The Folsom Complex is a name given by archaeologists to a specific Paleo-Indian archaeological culture that occupied much of central North America. The term was first used in 1927 by Jesse Dade Figgins, director of the Colorado Museum of Natural History. Numerous Paleoindian cultures occupied North America, with some restricted to the Great Plains and Great Lakes of the modern United States of America and Canada as well as adjacent areas to the west and south west; the Folsom Tradition was characterised by use of Folsom points as projectile tips and activities known from kill sites where slaughter and butchering of bison took place and Folsom tools were left behind. Some kill sites exhibit evidence of up to 50 bison being killed, although the Folsom diet included mountain sheep, marmots and cottontail rabbit as well. A Folsom site at Hanson, Wyoming revealed areas of hardstanding, which indicate possible dwellings; the type site is Folsom Site, near Folsom, New Mexico, in Colfax County, a marsh-side kill site found in about 1908 by George McJunkin, a cowboy and former slave who had lived in Texas as a child.
Archaeologists excavated the site in 1926. The Folsom Complex dates to between 9000 BC and 8000 BC and is thought to have derived from the earlier Clovis culture; the Lindenmeier Site in Colorado is a campsite, used throughout a longer period, spanning this era
Oneota is a designation archaeologists use to refer to a cultural complex that existed in the eastern plains and Great Lakes area of what is now the United States from around AD 900 to around 1650 or 1700. Based on classification defined in Gordon Willey and Philip Phillips' 1958 book Method and Theory in American Archaeology, the Oneota culture belongs to formative stage; the culture is believed to have transitioned into various Siouan cultures of the protohistoric and historic times, such as the Ioway. A long-accepted ancestry to the Ho-chunk has yet to be conclusively demonstrated. Oneota is considered a major component of Upper Mississippian culture, it is characterized by globular, shell-tempered pottery, coarse in fibre. Pieces had a spherical body, short necks and/or a flat lip. Sometimes the vessels had strap. Decoration includes wavy and zigzag lines in parallel. Most decoration was done on the top half of the vessel. Analytically, the culture has been broken down into various horizons.
Accepted are the following: Emergent Horizon, Developmental Horizon, Classic Horizon, Historic Horizon. In addition, the Oneota culture has been divided geographically based on stylistic and socio-economic differences; some of these traditions are Orr and Fisher-Huber. The Oneota diet included corn and squash, wild rice, fish and bison, varying according to the region and locale. Relationships with Middle Mississippian were present but are not yet understood. Whether Oneota developed in situ out of Late Woodland cultures, was invasive, was the result of influence from Middle Mississippian peoples, or was some mix of these, is not clear. Mississippian culture Toolesboro Mound Group Upper Mississippian culture Gibbon, Guy E. Oneota Studies. Green, William Oneota Archaeology: Past and Future. Uiowa.edu, general material and large annotated bibliography Angelfire.com, updated bibliography The Oneota Culture Prehistoric Farmers of the American Midwest. By Robert J. Jeske and Chrisie Hunter. Page produced by Jamie Kelly
Paleo-Indians, Paleoindians or Paleoamericans is a classification term given by scholars to the first peoples who entered, subsequently inhabited, the Americas during the final glacial episodes of the late Pleistocene period. The prefix "paleo-" comes from the Greek adjective palaios, meaning "old" or "ancient"; the term "Paleo-Indians" applies to the lithic period in the Western Hemisphere and is distinct from the term "Paleolithic". Traditional theories suggest that big-animal hunters crossed the Bering Strait from North Asia into the Americas over a land-and-ice bridge; this bridge existed from 45,000–12,000 BCE. Small isolated groups of hunter-gatherers migrated alongside herds of large herbivores far into Alaska. From c. 16,500 – c. 13,500 BCE, ice-free corridors developed along the Pacific coast and valleys of North America. This allowed animals, followed by humans; the people used primitive boats along the coastline. The precise dates and routes of the peopling of the New World remain subjects of ongoing debate.
Stone tools projectile points and scrapers, are the primary evidence of the earliest human activity in the Americas. Archaeologists and anthropologists use surviving crafted lithic flaked tools to classify cultural periods. Scientific evidence links Indigenous Americans to eastern Siberian populations. Indigenous peoples of the Americas have been linked to Siberian populations by linguistic factors, the distribution of blood types, in genetic composition as reflected by molecular data, such as DNA. There is evidence for at least two separate migrations. From 8000–7000 BCE the climate stabilized, leading to a rise in population and lithic technology advances, resulting in more sedentary lifestyle; the specifics of Paleo-Indian migration to and throughout the Americas, including the exact dates and routes traveled, are subject to ongoing research and discussion. The traditional theory has been that these early migrants moved into Beringia between eastern Siberia and present-day Alaska 17,000 years ago, when sea levels were lowered due to the Quaternary glaciation.
