The Corts Valencianes known as Les Corts, are the main legislative body of the Generalitat Valenciana and therefore of the Valencian Country. The main location of the Corts is in the Palace of the Borgias in Valencia; the Corts has its origins in bodies established in the thirteenth century by King James I of Aragon. The modern institution was established in 1982 under the Valencian statute of autonomy of 1982; the current Corts were elected in 2015. Following the conquest and reign of James I of Aragon, the economic and military needs of the Crown of Aragon justified some meetings of the king with representatives of the three social classes, to obtain military or financial services; the economic needs justified those meetings, at the beginning of the sixteenth century, a stable institution called the Corts Valencianes had been established. Among the meetings which were held during the reign of James I, the most important was that of 7 April 1261 in Valencia, during which the king promulgated the Furs of Valencia, a series of charters equivalent to a modern constitution.
Proof of the economic importance of the corts for the crown is that the king promulgated the Furs in exchange for the sum of 48,000, which were paid to him by the city of Valencia, by the cities of the Horta de València which belonged to the clergy and to the nobility, by the towns of Castelló, Vilafamés, Onda, Llíria, Corbera and Gandia. At the time of those corts, King James established a rule for his successors obliging them to organise a general cort in Valencia at the beginning of each reign, in the first month after their entry into the city; this obligation was renewed during the corts of 1271, the corts were summoned by James I and by his son Peter III of Aragon. Those Corts were the only obligatory meetings, but the king summoned the corts on other occasions when required. In 1302, James II decided. During the corts of 1336, Peter IV confirmed this triennial meeting, by specifying that the corts were to meet every three years on All Saints' Day. During the thirteenth century and at the beginning of the fourteenth, the representations of the other cities in the Kingdom of Valencia were added, until the corts of 1239, during which the representations of various territories met constituting the corts of all the Kingdom.
From that moment, the most important cities always met, while others attended depending on the relevance to them of the subjects being discussed. However, the representation was important. For example, in the Corts of Valencia of 1510, the following towns were represented: Ademús, Alcoi, Alzira, Bocairent, Cabdet, Castelló, Cullera, Llíria, Ontinyent, Penàguila, Peníscola, València, Vila Joiosa, Vila-real, Xàtiva, Xèrica and Xixona. Half of the assemblies took place in Valencia cathedral; the Valencian Corts of 1418, fixed the duration of the corts at three years. In the middle of the fifteenth century, the Valencian institutions were definitively established. With the unification of the crowns of Castille and Aragon, the Valencian corts declined in importance and were less convened during the sixteenth century, a trend that continued in the seventeenth century; the last corts met in Valencia in 1645. After the War of the Spanish Succession and the new decree of 1707, the Kingdom of Valencia and its local rights were abolished.
The Corts Valencianes were not convened again until their reestablishment under the Statute of Autonomy of 1982. As of the coming into effect of the Statute of Autonomy, the Corts have operated like a modern representative legislature. Although meeting in the provincial capital of Valencia city, they have met in various towns around the Valencian community in recent years, an initiative, developed by the most recent legislatures; the first legislature in modern times was elected in May 1983. The Spanish Socialist Workers' Party won an absolute majority of votes and seats, with 51 of the 89 seats; however they lost their majority in 1987 and were forced to govern in coalition with the smaller United Left party. They won the 1991 elections with a majority of one seat. However, in the 1995 elections there was a swing to the right with the People's Party becoming the largest party with 42 seats and governing in coalition with the smaller Unió Valenciana; this lasted until the elections of 1999. Although they lost a seat in 2003, they strengthened their position in the elections of 2007 and 2011, winning a record 55 seats.
In the 2015 elections PP lost the majority, PSPV and Compromís are governing in coalition. Following the passing of the statute of autonomy of the Valencian Community, which established local government for the region, the Corts became the regional assembly, elected every four years by universal adult suffrage; the name originated in the historic Valencian Corts, however previous bodies of that name had different functions representing three institutions: the clergy, the military/nobility and the royal family. The Statute of Autonomy defines the Corts Valencianes in chapter II, title II, although there are references in other articles; the Statute indicates the composition of Corts, its functions, the basic principles of the electoral system, traces the general framework of the Statute of the Deputies. Laws which develop the Statute, the rules of the Corts Valencianes regulate t
Senate of Spain
The Senate is the upper house of Spain's parliament, the Cortes Generales. It is made up of 266 members: 208 elected by popular vote, 58 appointed by the regional legislatures. All senators serve four-year terms, though regional legislatures may recall their appointees at any time; the Senate was first established under the constitution of 1837 under the regency of Maria Christina of the Two Sicilies. It remained under the regimes of the constitutions of 1845, 1856, 1869 and 1876, it was composed, at that latter time, of three main categories: senators by their own right, senators for life and senators elected. This chamber, along with the Congress of Deputies, was suppressed after the coup of General Miguel Primo de Rivera in 1923. Only after the Spanish transition to democracy in 1978 was it reestablished. Senators form groups along party lines. Parties with fewer than ten senators form the Mixed Group. If the membership of an existing group falls below six during a session, it is merged into the Mixed Group at the next session.
