Yom Kippur War
The Yom Kippur War, Ramadan War, or October War known as the 1973 Arab–Israeli War, was a war fought from October 6 to 25, 1973, by a coalition of Arab states led by Egypt and Syria against Israel. The war took place in Sinai and the Golan—occupied by Israel during the 1967 Six-Day War—with some fighting in African Egypt and northern Israel. Egypt's initial war objective was to use its military to seize a foothold on the east bank of the Suez Canal and use this to negotiate the return of the rest of Sinai; the war began when the Arab coalition launched a joint surprise attack on Israeli positions, on Yom Kippur, the holiest day in Judaism, which occurred that year during the Muslim holy month of Ramadan. Egyptian and Syrian forces crossed ceasefire lines to enter the Sinai Peninsula and the Golan Heights, respectively. Both the United States and the Soviet Union initiated massive resupply efforts to their respective allies during the war, this led to a near-confrontation between the two nuclear superpowers.
The war began with a successful Egyptian crossing of the Suez Canal. Egyptian forces crossed the cease-fire lines advanced unopposed into the Sinai Peninsula. After three days, Israel had mobilized most of its forces and halted the Egyptian offensive, resulting in a military stalemate; the Syrians coordinated their attack on the Golan Heights to coincide with the Egyptian offensive and made threatening gains into Israeli-held territory. Within three days, Israeli forces had pushed the Syrians back to the pre-war ceasefire lines; the Israel Defense Forces launched a four-day counter-offensive deep into Syria. Within a week, Israeli artillery began to shell the outskirts of Damascus, Egyptian President Sadat began to worry about the integrity of his major ally, he believed that capturing two strategic passes located deeper in the Sinai would make his position stronger during post-war negotiations. The Israelis counter-attacked at the seam between the two Egyptian armies, crossed the Suez Canal into Egypt, began advancing southward and westward towards the city of Suez in over a week of heavy fighting that resulted in heavy casualties on both sides.
On October 22, a United Nations–brokered ceasefire unraveled, with each side blaming the other for the breach. By October 24, the Israelis had improved their positions and completed their encirclement of Egypt's Third Army and the city of Suez; this development led to tensions between the United States and the Soviet Union, a second ceasefire was imposed cooperatively on October 25 to end the war. The war had far-reaching implications; the Arab world had experienced humiliation in the lopsided rout of the Egyptian–Syrian–Jordanian alliance in the Six-Day War but felt psychologically vindicated by early successes in this conflict. The war led Israel to recognize that, despite impressive operational and tactical achievements on the battlefield, there was no guarantee that they would always dominate the Arab states militarily, as they had through the earlier 1948 Arab–Israeli War, the Suez Crisis, the Six-Day War; these changes paved the way for the subsequent peace process. The 1978 Camp David Accords that followed led to the return of the Sinai to Egypt and normalized relations—the first peaceful recognition of Israel by an Arab country.
Egypt continued its drift away from the Soviet Union and left the Soviet sphere of influence entirely. The war was part of the Arab–Israeli conflict, an ongoing dispute that included many battles and wars since 1948, when the state of Israel was formed. During the Six-Day War of 1967, Israel had captured Egypt's Sinai Peninsula half of Syria's Golan Heights, the territories of the West Bank, held by Jordan since 1948. On June 19, 1967, shortly after the Six-Day War, the Israeli government voted to return the Sinai to Egypt and the Golan Heights to Syria in exchange for a permanent peace settlement and a demilitarization of the returned territories, it rejected a full return to the boundaries and the situation before the war and insisted on direct negotiations with the Arab governments as opposed to accepting negotiation through a third party. This decision was it conveyed to any Arab state. Notwithstanding Abba Eban's insistence that this was indeed the case, there seems to be no solid evidence to corroborate his claim.