These people are believed to have followed herds of now-extinct pleistocene megafauna along ice-free corridors that stretched between the Laurentide and Cordilleran ice sheets. Another route proposed is that, either on foot or using primitive boats, they migrated down the Pacific coast to South America. Evidence of the latter would since have been covered by a sea level rise of hundreds of meters following the last ice age. Archaeologists contend that Paleo-Indians migrated out of Beringia, ranging from c. 40,000 – c. 16,500 years ago. This time range promises to continue as such for years to come; the few agreements achieved to date are the origin from Central Asia, with widespread habitation of the Americas during the end of the last glacial period, or more what is known as the late glacial maximum, around 16,000–13,000 years before present. However, alternative theories about the origins of Paleoindians exist, including migration from Europe. Sites in Alaska are where some of the earliest evidence has been found of Paleo-Indians, followed by archaeological sites in northern British Columbia, western Alberta and the Old Crow Flats region in the Yukon.
The Paleo-Indian would flourish all over the Americas. These peoples were spread over a wide geographical area. However, all the individual groups shared a common style of stone tool production, making knapping styles and progress identifiable; this early Paleo-Indian period lithic reduction tool adaptations have been found across the Americas, utilized by mobile bands consisting of 20 to 60 members of an extended family. Food would have been plentiful during the few warm months of the year. Lakes and rivers were teeming with many species of fish and aquatic mammals. Nuts and edible roots could be found in the forests and marshes; the fall would have been a busy time because foodstuffs would have to be stored and clothing made ready for the winter. During the winter, coastal fishing groups trap fresh food and furs. Late ice age climatic changes caused plant communities and animal populations to change. Groups moved from place to place as preferred resources were depleted and new supplies were sought.
Small bands utilized hunting and gathering during the spring and summer months broke into smaller direct family groups for the fall and winter. Family groups moved every 3–6 days traveling up to 360 km a year. Diets were sustaining and rich in protein due to successful hunting. Clothing was made from a variety of animal hides that were used for shelter construction. During much of the Early and Middle Paleo-Indian periods, inland bands are thought to have subsisted through hunting now-extinct megafauna. Large Pleistocene mammals were the giant beaver, steppe wisent, musk ox, woolly mammoths and ancient reindeer; the Clovis culture, appearing around 11,500 BCE, undoubtedly did not rely on megafauna for subsistence. Instead, they employed a mixed foraging strategy that included smaller terrestrial game, aquatic animals, a variety of flora. Paleo-Indian groups carried a variety of tools; these included efficient fluted style spear points, as well as microblades used for butchering and hide processing.
Projectile points and hammerstones made from many sources are found traded or moved to new locations. Stone tools were traded and/or left behind fro
Quartzite is a hard, non-foliated metamorphic rock, pure quartz sandstone. Sandstone is converted into quartzite through heating and pressure related to tectonic compression within orogenic belts. Pure quartzite is white to grey, though quartzites occur in various shades of pink and red due to varying amounts of iron oxide. Other colors, such as yellow, green and orange, are due to other minerals; when sandstone is cemented to quartzite, the individual quartz grains recrystallize along with the former cementing material to form an interlocking mosaic of quartz crystals. Most or all of the original texture and sedimentary structures of the sandstone are erased by the metamorphism; the grainy, sandpaper-like surface becomes glassy in appearance. Minor amounts of former cementing materials, iron oxide, silica and clay migrate during recrystallization and metamorphosis; this causes lenses to form within the quartzite. Orthoquartzite is a pure quartz sandstone composed of well-rounded quartz grains cemented by silica.
Orthoquartzite is 99% SiO2 with only minor amounts of iron oxide and trace resistant minerals such as zircon and magnetite. Although few fossils are present, the original texture and sedimentary structures are preserved; the term is traditionally used for quartz-cemented quartz arenites, both usages are found in the literature. The typical distinction between the two is a metamorphic quartzite is so cemented, diagenetically altered, metamorphosized so that it will fracture and break across grain boundaries, not around them. Quartzite is resistant to chemical weathering and forms ridges and resistant hilltops; the nearly pure silica content of the rock provides little material for soil. In the United States, formations of quartzite can be found in some parts of Pennsylvania, the Washington DC area, eastern South Dakota, Central Texas, southwest Minnesota, Devil's Lake State Park in the Baraboo Range in Wisconsin, the Wasatch Range in Utah, near Salt Lake City, Utah and as resistant ridges in the Appalachians and other mountain regions.
Quartzite is found in the Morenci Copper Mine in Arizona. The town of Quartzsite in western Arizona derives its name from the quartzites in the nearby mountains in both Arizona and Southeastern California. A glassy vitreous quartzite has been described from the Belt Supergroup in the Coeur d’Alene district of northern Idaho. In the United Kingdom, a craggy ridge of quartzite called the Stiperstones runs parallel with the Pontesford-Linley fault, 6 km north-west of the Long Mynd in south Shropshire. To be found in England are the Cambrian "Wrekin quartzite", the Cambrian "Hartshill quartzite". In Wales, Holyhead mountain and most of Holy island off Anglesey sport excellent Precambrian quartzite crags and cliffs. In the Scottish Highlands, several mountains composed of Cambrian quartzite can be found in the far north-west Moine Thrust Belt running in a narrow band from Loch Eriboll in a south-westerly direction to Skye. In Ireland areas of quartzite are found across the northwest, with Errigal in Donegal as the most prominent outcrop.