For example, Coalición Canaria lost its senate caucus in 2008 after electoral losses reduced its group from six to two. The Basque Nationalist Party, falling from seven to four, "borrowed" senators from the ruling Socialist Party to form their group; the PNV group is again under threshold after returning the borrowed Socialists, it faces dissolution after the current session. 133 seats are required for an absolute majority, vacant seats notwithstanding. To date, senate elections have coincided with elections to the lower house, but the President of the Government may advise the king to call elections for one chamber only, under article 115 of the Spanish Constitution. While the Congress of Deputies is chosen by party list proportional representation, the members of the senate are chosen in two distinct ways: popular election by limited voting and appointment from regional legislatures. Most members of the senate are directly elected by the people; each province elects four senators without regard to population.
Insular provinces are treated specially. The larger islands of the Balearics and Canaries —Mallorca, Gran Canaria, Tenerife—are assigned three seats each, the smaller islands—Menorca, Ibiza–Formentera, Gomera, Lanzarote and La Palma—one each; this allocation is weighted in favor of small provinces. In non-insular constituencies, each party nominates three candidates. Candidates' names are organized in columns by party on a large ochre-colored ballot called a sábana or bedsheet; each voter may mark up from any party. This is the only occasion. Panachage is allowed, but voters cast all three votes for candidates of a single party; as a result, the four Senators are the three candidates from the most popular party and the first placed candidate from the next most popular. Before 2011, a party could not choose the order of its candidates on the ballot paper; when a party did not get all three of its candidates elected, this arrangement favored candidates with surnames early in the alphabet. This was the case for 2nd placed parties in every province and for both parties in tight races when voters did not vote for three candidates of the same party.
Article 69.5 of the Spanish Constitution empowers the legislative assembly of each autonomous community of Spain to appoint a senate delegation from its own ranks, with one Senator per one million citizens, rounded up. Demographic growth increased the combined size of the regional delegations from 51 to 56 in 2008 for the 9th term. Conventionally, the proportions of the regional delegations mimic their legislative assemblies, as required in principle by Article 69.5 of the constitution. However, Autonomous Communities have considerable leeway, a motion to appoint the delegation requires no more than a plurality. Two anomalous examples are: After the 2007 election, the single senator from the Balearic Islands was from neither the largest bloc, nor the second-largest, but in fact from the fourth-largest bloc, the Socialist Party of Majorca, which held only four of 59 seats; this arrangement was part of a five-party coalition agreement. This anomaly was resolved in 2008, when the Balearic Islands gained a second senate seat, filled by the PP.
Since 2003, the PSOE has ruled Aragon with support from regionalist parties. In the 2007 election, it won 30 of 67 seats. Aragon's two appointed senators came from the opposition People's Party and the regionalist Aragonese Party. Due to population growth, the Balearic and Canary Islands and Madrid each gained a new senator in 2008. Andalusia was the last Autonomous Community; the distribution after the 2015 election was: The last election was held on 26 June 2016. The composition of the 12th Senate is: The Spanish parliamentary system is bicameral but asymmetric; the Congress of Deputies has more independent functions, it can override most Senate measures. Only the Congress can revoke confidence to a Prime Minister. In the ordinary lawmaking process, either house may be the initiator, the Senate can amend hostilely or veto, the propos
Madrid is the capital of Spain and the largest municipality in both the Community of Madrid and Spain as a whole. The city has 3.3 million inhabitants and a metropolitan area population of 6.5 million. It is the third-largest city in the European Union, smaller than only London and Berlin, its monocentric metropolitan area is the third-largest in the EU, smaller only than those of London and Paris; the municipality covers 604.3 km2. Madrid lies on the River Manzanares in the Community of Madrid; as the capital city of Spain, seat of government, residence of the Spanish monarch, Madrid is the political and cultural centre of the country. The current mayor is Manuela Carmena from the party Ahora Madrid; the Madrid urban agglomeration has the third-largest GDP in the European Union and its influence in politics, entertainment, media, science and the arts all contribute to its status as one of the world's major global cities. Madrid is home to Real Madrid and Atlético Madrid. Due to its economic output, high standard of living, market size, Madrid is considered the leading economic hub of the Iberian Peninsula and of Southern Europe.