No formal peace proposal was made either indirectly by Israel. The Americans, who were briefed of the Cabinet's decision by Eban, were not asked to convey it to Cairo and Damascus as official peace proposals, nor were they given indications that Israel expected a reply; the Arab position, as it emerged in September 1967 at the Khartoum Arab Summit, was to reject any peaceful settlement with the state of Israel. The eight participating states – Egypt, Jordan, Iraq, Algeria and Sudan – passed a resolution that would become known as the "three no's": there would be no peace, no recognition and no negotiation with Israel. Prior to that, King Hussein of Jordan had stated that he could not rule out a possibility of a "real, permanent peace" between Israel and the Arab states. Armed hostilities continued on a limited scale after the Six-Day War and escalated into the War of Attrition, an attempt to wear down the Israeli position through long-term pressure. A ceasefire was signed in August 1970. President Gamal Abdel Nasser of Egypt died in September 1970
First inauguration of Richard Nixon
The first inauguration of Richard Nixon as the 37th President of the United States was held on Monday, January 20, 1969, at the east portico of the United States Capitol in Washington, D. C.. The inauguration marked the commencement of the first term of Richard Nixon as President and of Spiro Agnew as Vice President. Chief Justice Earl Warren administered the presidential oath of office to Nixon, Senate Minority Leader Everett Dirksen administered the vice presidential oath to Agnew. At the inauguration, Nixon gave the following speech: Senator Dirksen, Mr. Chief Justice, Mr. Vice President, President Johnson, Vice President Humphrey, my fellow Americans--and my fellow citizens of the world community: I ask you to share with me today the majesty of this moment. In the orderly transfer of power, we celebrate the unity; each moment in history is a fleeting time and unique. But some stand out as moments of beginning, in which courses are set that shape decades or centuries; this can be such a moment.
Forces now are converging that make possible, for the first time, the hope that many of man's deepest aspirations can at last be realized. The spiraling pace of change allows us to contemplate, within our own lifetime, advances that once would have taken centuries. In throwing wide the horizons of space, we have discovered new horizons on earth. For the first time, because the people of the world want peace, the leaders of the world are afraid of war, the times are on the side of peace. Eight years from now America will celebrate its 200th anniversary as a nation. Within the lifetime of most people now living, mankind will celebrate that great new year which comes only once in a thousand years--the beginning of the third millennium. What kind of nation we will be, what kind of world we will live in, whether we shape the future in the image of our hopes, is ours to determine by our actions and our choices; the greatest honor history can bestow is the title of peacemaker. This honor now beckons America--the chance to help lead the world at last out of the valley of turmoil, onto that high ground of peace that man has dreamed of since the dawn of civilization.
If we succeed, generations to come will say of us now living that we mastered our moment, that we helped make the world safe for mankind. This is our summons to greatness. I believe; the second third of this century has been a time of proud achievement. We have made enormous strides in industry and agriculture. We have shared our wealth more broadly than ever. We have learned at last to manage a modern economy to assure its continued growth. We have given freedom new reach, we have begun to make its promise real for black as well as for white. We see the hope of tomorrow in the youth of today. I know America's youth. I believe in them. We can be proud that they are better educated, more committed, more passionately driven by conscience than any generation in our history. No people has been so close to the achievement of a just and abundant society, or so possessed of the will to achieve it; because our strengths are so great, we can afford to appraise our weaknesses with candor and to approach them with hope.
Standing in this same place a third of a century ago, Franklin Delano Roosevelt addressed a Nation ravaged by depression and gripped in fear. He could say in surveying the Nation's troubles: "They concern, thank God, only material things." Our crisis today is the reverse. We have found ourselves rich in goods, but ragged in spirit. We are caught in war. We are torn by division. We see around us empty lives. We see tasks that need waiting for hands to do them. To a crisis of the spirit, we need an answer of the spirit. To find that answer, we need only look within ourselves; when we listen to "the better angels of our nature," we find that they celebrate the simple things, the basic things--such as goodness, love, kindness. Greatness comes in simple trappings; the simple things are the ones most needed today if we are to surmount what divides us, cement what unites us. To lower our voices would be a simple thing. In these difficult years, America has suffered from a fever of words. We cannot learn from one another until we stop shouting at one another--until we speak enough so that our words can be heard as well as our voices.
