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Revolutionary Organization 17 November

Revolutionary Organization 17 November known as 17N or the 17 November Group, was a Greek far-left militant organization formed in 1975 and led by Alexandros Giotopoulos. 17N conducted an extensive urban guerrilla campaign against the Greek state and businesses, as well as American and British targets. The organization committed 103 known armed robbery and bombing attacks, during which 23 people were killed. 17N was designated a terrorist group by Greece, the United Kingdom, the United States, disbanded in 2002 after the arrest and trial of many of its members. The group's name, 17N, refers to the final day of the 1973 Athens Polytechnic uprising, in which a protest against the Greek Military Junta known as the Regime of the Colonels, took place; the uprising was bloodily suppressed by the army. In addition to assassinations and symbolic attacks on corporate and government offices, 17N supported its operations with at least 11 bank robberies, netting US$3.5 million. Members of 17N kept detailed financial records, found in one of their safe houses in 2002, to document that the stolen money was used for revolutionary purposes.

17N's first attack, on 23 December 1975, was against the U. S. Central Intelligence Agency's station chief in Richard Welch. Welch was gunned down outside his residence in front of his wife and driver. 17N's repeated claims of responsibility were ignored until December 1976, when it murdered the former intelligence Chief of the Greek security police, Evangelos Mallios, left its proclamation at the scene. In January 1980, 17N murdered Pantelis Petrou, the deputy director of the riot police, his driver, it intervened with two long proclamations offering theoretical guidance to the Greek armed struggle and criticizing a rival group, Revolutionary People's Struggle, for poor target selection and operational incompetence. 17N resumed its attacks in November 1983, killing the deputy chief of the Joint United States Military Aid Group to Greece George Tsantes. In 1985, it broadened its targeting with the murder of conservative newspaper publisher Nikos Momferatos; the proclamation left near his body accused Momferatos of CIA connections and complained that Greece "remained a puppet regime in the hands of the American imperialists and the economic establishment."

In 1986, 17N murdered Dimitris Angelopoulos, one of Greece's leading industrialists, charging that he and other members of Greece's "lumpen big bourgeoisie class" were plundering Greece at the expense of workers. 17N responded to the 1988 George Koskotas scandal with a wave of kidnappings. In the 1989 parliamentary elections, 17N urged voters to deface their ballots with the 17N star; the assassination of New Democracy member of parliament Pavlos Bakoyannis in September 1989 prompted public outrage, including among Greek communists who respected Bakoyannis as a courageous anti-Junta journalist. The group took a more nationalist turn. Other victims included US Navy Captain William Nordeen, the U. S. defense attache, whose car was destroyed by a car bomb a few meters from his residence on 28 June 1988, U. S. Air Force Sergeant Ronald O. Stewart, killed by a remotely-detonated bomb outside his apartment on 12 March 1991. In addition to its anti-capitalist agenda, the group was opposed to Turkey and NATO.

Çetin Görgü, the Turkish press attaché, was shot in his car on 7 October 1991. 17N used two.45 M1911 semi-automatics as its "signature weapons". While face-to-face assassination was the early modus operandi, in 1985 the group exploded its first bomb, targeting a bus full of riot police. In October 1986, 17N bombed four tax offices in its first low-level attack against property. In December 1989, 17N stole 114 obsolete anti-tank rockets from a poorly-guarded Greek military depot in Sykourion of Larissa. Between 1990 and 1999, 17N conducted 24 rocket attacks, all but three of them aimed at property rather than human targets. In November 1990, a rocket attack against the armored limousine of shipowner Vardis Vardinogiannis failed. In January 1991 a rocket attack took place on a building of BP. In May 1991 a rocket attack against Siemens offices. In December 1991 rocket attack against Viohalco. In 1991, 17N rocketed a riot police bus, killing one officer and wounding 14. In July 1992, a young passerby, Thanos Axarlian, was killed in a failed rocket attack on Economy Minister Ioannis Paleokrassas.

