
She began making plans to attend the University of Frankfurt for graduate work in philosophy. In 1965, she graduated a member of Phi Beta Kappa. In Germany, with a monthly stipend of $100, she lived first with a German family and with a group of students in a loft in an old factory. After visiting East Berlin during the annual May Day celebration, she felt that the East German government was dealing better with the residual effects of fascism than were the West Germans. Many of her roommates were active in the radical Socialist German Student Union, Davis participated in some SDS actions. Events in the United States, including the formation of the Black Panther Party and the transformation of Student Nonviolent Coordinating Committee to an all-black organization, drew her interest upon her return. Marcuse had moved to a position at the University of California, San Diego, Davis followed him there after her two years in Frankfurt. On her way back, she stopped in London to attend a conference on "The Dialectics of Liberation."
The black contingent at the conference included the Trinidadian-American Stokely Carmichael and the British Michael X. Although moved by Carmichael's rhetoric, Davis was repor
Kwanzaa is a celebration held in the United States and in other nations of the African diaspora in the Americas and lasts a week. The celebration honors African heritage in African-American culture and is observed from December 26 to January 1, culminating in a feast and gift-giving. Kwanzaa has seven core principles, it was created by Maulana Karenga and was first celebrated in 1966–67. American Black Power activist and secular humanist Maulana Karenga known as Ronald McKinley Everett, created Kwanzaa in 1966, as a African-American holiday, in a spirit comparable to Juneteenth. According to Karenga, the name Kwanzaa derives from the Swahili phrase matunda ya kwanza, meaning "first fruits of the harvest". A more conventional translation would be "first fruits"; the choice of Swahili, an East African language, reflects its status as a symbol of Pan-Africanism in the 1960s, although most of the Atlantic slave trade that brought African people to America originated in West Africa. First fruits festivals exist in Southern Africa, celebrated in December/January with the southern solstice, Karenga was inspired by an account he read of the Zulu festival Umkhosi Wokweshwama.
It was decided to spell the holiday's name with an additional "a" so that it would have a symbolic seven letters. Kwanzaa is a celebration with its roots in the black nationalist movement of the 1960s. Karenga established it to help African Americans reconnect with their African cultural and historical heritage by uniting in meditation and study of African traditions and Nguzo Saba, the "seven principles of African Heritage", which Karenga said "is a communitarian African philosophy". For Karenga, a major figure in the Black Power movement of the 1960s and 1970s, the creation of such holidays underscored an essential premise "you must have a cultural revolution before the violent revolution; the cultural revolution gives identity and direction."During the early years of Kwanzaa, Karenga said it was meant to be an alternative to Christmas. He believed Jesus was psychotic and Christianity was a "White" religion that Black people should shun; as Kwanzaa gained mainstream adherents, Karenga altered his position so practicing Christians would not be alienated stating in the 1997 Kwanzaa: A Celebration of Family and Culture, "Kwanzaa was not created to give people an alternative to their own religion or religious holiday."
Many African Americans who celebrate Kwanzaa do so in addition to observing Christmas. Kwanzaa celebrates what its founder called the seven principles of Kwanzaa, or Nguzo Saba, which Karenga said "is a communitarian African philosophy," consisting of what Karenga called "the best of African thought and practice in constant exchange with the world." They were developed in 1965, a year before Kwanzaa itself. These seven principles comprise Kawaida, a Swahili word meaning "common"; each of the seven days of Kwanzaa is dedicated to one of the following principles, as follows: Umoja: To strive for and to maintain unity in the family, community and race. Kujichagulia: To define and name ourselves, as well as to create and speak for ourselves. Ujima: To build and maintain our community together and make our brothers' and sisters' problems our problems and to solve them together. Ujamaa: To build and maintain our own stores and other businesses and to profit from them together. Nia: To make our collective vocation the building and developing of our community in order to restore our people to their traditional greatness.
Kuumba: To do always as much as we can, in the way we can, in order to leave our community more beautiful and beneficial than we inherited it. Imani: To believe with all our hearts in our people, our parents, our teachers, our leaders, the righteousness and victory of our struggle. Kwanzaa celebratory symbols include a mat on which other symbols are placed: a Kinara, Mishumaa Saba, Muhindi, a Kikombe cha Umoja for commemorating and giving shukrani to African Ancestors, Zawadi. Supplemental representations include a Nguzo Saba poster, the black and green bendera, African books and artworks – all to represent values and concepts reflective of African culture and contribution to community building and reinforcement. Ears of corn represent the children corn may be part of the holiday meal. Families celebrating Kwanzaa decorate their households with objects of art, colorful African cloth such as kente the wearing of kaftans by women, fresh fruits that represent African idealism, it is customary to include children in Kwanzaa ceremonies and to give respect and gratitude to ancestors.