For its part, government will listen. We will strive to listen in new ways--to the voices of quiet anguish, the voices that speak without words, the voices of the heart--to the injured voices, the anxious voices, the voices that have despaired of being heard; those who have been left out, we will try to bring in. Those left behind, we will help to catch up. For all of our people, we will set as our goal the decent order that makes progress possible and our lives secure; as we reach toward our hopes, our task is to build on what has gone before--not turning away from the old, but turning toward the new. In this past third of a century, government has passed more laws, spent more money, initiated more programs, than in all our previous history. In pursuing our goals of full employment, better housing, excellence in education. We shall plan now for the day when our wealth can be transferred from the destruction of war abroad to the urgent needs of our people at home; the American dr
Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum
The Richard Nixon Presidential Library and Museum is the presidential library and burial site of Richard Milhous Nixon, the 37th President of the United States, his wife Pat Nixon. Located in Yorba Linda, California on land that President Nixon's family once owned, the library is one of 13 administered by the National Archives and Records Administration; the 9-acre campus is located at 18001 Yorba Linda Boulevard in Yorba Linda and incorporates the Richard Nixon Birthplace, a National Historic Landmark where Nixon was born in 1913 and spent his childhood. From its dedication on July 19, 1990 until July 11, 2007, the library and museum was operated by the private Richard Nixon Foundation and was known as the Richard Nixon Library & Birthplace; the facility now features tech-savvy museum exhibits. All presidential papers were considered the personal property of the president; some took them at the end of their terms. Franklin D. Roosevelt was the first to make them available to the public when he donated them to the National Archives in 1939, as the Franklin D. Roosevelt Presidential Library and Museum, but did so voluntarily.
The Watergate scandal and Richard Nixon's subsequent resignation from office complicated the issue, however. In September 1974, Richard Nixon made an agreement with the head of the General Services Administration, Arthur F. Sampson, to turn over most materials from his presidency, including tape recordings of conversations he had made in the White House. Alarmed that Nixon's tapes may be lost, Congress abrogated the Nixon–Sampson Agreement by passing the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act, signed into law by President Gerald Ford in December 1974, it applied to materials from the Nixon presidency, directing NARA to take ownership of the materials and process them as as possible. Private materials were to be returned to Nixon; as a result of the Presidential Recordings and Materials Preservation Act, President Nixon's White House papers and tapes were held by the National Archives, thus they could not be transferred to a facility in Yorba Linda. Funding to build the Nixon Library came from private sources.
The estimated cost to build the institution was $25 million. Ground was broken by Julie Nixon Eisenhower, daughter of President and Mrs. Nixon, in December 1988; the original library and birthplace was dedicated on July 19, 1990. Former President Nixon and First Lady Pat Nixon were present, as were President George H. W. Bush, former President Gerald Ford, former President Ronald Reagan, first ladies Barbara Bush, Betty Ford, Nancy Reagan. A crowd of 50,000 gathered for the ceremony. At the dedication, Nixon said, "Nothing we have seen matches this moment–to be welcomed home again." The museum, housed in a 52,000-square-foot building, offers a narrative of Nixon's career. Behind the museum is the birthplace, constructed by Nixon's father using a homebuilding kit, restored to appear as it was in the 1910s. President Nixon and Pat Nixon are buried just a few feet from the birthplace; the Nixon Library compound contains the Katharine B. Loker Center and Annenberg Court, a 38,000-square-foot wing constructed in 2004, which includes a special exhibit room and an exact replica of the East Room of the White House, used as an event space.