It hosts the head offices of the vast majority of major Spanish companies, such as Telefónica, IAG or Repsol. Madrid is the 10th most liveable city in the world according to Monocle magazine, in its 2017 index. Madrid houses the headquarters of the World Tourism Organization, belonging to the United Nations Organization, the Ibero-American General Secretariat, the Organization of Ibero-American States, the Public Interest Oversight Board, it hosts major international regulators and promoters of the Spanish language: the Standing Committee of the Association of Spanish Language Academies, headquarters of the Royal Spanish Academy, the Cervantes Institute and the Foundation of Urgent Spanish. Madrid organises fairs such as ARCO, SIMO TCI and the Madrid Fashion Week. While Madrid possesses modern infrastructure, it has preserved the look and feel of many of its historic neighbourhoods and streets, its landmarks include the Royal Palace of Madrid. Cibeles Palace and Fountain have become one of the monument symbols of the city.
مجريط Majrīṭ is the first documented reference to the city. It is recorded in Andalusi Arabic during the al-Andalus period; the name Magerit was retained in Medieval Spanish. The most ancient recorded name of the city "Magerit" comes from the name of a fortress built on the Manzanares River in the 9th century AD, means "Place of abundant water" in Arabic. A wider number of theories have been formulated on possible earlier origins. According to legend, Madrid was founded by Ocno Bianor and was named "Metragirta" or "Mantua Carpetana". Others contend that the original name of the city was "Ursaria", because of the many bears that were to be found in the nearby forests, together with the strawberry tree, have been the emblem of the city since the Middle Ages, it is speculated that the origin of the current name of the city comes from the 2nd century BC. The Roman Empire established a settlement on the banks of the Manzanares river; the name of this first village was "Matrice". Following the invasions carried out by the Germanic Sueves and Vandals, as well as the Sarmatic Alans during the 5th century AD, the Roman Empire no longer had the military presence required to defend its territories on the Iberian Peninsula, as a consequence, these territories were soon occupied by the Vandals, who were in turn dispelled by the Visigoths, who ruled Hispania in the name of the Roman emperor taking control of "Matrice".
In the 8th century, the Islamic conquest of the Iberian Peninsula saw the name changed to "Mayrit", from the Arabic term ميرا Mayra and the Ibero-Roman suffix it that means'place'. The modern "Madrid" evolved from the Mozarabic "Matrit", still in the Madrilenian gentilic. Although the site of modern-day Madrid has been occupied since prehistoric times, there are archaeological remains of Carpetani settlement, Roman villas, a Visigoth basilica near the church of Santa María de la Almudena and three Visigoth necropoleis near Casa de Campo, Tetúan and Vicálvaro, the first historical document about the existence of an established settlement in Madrid dates from the Muslim age. At the second half of the 9th century, Emir Muhammad I of Córdoba built a fortress on a headland near the river Manzanares, as one of the many fortresses he ordered to be built on the border between Al-Andalus and the kingdoms of León and Castile, with the objective of protecting Toledo from the Christian invasions and as a starting point for Muslim offensives.
After the disintegration of t
Biblioteca Nacional de España
The Biblioteca Nacional de España is a major public library, the largest in Spain, one of the largest in the world. It is located on the Paseo de Recoletos; the library was founded by King Philip V in 1712 as the Palace Public Library. The Royal Letters Patent that he granted, the predecessor of the current legal deposit requirement, made it mandatory for printers to submit a copy of every book printed in Spain to the library. In 1836, the library's status as Crown property was revoked and ownership was transferred to the Ministry of Governance. At the same time, it was renamed the Biblioteca Nacional. During the 19th century, confiscations and donations enabled the Biblioteca Nacional to acquire the majority of the antique and valuable books that it holds. In 1892 the building was used to host the Historical American Exposition. On March 16, 1896, the Biblioteca Nacional opened to the public in the same building in which it is housed and included a vast Reading Room on the main floor designed to hold 320 readers.