Libations are shared with a common chalice, Kikombe cha Umoja, passed around to all celebrants. Non-African Americans celebrate Kwanzaa; the holiday greeting is "Joyous Kwanzaa". A Kwanzaa ceremony may include drumming and musical selections, libations, a reading of the African Pledge and the Principles of Blackness, reflection on the Pan-African colors, a discussion of the African principle of the day or a chapter in African history, a candle-lighting ritual, artistic performance, a feast; the greeting for each day of Kwanzaa is Habari Gani?, Swahili for "How are you?"At first, observers of Kwanzaa avoided the mixing of the holiday or its symbols and practice with other holidays, as doing so would violate the principle of kujichagulia and thus violate the integrity of the holiday, intended as a r
Black Panther Party
The Black Panther Party the Black Panther Party for Self-Defense, was a political organization founded by Bobby Seale and Huey Newton in October 1966 in Oakland, California. The party was active in the United States from 1966 until 1982, with chapters in numerous major cities, international chapters operating in the United Kingdom in the early 1970s, in Algeria from 1969 until 1972. At its inception on October 15, 1966, the Black Panther Party's core practice was its armed citizens' patrols to monitor the behavior of officers of the Oakland Police Department and challenge police brutality in the city. In 1969, community social programs became a core activity of party members; the Black Panther Party instituted a variety of community social programs, most extensively the Free Breakfast for Children Programs, to address issues like food injustice, community health clinics for education and treatment of diseases including sickle cell anemia, HIV/AIDS. The party enrolled the most members and had the most influence in the Oakland-San Francisco Bay Area, New York, Los Angeles and Philadelphia.
There were active chapters in many prisons, at a time when an increasing number of young African-American men were being incarcerated. Federal Bureau of Investigation Director J. Edgar Hoover described the party in 1969 as "the greatest threat to the internal security of the country." He developed and supervised an extensive counterintelligence program of surveillance, perjury, police harassment, many other tactics designed to undermine Panther leadership, incriminate party members and criminalize the Party, drain the organization of resources and manpower. The program was accused of assassinating Black Panther members, including Fred Hampton. Black Panther Party members were involved in many fatal firefights with police: Huey Newton killed officer John Frey in 1967, Eldridge Cleaver led an ambush in 1968 of Oakland police officers, in which two officers were wounded and Panther Bobby Hutton was killed; the party suffered many internal conflicts, resulting in the murders of Alex Rackley and Betty Van Patter.
Government oppression contributed to the party's growth, as killings and arrests of Panthers increased its support among African Americans and on the broad political left. Both groups valued the Panthers as a powerful force opposed to de facto segregation and the military draft. Black Panther Party membership reached a peak in 1970, with offices in 68 cities and thousands of members. After the leaders and members were vilified by the mainstream press, public support for the party waned, the group became more isolated. In-fighting among Party leadership, caused by the FBI's COINTELPRO operation, led to expulsions and defections that decimated the membership. Popular support for the Party declined further after reports appeared detailing the group's involvement in illegal activities, such as drug dealing and extortion schemes directed against Oakland merchants. By 1972 most Panther activity centered on the national headquarters and a school in Oakland, where the party continued to influence local politics.
Though under constant police surveillance, the Chicago chapter remained active and maintained their community programs until 1974. The Seattle chapter lasted longer than most, with a breakfast program and medical clinics that continued after the chapter disbanded in 1977. Party contractions continued throughout the 1970s, by 1980, the Black Panther Party had just 27 members; the history of the Black Panther Party is controversial. Scholars have characterized the Black Panther Party as the most influential black movement organization of the late 1960s, "the strongest link between the domestic Black Liberation Struggle and global opponents of American imperialism". Other commentators have described the Party as more criminal than political, characterized by "defiant posturing over substance". During World War II, tens of thousands of blacks left the Southern states during the Second Great Migration for Oakland and other cities in the Bay Area to find work in the war industries such as Kaiser Shipyards.