There is an extensive collection of memorabilia, formal clothing, photographs of the Nixons and their children. This collection includes an assortment of bronze figures of world leaders who had important relations with Nixon as president or during his service as vice president under President Dwight D. Eisenhower from 1953 to 1961; the leaders have been recreated in lightweight bronze over a papier-mâché frame, they are dressed in their actual clothing. The U. S. government limousine used by President Nixon throughout his presidency, a customized 1969 Lincoln Continental, is on display in the domestic affairs gallery. A 12-foot-high piece of the Berlin Wall is exhibited in the expansive foreign affairs gallery, which includes a replica of a modest Midwest home from where American soldiers originated, statues of Nixon and Chinese Premier Zhou Enlai and pages of the Strategic Arms Limitation Treaty I signed by Nixon and Soviet General Secretary Leonid Brezhnev in 1972. Lieutenant Colonel Gene Boyer, President Nixon's chief helicopter pilot, secured the President's VH-3A "Sea King" helicopter, tail number 150617, to be on permanent display on the library grounds.
The helicopter was in the presidential fleet from 1961 to 1976, transporting Presidents Kennedy, Johnson and Ford, many foreign heads of state and government. Boyer flew President Nixon dozens of times to Camp David, over the pyramids in Egypt, on his final flight from the White House in this aircraft; the entire facility underwent a $15 million renovation in 2016, reopened on October 14 of that year with appearances from Dr. Henry Kissinger, former California Governor Pete Wilson and Chinese Ambassador to the United States Cui Tiankai; the new museum includes nearly 70 exhibits, including a replica of President Nixon's Oval Office. Much of the media surrounding the reopening referred to the museum's appeals to the Millennial generation.
1950 United States Senate election in California
The United States Senate election held in California on November 7, 1950, followed a campaign characterized by accusations and name-calling. Republican Richard Nixon defeated Democrat Helen Gahagan Douglas, after Democratic incumbent Sheridan Downey withdrew during the primary election campaign. Douglas and Nixon each gave up their congressional seats to run against Downey. Both Douglas and Nixon announced their candidacies in late 1949. In March 1950 Downey withdrew from a vicious primary battle with Douglas by announcing his retirement, after which Los Angeles Daily News publisher Manchester Boddy joined the race. Boddy attacked Douglas as a leftist and was the first to compare her to New York Congressman Vito Marcantonio, accused of being a communist. Boddy and Douglas each entered both party primaries, a practice known as cross-filing. In the Republican primary, Nixon was challenged only by cross-filers and fringe candidates. Nixon won the Republican primary and Douglas the Democratic contest, with each finishing third in the other party's contest.
The contentious Democratic race left the party divided, Democrats were slow to rally to Douglas—some endorsed Nixon. The Korean War broke out only days after the primaries, both Nixon and Douglas contended that the other had voted with Marcantonio to the detriment of national security. Nixon's attacks were far more effective, he won the November 7 general election by 20 percentage points, carrying 53 of California's 58 counties and all metropolitan areas. Though Nixon was criticized for his tactics in the campaign, he defended his actions, stated that Douglas's positions were too far to the left for California voters. Other reasons for the result have been suggested, ranging from tepid support for Douglas from President Truman and his administration to the reluctance of voters in 1950 to elect a woman; the campaign gave rise to two memorable political nicknames, both coined by Boddy or making their first appearance in his newspaper: "the Pink Lady" for Douglas and "Tricky Dick" for Nixon. California Senator Sheridan Downey was first elected in 1938.
An attorney, he ran unsuccessfully in 1934 for Lieutenant Governor of California as Upton Sinclair's running mate, had a reputation as a liberal. As a senator, his positions moved to the right, he began to favor corporate interests. Manchester Boddy, the editor and publisher of the Los Angeles Daily News, was born on a potato farm in Washington state, he had little newspaper experience when, in 1926, he was given the opportunity to purchase the Daily News by a bankruptcy court, but built it into a small but thriving periodical. He shared his views with his readers through his column, "Thinking and Living", after initial Republican leanings, was a firm supporter of the New Deal. While the Daily News had not endorsed the Sinclair-Downey ticket, Boddy had called Sinclair "a great man" and allowed the writer-turned-gubernatorial candidate to set forth his views on the newspaper's front page. Both Helen Douglas and Richard Nixon entered electoral politics in the mid-1940s. Douglas, a New Deal Democrat, was a former actress and opera singer, the wife of actor Melvyn Douglas.