In May 1994 a rocket attack took place against an IBM building. In March 1995 two rockets against Mega Channel. After their inaugural attack on the CIA station chief, the group tried to get mainstream newspapers to publish their manifesto, their first proclamation, claiming the murder of Richard Welch, was first sent to "Libération" in Paris, France. It was given to the publisher of "Libération" via the offices of Jean-Paul Sartre, but was not published. After subsequent attacks, 17N sent a communique to the Eleftherotypia newspaper; the group argued in its communiques that it wanted to rid Greece of U. S. bases, to remove the Turkish military from Cyprus, to sever Greece's ties to NATO and the European Union. On 7 April 1998, the group used a stolen anti-armor rocket to attack a downtown branch of the American Citibank, which caused damage but no injur

Regional Electoral Courts

Regional Electoral Court is a level of the electoral court system in Brazil. The regional courts are in charge of elections at the state level; the functioning of the regional electoral courts is governed by the law 4.737 of 1965. Each court consists of judges that are publicly elected or nominated by part of the judiciary, according to rules set independently by each regional court. According to the Brazilian legislation, the regional courts are responsible for the control and inspection of the whole electoral process in their jurisdiction, from the registration of each regional branch of the political parties to the production of reports and electoral maps during the counting of the votes; the regional courts are responsible for the registration of voters, for the constitution of electoral districts and for reporting the results. The regional courts must settle disputes regarding the elections and judge appeals to the decisions of the electoral judges; each regional court has the freedom to make their own rules with regard to how these things are handled.

Regional Electoral Court of Acre, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Acre Regional Electoral Court of Alagoas, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Alagoas Regional Electoral Court of Amazonas, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Amazonas Regional Electoral Court of Amapá, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Amapá Regional Electoral Court of Bahia, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral da Bahia Regional Electoral Court of Ceará, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Acre Regional Electoral Court of the Federal District, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Distrito Federal Regional Electoral Court of Espírito Santo, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Espírito Santo Regional Electoral Court of Goiás, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Goiás Regional Electoral Court of Maranhão, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Maranhão Regional Electoral Court of Mato Grosso, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Mato Grosso Regional Electoral Court of Mato Grosso do Sul, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Mato Grosso do Sul Regional Electoral Court of Minas Gerais, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Minas Gerais Regional Electoral Court of Pará, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Pará Regional Electoral Court of Paraíba, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral da Paraíba Regional Electoral Court of Paraná, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Paraná Regional Electoral Court of Pernambuco, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Pernambuco Regional Electoral Court of Piauí, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Piauí Regional Electoral Court of Rio de Janeiro, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Rio de Janeiro Regional Electoral Court of Rio Grande do Norte, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Rio Grande do Norte Regional Electoral Court of Rio Grande do Sul, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Rio Grande do Sul Regional Electoral Court of Rondônia, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Rondônia Regional Electoral Court of Roraima, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Roraima Regional Electoral Court of Santa Catarina, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Santa Catarina Regional Electoral Court of São Paulo, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de São Paulo Regional Electoral Court of Sergipe, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral do Sergipe Regional Electoral Court of Tocantins, Tribunal Regional Eleitoral de Tocantins

RAF Marston Moor

RAF Marston Moor was a Royal Air Force airfield at Tockwith, North Yorkshire, during the Second World War. It was called RAF Tockwith, but confusion with RAF Topcliffe lead to the name change. RAF Marston Moor and RAF Church Fenton were the closest airfields to West Yorkshire and would act as a defence should Leeds be attacked; as it happens Leeds was bombed. In 1943, group captain Leonard Cheshire was made the Station Commander. Following the death of Guy Gibson he requested to be transferred to the command of 617 Squadron; the move required him to voluntarily step down in rank from group captain to wing commander, which he did. Marston Moor was in control of RAF Rufforth and RAF Riccall. During the war, American actor Clark Gable was stationed at the airfield before being relocated to RAF Polebrook. During the Second World War the airfield was used by the 165 Heavy Conversion Unit to convert pilots from the Whitley and Wellington medium bombers to piloting the four-engined Handley Page Halifax bomber.

In January 1942 the unit was split into the 1652 Heavy Conversion Unit and the 1665 Heavy Conversion Unit. 1652 HCU continued in operation at Marston Moor till June 1945, while 1665 HCU moved to RAF Saltby, where it trained crews in the Halifaxes and the Short Stirling. It moved to RAF Linton-on-Ouse. Following the war the field was used as the home base for No. 268 Maintenance Unit RAF from 1945 to 1949. The airfield is now known as Tockwith Airfield; the runways are used for driver's education courses. Some of the buildings about the old airfield were incorporated into a business park; the village of Tockwith has expanded onto the airfield with the eastern side and main section of one runway now dissolved by housing. The Wartime Memories Project - RAF Marston Moor, Tockwith