The sweeping migration transformed the Bay Area as well as cities throughout the West and the North, altering the once white-dominated demographics. A new generation of young blacks growing up in these cities faced new conditions, new forms of poverty and racism unfamiliar to their parents, they sought to develop new forms of politics to address them. Black Panther Party membership "consisted of recent migrants whose families traveled north and west to escape the southern racial regime, only to be confronted with new forms of segregation and repression". In the early 1960s, the Civil Rights Movement had dismantled the Jim Crow system of racial caste subordination in the South with tactics of non-violent civil disobedience, demanding full citizenship rights for black people. However, not much changed in the cities of the North and West; as the wartime and post-war jobs which drew much of the black migration "fled to the suburbs along with white residents", the black population was concentrated in poor "urban ghettos" with high unemployment, substandard housing excluded from political representation, top universities, the middle class.
Northern and Western police departments were all white. In 1966, only 16 of Oakland's 661 police officers were African American, representing less than 2.5% of the force. Civil rights practices proved incapable of redressing these conditions, the organizations that had "led much of the nonviolent civil disobedience" such as SNCC and CORE went into decline. By 1966 a "Black Power ferment" emerged, consisting of youn
In political and social sciences, communism is the philosophical, social and economic ideology and movement whose ultimate goal is the establishment of the communist society, a socioeconomic order structured upon the common ownership of the means of production and the absence of social classes and the state. Communism includes a variety of schools of thought, which broadly include Marxism and anarchism, as well as the political ideologies grouped around both. All of these share the analysis that the current order of society stems from its economic system, capitalism; the two classes are the working class—who must work to survive and who make up the majority within society—and the capitalist class—a minority who derives profit from employing the working class through private ownership of the means of production. The revolution will put the working class in power and in turn establish social ownership of the means of production, which according to this analysis is the primary element in the transformation of society towards communism.
Critics of communism can be divided into those concerning themselves with the practical aspects of 20th century communist states and those concerning themselves with communist principles and theory. Marxism-Leninism and democratic socialism were the two dominant forms of socialism in the 20th century; the term "communism" was first coined and defined in its modern definition by the French philosopher and writer Victor d'Hupay. In his 1777 book Projet de communauté philosophe, d'Hupay pushes the philosophy of the Enlightenment to principles which he lived up to during most of his life in his bastide of Fuveau; this book can be seen as the cornerstone of communist philosophy as d'Hupay defines this lifestyle as a "commune" and advises to "share all economic and material products between inhabitants of the commune, so that all may benefit from everybody's work". According to Richard Pipes, the idea of a classless, egalitarian society first emerged in Ancient Greece; the 5th-century Mazdak movement in Persia has been described as "communistic" for challenging the enormous privileges of the noble classes and the clergy, for criticizing the institution of private property and for striving to create an egalitarian society.
At one time or another, various small communist communities existed under the inspiration of Scripture. For example, in the medieval Christian Church some monastic communities and religious orders shared their land and their other property. Communist thought has been traced back to the works of the 16th-century English writer Thomas More. In his treatise Utopia, More portrayed a society based on common ownership of property, whose rulers administered it through the application of reason. In the 17th century, communist thought surfaced again in England, where a Puritan religious group known as the "Diggers" advocated the abolition of private ownership of land. In his 1895 Cromwell and Communism, Eduard Bernstein argued that several groups during the English Civil War espoused clear communistic, agrarian ideals and that Oliver Cromwell's attitude towards these groups was at best ambivalent and hostile. Criticism of the idea of private property continued into the Age of Enlightenment of the 18th century through such thinkers as Jean Jacques Rousseau in France.
Following the upheaval of the French Revolution communism emerged as a political doctrine. In the early 19th century, various social reformers founded communities based on common ownership. However, unlike many previous communist communities they replaced the religious emphasis with a rational and philanthropic basis. Notable among them were Robert Owen, who founded New Harmony in Indiana, as well as Charles Fourier, whose followers organized other settlements in the United States such as Brook Farm. In its modern form, communism grew out of the socialist movement in 19th-century Europe; as the Industrial Revolution advanced, socialist critics blamed capitalism for the misery of the proletariat—a new class of urban factory workers who labored under often-hazardous conditions. Foremost among these critics were his associate Friedrich Engels. In 1848, Marx and Engels offered a new definition of communism and popularized the term in their famous pamphlet The Communist Manifesto; the 1917 October Revolution in Russia set the conditions for the rise to state power of Vladimir Lenin's Bolsheviks, the first time any avowedly communist party reached that position.