She represented the 14th congressional district beginning in 1945. Nixon grew up in a working-class family in Whittier. In 1946, he defeated 12th district Congressman Jerry Voorhis to claim a seat in the United States House of Representatives, where he became known for his anticommunist activities, including his involvement in the Alger Hiss affair. In the 1940s, California experienced a huge influx of migrants from other US states, increasing its population by 55%. Party registration in 1950 was 37.1 % Republican. However, other than Downey, most major California officeholders were Republican, including Governor Earl Warren and Senator William Knowland. During the 1950 campaign, both Nixon and Douglas were accused of having a voting record comparable to that of New York Congressman Vito Marcantonio; the sole congressman from the American Labor Party at the time, Marcantonio represented East Harlem. He was accused of being a communist. Marcantonio opposed restrictions on communists and the Communist Party, stating that such restrictions violated the Bill of Rights.
He voted against contempt citations requested by the House Un-American Activities Committee, on which Nixon served. Douglas disregarded advice from party officials to wait until 1952 to run for the Senate, when Republican Senator Knowland would be up for reelection. Fundraising for the campaign was a concern from the beginning. Lybeck wrote, you can win. You will not be a favorite, but given luck and money and a hell of a lot of work, you can win... but for Christ's sake don't commit suicide with no dough... Maybe you can't crucify mankind on a cross of gold, but you can sure as hell crucify a statewide candidate upon a cross of no-gold. On October 5, 1949, Douglas made a radio appearance announcing her candidacy, she attacked Downey continuously throughout the remainder of the year, accusing him of being a do-nothing, a tool of big business, an agent of oil interests. She hired Harold Tipton, a newcomer to California who had managed a successful congressional campaign in the Seattle area, as her campaign manager.
Douglas realized that Nixon would most be the Republican nominee, felt that were she to win the primary
Bring Us Together
"Bring Us Together" was a political slogan popularized after the election of Republican candidate Richard Nixon as United States President in 1968. The text was derived from a sign which 13-year-old Vicki Lynne Cole stated that she carried at Nixon's rally in her home town of Deshler, Ohio during the campaign. Richard Moore, a friend of Nixon, told the candidate's speechwriters he had seen a child carrying a sign reading "Bring Us Together" at the Deshler rally; the speechwriters, including William Safire, began inserting the phrase into the candidate's speeches. Nixon mentioned the Deshler rally and the sign in his victory speech on November 6, 1968, adopting the phrase as representing his administration's initial goal—to reunify the bitterly divided country. Cole came forward as the person who carried the sign, was the subject of intense media attention. Nixon invited Cole and her family to the inauguration, she appeared on a float in the inaugural parade; the phrase "Bring Us Together" was used by Democrats when Nixon proposed policies they disagreed with or refused to support.
Cole declined to comment on Nixon's 1974 resignation, but subsequently expressed her sympathy for him. In newspaper columns written in his final years before his 2009 death, Safire expressed doubts that Cole's sign existed; the 1968 presidential campaign was one of the most bitterly fought in the nation's history. Set among national divisions over the Vietnam War, social policy, against the backdrop of riot and assassination, none of the campaigns made healing divisions a major theme—an early slogan by Democratic candidate Hubert Humphrey, "United With Humphrey" had been scrapped; the incumbent President, Democrat Lyndon Baines Johnson could give Humphrey little support because of his own unpopularity. By 1968, candidates were appealing to the electorate through television, rather than through whistle-stop train tours. Nixon had included them in his past national campaigns—he had broken off one such tour in 1952 to make the Checkers speech, in 1960, had stopped at Deshler; the rural Ohio village, about 45 miles southwest of Toledo, was popular among whistle-stopping presidential candidates as two main lines of the Baltimore & Ohio Railroad crossed there—other visitors in search of votes had included Al Smith, Harry Truman, Barry Goldwater.