In 1931 the Reading Room was reorganised, providing it with a major collection of reference works, the General Reading Room was created to cater for students and general readers. During the Spanish Civil War close to 500,000 volumes were collected by the Confiscation Committee and stored in the Biblioteca Nacional to safeguard works of art and books held until in religious establishments and private houses. During the 20th century numerous modifications were made to the building to adapt its rooms and repositories to its expanding collections, to the growing volume of material received following the modification to the Legal Deposit requirement in 1958, to the numerous works purchased by the library. Among this building work, some of the most noteworthy changes were the alterations made in 1955 to triple the capacity of the library's repositories, those started in 1986 and completed in 2000, which led to the creation of the new building in Alcalá de Henares and complete remodelling of the building on Paseo de Recoletos, Madrid.
In 1986, when Spain's main bibliographic institutions - the National Newspaper Library, the Spanish Bibliographic Institute and the Centre for Documentary and Bibliographic Treasures - were incorporated into the Biblioteca Nacional, the library was established as the State Repository of Spain's Cultural Memory, making all of Spain's bibliographic output on any media available to the Spanish Library System and national and international researchers and cultural and educational institutions. In 1990 it was made an Autonomous Entity attached to the Ministry of Culture; the Madrid premises are shared with the National Archaeological Museum. The Biblioteca Nacional is Spain's highest library institution and is head of the Spanish Library System; as the country's national library, it is the centre responsible for identifying, preserving and disseminating information about Spain's documentary heritage, it aspires to be an essential point of reference for research into Spanish culture. In accordance with its Articles of Association, passed by Royal Decree 1581/1991 of October 31, 1991, its principal functions are to: Compile and conserve bibliographic archives produced in any language of the Spanish state, or any other language, for the purposes of research and information.
Promote research through the study and reproduction of its bibliographic archive. Disseminate information on Spain's bibliographic output based on the entries received through the legal deposit requirement; the library's collection consists of more than 26,000,000 items, including 15,000,000 books and other printed materials, 4,500,000 graphic materials, 600,000 sound recordings, 510,000 music scores, more than 500,000 microforms, 500,000 maps, 143,000 newspapers and serials, 90,000 audiovisuals, 90,000 electronic documents, 30,000 manuscripts. The current director of the Biblioteca Nacional is Ana Santos Aramburo, appointed in 2013. Former directors include her predecessors Glòria Pérez-Salmerón and Milagros del Corral as well as historian Juan Pablo Fusi and author Rosa Regàs. Given its role as the legal deposit for the whole of Spain, since 1991 it has kept most of the overflowing collection at a secondary site in Alcalá de Henares, near Madrid; the Biblioteca Nacional provides access to its collections through the following library services: Guidance and general information on the institution and other libraries.
Bibliographic information about its collection and those held by other libraries or library systems. Access to its automated catalogue, which contains close to 3,000,000 bibliographic records encompassing all of its collections. Archive consultation in the library's reading rooms. Interlibrary loans. Archive reproduction. Biblioteca Digital Hispánica, digital library launched in 2008 by the Biblioteca Nacional de España List of libraries in Spain Media related to Biblioteca Nacional de España at Wikimedia Commons Official site Official web catalog
2015 Valencia City Council election
The 2015 Valencia City Council election the 2015 Valencia municipal election, was held on Sunday, 24 May 2015, to elect the 10th City Council of the municipality of Valencia. All 33 seats in the City Council were up for election; the election was held with regional elections in thirteen autonomous communities and local elections all throughout Spain. The unveiling of a string of corruption scandals during the 2011–2015 period, coupled with a criticised abuse of power and a perceived poor management of the economic situation, had taken its toll in the ruling People's Party, which went on to suffer a dramatic decline, losing over half of its vote share and city councillors and scoring its worst result since 1991; the election turned into a surprising close race between the PP and Valencianist coalition Compromís, which nearly overcame the PP as the most-voted political force. The Socialist Party of the Valencian Country, unable to capitalize on the PP losses, continued on its long-term decline and fell to fourth place, its votes being swayed away by both Compromís and newly created Podemos-led Valencia in Common coalition.