The revolution transferred power to the All-Russian Congress of Soviets, in which the Bolsheviks had a majority. The event generated a great deal of theoretical debate within the Marxist movement. Marx predicted that socialism and communism would be built upon foundations laid by the most advanced capitalist development. However, Russia was one of the poorest countries in Europe with an enormous illiterate peasantry and a minority of industrial workers. Marx had explicitly stated; the moderate Mensheviks opposed Lenin's Bolshevik plan for socialist revolution before capitalism was more developed. The Bolsheviks' successful rise to power was based upon the slogans such as "Peace and land" which tapp
Rosa Louise McCauley Parks was an American activist in the civil rights movement best known for her pivotal role in the Montgomery bus boycott. The United States Congress has called her "the first lady of civil rights" and "the mother of the freedom movement". On December 1, 1955, in Montgomery, Parks rejected bus driver James F. Blake's order to relinquish her seat in the "colored section" to a white passenger, after the whites-only section was filled. Parks was not the first person to resist bus segregation, but the National Association for the Advancement of Colored People believed that she was the best candidate for seeing through a court challenge after her arrest for civil disobedience in violating Alabama segregation laws. Parks' prominence in the community and her willingness to become a controversial figure inspired the black community to boycott the Montgomery buses for over a year, the first major direct action campaign of the post-war civil rights movement, her case became bogged down in the state courts, but the federal Montgomery bus lawsuit Browder v. Gayle succeeded in November 1956.
Parks' act of defiance and the Montgomery bus boycott became important symbols of the movement. She became an international icon of resistance to racial segregation, she organized and collaborated with civil rights leaders, including Edgar Nixon, president of the local chapter of the NAACP. At the time, Parks was secretary of the Montgomery chapter of the NAACP, she had attended the Highlander Folk School, a Tennessee center for training activists for workers' rights and racial equality. She acted as a private citizen "tired of giving in". Although honored in years, she suffered for her act. Shortly after the boycott, she moved to Detroit, where she found similar work. From 1965 to 1988 she served as secretary and receptionist to John Conyers, an African-American US Representative, she was active in the Black Power movement and the support of political prisoners in the US. After retirement, Parks wrote her autobiography and continued to insist that the struggle for justice was not over and there was more work to be done.
In her final years, she suffered from dementia. Parks received national recognition, including the NAACP's 1979 Spingarn Medal, the Presidential Medal of Freedom, the Congressional Gold Medal, a posthumous statue in the United States Capitol's National Statuary Hall. Upon her death in 2005, she was the first woman to lie in honor in the Capitol Rotunda, becoming the third of only four Americans to receive this honor. California and Missouri commemorate Rosa Parks Day on her birthday February 4, while Ohio and Oregon commemorate the occasion on the anniversary of the day she was arrested, December 1. Rosa Parks was born Rosa Louise McCauley in Tuskegee, Alabama, on February 4, 1913, to Leona, a teacher, James McCauley, a carpenter, she was of Cherokee-Creek descent with one of her great-grandmothers having been a documented Native American slave. Additionally, she had a Scots-Irish great-grandfather, she suffered poor health with chronic tonsillitis. When her parents separated, she moved with her mother to Pine Level, just outside the state capital, Montgomery.
She grew up on a farm with her maternal grandparents and younger brother Sylvester. They all were members of the African Methodist Episcopal Church, a century-old independent black denomination founded by free blacks in Philadelphia, Pennsylvania, in the early nineteenth century. McCauley attended rural schools until the age of eleven; as a student at the Industrial School for Girls in Montgomery, she took academic and vocational courses. Parks went on to a laboratory school set up by the Alabama State Teachers College for Negroes for secondary education, but dropped out in order to care for her grandmother and her mother, after they became ill. Around the turn of the 20th century, the former Confederate states had adopted new constitutions and electoral laws that disenfranchised black voters and, in Alabama, many poor white voters as well. Under the white-established Jim Crow laws, passed after Democrats regained control of southern legislatures, racial segregation was imposed in public facilities and retail stores in the South, including public transportation.
Bus and train companies enforced seating policies with separate sections for whites. School bus transportation was unavailable in any form for black schoolchildren in the South, black education was always underfunded. Parks recalled going to elementary school in Pine Level, where school buses took white students to their new school and black students had to walk to theirs: I'd see the bus pass every day... But to me, a way of life; the bus was among the first ways I realized there was a white world. Although Parks' autobiography recounts early memories of the kindness of white strangers, she could not ignore the racism of her society; when the Ku Klux Klan marched down the street in front of their house, Parks recalls her grandfather guarding the front door with a shotgun. The Montgomery Industrial School and staffed by white northerners for black children, was burned twice by arsonists, its faculty was ostracized by the white community. Bullied by white children in her neighborhood, Parks fought back physically.
She said: "As far back as I remember, I could never think in terms of accept