Deshler voters would respond in 1968 by giving Nixon an overwhelming majority of their votes. Cole was an eighth grader in Deshler. On October 22, 1968, the day of Nixon's stop in Deshler, Cole attended class as usual. During the morning session, one of her teachers announced that any girls interested in being "Nixonettes" should report to the fire station after school. Cole did so, along with her friend, Rita Bowman, the girls were provided with paper red and blue dresses and signs. Cole's said, "L. B. J. Convinced Us—Vote Republican"; that afternoon, Cole attended the rally, holding her sign. The Nixon train pulled in, the police lowered the rope which kept the crowd clear of the tracks. In interviews, Cole related that as the crowd surged forward, she dropped her sign amidst the pushing and shoving. Cole stated, "I wanted a sign to wave. I had lost my own placard and as the crowd moved forward as the train approached I saw this sign lying in the street and I just picked it up and held it high, hoping Mr. Nixon would see it."Nixon gave a speech from the rear platform of the train.
He praised the size of the crowd, stating, "There are four times as many people here than live in the town and more than the number that were here in 1960." The candidate asserted that though his opponent, Vice President Humphrey, claimed that Americans had never had it so good, he should tell that to the farmer. Nixon pledged that he would give special attention to agricultural issues and would make the Secretary of Agriculture a farmer's advocate to the White House, he promised to restore order: "The most important civil right is the right to be free from violence." He noted the many youths in the crowd. They don't want four more years of the same." He recalled that his father had hailed from Ohio: "his roots are here and mine are too!" As Nixon spoke, Cole observed him, thought he was a good family man, looking warm and friendly and appearing much as she expected him to. She stated that she did not look at the sign until she was teased about it by a classmate, who suggested the sign, "Bring Us Together Again" was about boys, not politics.
She told the media she threw away the sign. Nixon speechwriter William Safire had been told of the sign by a friend of Nixon, Richard Moore, who left the train at campaign stops to mingle with the crowd and seek items of local color for the speechwriters to use. Safire stated in his book on the early days of the Nixon administration that at Deshler, "Moore boarded the train with that mystic look that a writer gets when he has something delicious to work with, some piece of color that could be more than a gimmick." According to Safire in a 2007 column, Moore stuck his head into the compartment occupied by Nixon's speechwriters and stated, "There's a little kid out there with a hand-lettered sign that I think says'Bring Us Together'." Safire wrote in that column that he inserted the phrase into Nixon's remarks for the speech to be given at the next stop. Nixon used the phrase in concluding a rally at New York's Madison Square Garden on October 31, 1968. Recalling the visit to Deshler, the Republican candidate stated, "There were many signs like those I see here.
Détente is the easing of strained relations in a political situation, through verbal communication. The term originates in the time of the Triple Entente and Entente Cordiale in reference to an easing of tensions between England and France who, subsequent to being commingled polities under Norman rule, were warring rivals for the better part of a millennium but pursuant to a policy of détente became enduring allies. In the context of the Cold War, the lessening of tensions between the East and West, along with domestic reform in the Soviet Union, worked together to achieve the end of communism in Eastern Europe and the Soviet Union altogether; the term is most used in reference to a period of general easing of the geo-political tensions between the Soviet Union and the United States. It began in 1969, as a core element of the foreign policy of U. S. president Richard Nixon, in an effort to avoid the collision of nuclear risks. The Nixon administration promoted greater dialogue with the Soviet government, including regular summit meetings and negotiations over arms control and other bilateral agreements.
Détente was known in Russian as разрядка. The period was characterized by the signing of treaties such as the Helsinki Accords. Another treaty, SALT II, was never ratified by the United States. There is still ongoing debate amongst historians as to how successful the détente period was in achieving peace. After the Cuban Missile Crisis of 1962, the two superpowers agreed to install a direct hotline between Washington D. C. and Moscow, enabling leaders of both countries to interact with each other in a time of urgency, reduce the chances that future crises could escalate into an all-out war. The U. S./USSR détente was presented as an applied extension of that thinking. The SALT II pact of the late 1970s continued the work of the SALT I talks, ensuring further reduction in arms by the Soviets and by the U. S; the Helsinki Accords, in which the Soviets promised to grant free elections in Europe, has been called a major concession to ensure peace by the Soviets. Détente ended after the Soviet intervention in Afghanistan, which led to the United States boycott of the 1980 Olympics in Moscow.