Centrist Citizens, contesting a municipal election for the first time, turned into the third political force thanks to its caption of disenchanted PP voters, while historical United Left of the Valencian Country, standing within the Acord Ciutadà coalition, was expelled from the City Council. As a result of the election, with the PP unable to command a majority of seats in the City Council with the support of C's, incumbent Mayor Rita Barberá was ousted from office after 24 years in power, being succeeded by Compromís candidate Joan Ribó; the 2015 election marked the end of the two decade-long PP political dominance over both the city and the whole of the Valencian Community, losing control of the regional government, as well as that of all provincial capitals and most major cities in the region, to left-wing coalitions and alliances. People's Party candidate Rita Barberá was appointed to a sixth term as Mayor of Valencia after her party won a fifth consecutive absolute majority in the City Council in the 2011 election.
Then-ruling Spanish Socialist Workers' Party had suffered a serious decline in popular support nationwide after Prime Minister José Luis Rodríguez Zapatero's government had been forced to approve unpopular austerity measures to try to tackle the economic situation. The PP benefitted from the PSOE's collapse, which helped cement its landslide victory by an absolute majority of seats in the 2011 general election held on 20 November and paving the way for the investiture of Mariano Rajoy as new Prime Minister. However, the PP in the city of Valencia had shown signs of political wear in the 2011 election—when it suffered a slight decrease in support—as a result of Barberá's continuous tenure as city Mayor since 1991, as well as the unveiling of the Gürtel corruption scandal in 2009; the scandal would result in regional President Francisco Camps' resignation in July 2011, just one month after taking office, with Alberto Fabra succeeding him as regional premier. The following years saw the unveiling of a series of corruption scandals that affected the PPCV, involving party MPs, local councillors, two Courts' speakers and that reached former regional President José Luis Olivas.
The regional party leadership had to cope with accusations of illegal financing as well as possible embezzlement in the additional costs incurred in the Formula 1 project and Pope Benedict XVI's 2006 visit to Valencia, accusations that reached Barberá's local government. At the same time, both the regional and local governments had to deal with the effects of an ongoing financial crisis; the regional executive was forced to ask for a bailout from the central government headed by Rajoy in July 2012, with its economic situation remaining severe because of high unemployment and debt. The decision of Fabra's government to close down RTVV, the regional public television broadcasting channel, because of financing issues, was met with widespread protests; the 2014 European Parliament election, which resulted in enormous losses for the PP in the entire Valencian Community, paved the way for the rise of new parties Podemos, Compromís and Citizens, with the PSOE local branch, the Socialist Party of the Valencian Country, finding itself unable to gain any of the PP's lost support.
As a result, the ruling PP faced the 2015 election with a severe decline in popular support, an increase of electoral competitiveness and the shadow of corruption looming over the local PP leadership. The City Council of Valencia was the top-tier administrative and governing body of the municipality of Valencia, composed of the mayor, the government council and the elected plenary assembly. Voting for the local assembly was on the basis of universal suffrage, which comprised all nationals over eighteen and residing in the municipality of Valencia and in full enjoyment of their political rights, as well as resident non-national European citizens and those whose country of origin allowed Spanish nationals to vote in their own elections by virtue of a treaty. Local councillors were elected using the D'Hondt method and a closed list proportional representation, with a threshold of 5 percent of valid votes—which included blank ballots—being applied. Parties not reaching the threshold were not taken into consideration for seat distribution.
Councillors were allocated to municipal councils based on the following scale: The mayor was indirectly elected by the plenary assembly. A legal clause required that mayoral candidates earned the vote of an absolute majority of councillors, or else the candidate of
Integrated Authority File
The Integrated Authority File or GND is an international authority file for the organisation of personal names, subject headings and corporate bodies from catalogues. It is used for documentation in libraries and also by archives and museums; the GND is managed by the German National Library in cooperation with various regional library networks in German-speaking Europe and other partners. The GND falls under the Creative Commons Zero licence; the GND specification provides a hierarchy of high-level entities and sub-classes, useful in library classification, an approach to unambiguous identification of single elements. It comprises an ontology intended for knowledge representation in the semantic web, available in the RDF format; the Integrated Authority File became operational in April 2012 and integrates the content of the following authority files, which have since been discontinued: Name Authority File Corporate Bodies Authority File Subject Headings Authority File Uniform Title File of the Deutsches Musikarchiv At the time of its introduction on 5 April 2012, the GND held 9,493,860 files, including 2,650,000 personalised names.