Ronald Reagan's election as president in 1980, based in large part on an anti-détente campaign, marked the close of détente and a return to Cold War tensions. In his first press conference, President Reagan said "Détente's been a one-way street that the Soviet Union has used to pursue its aims." Following this, relations turned sour with the unrest in Poland, end of the SALT II negotiations, the NATO exercise in 1983 that brought the superpowers on the brink of nuclear war. The most obvious manifestation of détente was the series of summits held between the leaders of the two superpowers and the treaties that resulted from these meetings. In the early 1960s, before détente, the Partial Test Ban Treaty had been signed on 5 August 1963. In the decade, the Outer Space Treaty, in January 1967, the Nuclear Non-Proliferation Treaty, July 1968, were two of the first building blocks of détente; these early treaties were signed all over the globe. The most important treaties were not developed until the Nixon Administration came into office in 1969.
The Political Consultative Committee of the Warsaw Pact sent an offer to the West, urging them to hold a summit on "security and cooperation in Europe". The West agreed and talks began towards actual limits in the nuclear capabilities of the two superpowers; this led to the signing of the SALT I treaty in 1972. This treaty limited each power's nuclear arsenals, though it was rendered out-of-date as a result of the development of MIRVs. In the same year that SALT I was signed, the Biological Weapons Convention and the Anti-Ballistic Missile Treaty were concluded. Talks on SALT II began in 1972. Brezhnev however at the start of the period in his speeches to the Politburo, was intent on using the period of relaxed tensions to prepare for Soviet expansion in the 1980s. In 1975, the Conference on Security and Cooperation in Europe met and produced the Helsinki Accords, a wide-ranging series of agreements on economic and human rights issues; the CSCE was initiated by the USSR. Among other issues, one of the most prevalent and discussed after the conference was that of human rights violations in the Soviet Union.
The Soviet Constitution directly violated the Declaration of Human Rights from the United Nations, this issue became a prominent point of separation between the United States and the Soviet Union. The Carter administration had been supporting human rights groups inside the Soviet Union, Leonid Brezhnev accused the administration of interference in other countries' internal affairs; this prompted intense discussion of whether or not other nations may interfere if basic human rights are being violated, such as freedom of speech and religion. The basic disagreement in the philosophies of a democracy and a single-party was in a state that did not allow for reconciliation of this issue. Furthermore, the Soviets proceeded to defend their internal policies on human rights by attacking American support of countries like South Africa and Chile, which were known to violate many of the same human rights issues. In July of the same year, the Apollo–Soyuz Test Project became the first international space mission, wherein three American astronauts and two Soviet cosmonauts docked their spacecraft and conducted joint experiments.
This mission had been preceded by five years of political negotiation and technical co-operati
The Apollo program known as Project Apollo, was the third United States human spaceflight program carried out by the National Aeronautics and Space Administration, which succeeded in landing the first humans on the Moon from 1969 to 1972. First conceived during Dwight D. Eisenhower's administration as a three-man spacecraft to follow the one-man Project Mercury which put the first Americans in space, Apollo was dedicated to President John F. Kennedy's national goal of "landing a man on the Moon and returning him safely to the Earth" by the end of the 1960s, which he proposed in an address to Congress on May 25, 1961, it was the third US human spaceflight program to fly, preceded by the two-man Project Gemini conceived in 1961 to extend spaceflight capability in support of Apollo. Kennedy's goal was accomplished on the Apollo 11 mission when astronauts Neil Armstrong and Buzz Aldrin landed their Apollo Lunar Module on July 20, 1969, walked on the lunar surface, while Michael Collins remained in lunar orbit in the command and service module, all three landed safely on Earth on July 24.
Five subsequent Apollo missions landed astronauts on the Moon, the last in December 1972. In these six spaceflights, twelve men walked on the Moon. Apollo ran from 1961 to 1972, with the first manned flight in 1968, it achieved its goal of manned lunar landing, despite the major setback of a 1967 Apollo 1 cabin fire that killed the entire crew during a prelaunch test. After the first landing, sufficient flight hardware remained for nine follow-on landings with a plan for extended lunar geological and astrophysical exploration. Budget cuts forced the cancellation of three of these. Five of the remaining six missions achieved successful landings, but the Apollo 13 landing was prevented by an oxygen tank explosion in transit to the Moon, which destroyed the service module's capability to provide electrical power, crippling the CSM's propulsion and life support systems; the crew returned to Earth safely by using the lunar module as a "lifeboat" for these functions. Apollo used Saturn family rockets as launch vehicles, which were used for an Apollo Applications Program, which consisted of Skylab, a space station that supported three manned missions in 1973–74, the Apollo–Soyuz Test Project, a joint US-Soviet Union Earth-orbit mission in 1975.
Apollo set several major human spaceflight milestones. It stands alone in sending manned missions beyond low Earth orbit. Apollo 8 was the first manned spacecraft to orbit another celestial body, while the final Apollo 17 mission marked the sixth Moon landing and the ninth manned mission beyond low Earth orbit; the program returned 842 pounds of lunar rocks and soil to Earth contributing to the understanding of the Moon's composition and geological history. The program laid the foundation for NASA's subsequent human spaceflight capability and funded construction of its Johnson Space Center and Kennedy Space Center. Apollo spurred advances in many areas of technology incidental to rocketry and manned spaceflight, including avionics, telecommunications, computers; the Apollo program was conceived during the Eisenhower administration in early 1960, as a follow-up to Project Mercury. While the Mercury capsule could only support one astronaut on a limited Earth orbital mission, Apollo would carry three astronauts.
Possible missions included ferrying crews to a space station, circumlunar flights, eventual manned lunar landings. The program was named after Apollo, the Greek god of light and the sun, by NASA manager Abe Silverstein, who said that "I was naming the spacecraft like I'd name my baby." Silverstein chose the name at home one evening, early in 1960, because he felt "Apollo riding his chariot across the Sun was appropriate to the grand scale of the proposed program."In July 1960, NASA Deputy Administrator Hugh L. Dryden announced the Apollo program to industry representatives at a series of Space Task Group conferences. Preliminary specifications were laid out for a spacecraft with a mission module cabin separate from the command module, a propulsion and equipment module. On August 30, a feasibility study competition was announced, on October 25, three study contracts were awarded to General Dynamics/Convair, General Electric, the Glenn L. Martin Company. Meanwhile, NASA performed its own in-house spacecraft design studies led by Maxime Faget, to serve as a gauge to judge and monitor the three industry designs.
In November 1960, John F. Kennedy was elected president after a campaign that promised American superiority over the Soviet Union in the fields of space exploration and missile defense. Up to the election of 1960, Kennedy had been speaking out against the "missile gap" that he and many other senators felt had developed between the Soviet Union and United States due to the inaction of President Eisenhower. Beyond military power, Kennedy used aerospace technology as a symbol of national prestige, pledging to make the US not "first but, first and, first if, but first period." Despite Kennedy's rhetoric, he did not come to a decision on the status of the Apollo program once he became president. He knew little about the technical details of the space program, was put off by the massive financial commitment required by a manned Moon landing; when Kennedy's newly appointed NASA Administrator James E. Webb requested a 30 percent budget increase for his agency, Kennedy supported an acceleration of NASA's large booster program but deferred a decision on the broader issue.
On April 12, 1961, Soviet cosmonaut Yuri Gagarin became the first person to fly in space, reinforcing American fears about being left behind in a technological competition with the Soviet Union. At a meeting of the US House Committee on Science and Astronaut