There are seven main types of GND entities: LIBRIS Virtual International Authority File Information pages about the GND from the German National Library Search via OGND Bereitstellung des ersten GND-Grundbestandes DNB, 19 April 2012 From Authority Control to Linked Authority Data Presentation given by Reinhold Heuvelmann to the ALA MARC Formats Interest Group, June 2012
El País is a Spanish-language daily newspaper in Spain. According to the Office of Justification of Dissemination it is the second most circulated daily newspaper in Spain as of December 2017. It's by the number sales in 2018 were, on average, 60.000 according to internal audits, more than 70% less than a decade prior. The current editor, Soledad Gallego Díaz, has been brought to court after dismissing five employees for what the accusers mainatin are political and ideological reasons. El País is the most read newspaper in Spanish online and the second most circulated daily newspaper in Spain, one of three Madrid dailies considered to be national newspapers of record for Spain. El País, based in Madrid, is owned by the Spanish media conglomerate PRISA. PRISA is owned by Banco Santander, Telefónica and the Liberty vulture fund. PRISA's debt of 988 million euros is bigger than the company's value, its headquarters and central editorial staff are located in Madrid, although there are regional offices in the principal Spanish cities where regional were produced until 2015.
El País produces a world edition in Madrid, available online in Brazil and Hispanic America. An English edition began as a print edition in 2001, available as a supplement in what was the International Herald Tribune The Global New York Times. Since 2014, it has been an digital project. In 2018, the newspaper changed editors one week after a vote of no confidence forced a change of premiership in Parliament, sparking doubts about the political independence of the parent company. Since the newspaper has engaged in a radical change of editorial line, going from a politically independent position to defending the socialist minority government; the current newspaper's editor in America, Javier Moreno, managing editor, Jan Martinez Ahrens, were responsible for publishing a false picture of a dying Hugo Chávez in 2013. The publication of such photo in the front page was a major blow to the newspaper's credibility and standing in Latin America. El País was founded in May 1976 by a team at PRISA which included Jesus de Polanco, José Ortega Spottorno and Carlos Mendo.
The paper was designed by Julio Alonso. It was first published on 4 May 1976, six months after the death of dictator Francisco Franco, at the beginning of the Spanish transition to democracy; the first editor-in-chief of the daily was Juan Luis Cebrián. El País was the first pro-democracy newspaper within a context where all the other Spanish newspapers were influenced by Franco's ideology; the circulation of the paper was 116,600 copies in its first year. It rose to 137,562 copies in 1977. El País filled a gap in the market and became the newspaper of Spanish democracy, for which role El País was awarded the Prince of Asturias Award for Communication and the Humanities in 1983, at a time when the transition from Franco's dictatorship to democracy was still developing; the paper's first Director was Juan Luis Cebrián. Like many other Spanish journalists of the time he had worked for Diario Pueblo, a mouthpiece for the Francoist sindicato vertical, its reputation as a bastion of Spanish democracy was established during the attempted coup d'état by Lieutenant Colonel Antonio Tejero of the Guardia Civil on 23 February 1981.
During the uncertain situation of the night of 23 February 1981, with all the members of parliament held hostage in the Congress building and with tanks on the streets of Valencia, before the state television station could transmit a speech by King Juan Carlos I condemning the coup, El País published a special edition of the newspaper called'El País, for the Constitution'. It was the first daily paper on the streets that night with a clear pro-democracy position calling on citizens to demonstrate in favour of democracy, it was discussed in the news media that the director of El País, Juan Luis Cebrián, telephoned the director of Diario 16, Pedro J. Ramírez, in order to propose that both newspapers work on a joint publication in defence of democracy and Ramírez refused, claiming that he would prefer to wait a few hours to see how the situation developed. Diario 16 was not published until after a television broadcast by the king. Along with its commitment to democracy before the attempted coup of 23 February 1981, the Spanish Socialist Workers' Party's election victory in 1982 with an absolute majority and its open support for the government of Felipe González, meant that El País consolidated its position during the 1980s as the Spanish newspaper with the most sales ahead of the conservative leaning ABC.
In 1986 El País was the recipient of the Four Freedom Award for the Freedom of Speech by the Roosevelt Institute. In 1987 El País received the largest amount of the state aid. Both the rigorous journalistic standards and the fact that it was the first Spanish newspaper to establish internal quality control standards have increased the standing of El País, it was the first Spanish daily to create the role of "Reader's Advocate" and the first to publish a "Style Guide", that has become a benchmark for quality amongst journalists. El País has established a number of collaborative agreements with other European newspapers with a social democrat viewpoint. In 1989, El País participated in the creation of a common network of information resources with La Repubblica in Italy and Le Monde in France. At the beginning of the 1990s, El País had to face a new journalistic challenge; the increasing political tensions caused by corru