In continental Europe, various regionally isolated quartzite deposits exist at surface level in a belt from the Rhenish Massif and the German Central Highlands into the Western Czech Republic, for example in the Taunus and Harz mountains. In Poland quartzite deposits at surface level exists in Świętokrzyskie Mountains. In Canada, the La Cloche Mountains in Ontario are composed of white quartzite; the highest mountain in Mozambique, Monte Binga, as well as the rest of the surrounding Chimanimani Plateau are composed of hard, pale grey, Precambrian quartzite. Quartzite is mined in Brazil for use in kitchen countertops; because of its hardness and angular shape, crushed quartzite is used as railway ballast. Quartzite is a decorative stone and may be used to cover walls, as roofing tiles, as flooring, stair steps, its use for countertops in kitchens is expanding rapidly. It is more resistant to stains than granite. Crushed quartzite is sometimes used in road construction. High purity quartzite is used to produce ferrosilicon, industrial silica sand and silicon carbide.
During the Paleolithic, quartzite was used, along with flint and other lithic raw materials, for making stone tools. The term quartzite is derived from German: Quarzit. Neomorphism R. V. Dietrich's GemRocks: Quartzite CSU Pomona Geology: Quartzite Cowen's "The First Geologists" Minnesota Department of Natural Resources: Natural History: Minnesota's geology Wisconsin's Baraboo Syncline South Dakota 2002 Mineral Summary: Production and Environmental Issues Big Sioux River: History of Sioux Falls and Quartzite Photos
The Fremont culture or Fremont people is a pre-Columbian archaeological culture which received its name from the Fremont River in the U. S. state of Utah, where the culture's sites were discovered by local indigenous peoples like the Navajo and Ute. In Navajo culture, the pictographs are credited to people; the Fremont River itself is named for an American explorer. It inhabited sites in what is now Utah and parts of Nevada and Colorado from AD 1 to 1301, it was adjacent to contemporaneous with, but distinctly different from the Ancestral Pueblo peoples located to their south. Fremont Indian State Park in the Clear Creek Canyon area in Sevier County Utah contains the biggest Fremont culture site in Utah. Thousand-year-old pit houses and other Fremont artifacts were discovered at Range Creek, Utah. Nearby Nine Mile Canyon has long been known for its large collection of Fremont rock art. Other sites are found in The San Rafael Swell, Capitol Reef National Park, Dinosaur National Monument, Zion National Park, Arches National Park.
Scholars do not agree that the Fremont culture represents a single, cohesive group with a common language, ancestry, or way of life, but several aspects of their material culture provides evidence for this concept. First, Fremont culture people grew corn; the culture participated in a continuum of reliable subsistence strategies that no doubt varied from place to place and time to time. This shows up in the archaeological record at most village sites and long term camps as a collection of butchered and discarded bone from deer and rabbits, charred corn cobs with the kernels removed, wild edible plant remains. Other unifying characteristics include the manufacture of expedient gray ware pottery and a signature style of basketry and rock art. Most of the Fremont lived in small single and extended family units comprising villages ranging from two to a dozen pithouse structures, with only a few having been occupied at any one time. Still, exceptions to this rule exist, including an unusually large village in the Parowan Valley of southwestern Utah, the large and extensively excavated village of Five Finger Ridge at the above mentioned Fremont Indian State Park, others, all appearing to be anomalous in that they were either occupied for a long period of time, were occupied by a large number of people, 60 or more at any given moment, or both.
The Fremont are sometimes thought to have begun as a splinter group of the Ancestral Pueblo people, although archaeologists do not agree on this theory. According to archaeologist Dean Snow, Fremont people wore moccasins like their Great Basin ancestors rather than sandals like the Ancestral Puebloans, they were part-time farmers who lived in scattered semi-sedentary farmsteads and small villages, never giving up traditional hunting and gathering for more risky full-time farming. They made pottery, built houses and food storage facilities, raised corn, but overall they must have looked like poor cousins to the major traditions of the Greater Southwest, while at the same time seeming like aspiring copy-cats to the hunter-gatherers still living around them. Snow notes that Fremont culture declined due to changing climate conditions c. 950 CE. The culture moved to the then-marshy areas of northwestern Utah, which sustained them for about 400 years; the Range Creek Canyon site complex is unambiguously identified with the Fremont culture, because of its astonishingly pristine state, promises to bring an immense amount of archaeological insight to this hitherto obscure culture.
According to Snow, the Fremont's eventual fate is unknown, but it is possible that they moved into Idaho and Kansas, may have become part of the Dismal River culture to the east or the Ancestral Pueblo communities to the south or absorbed by the arriving Numic-speaking peoples. Cañon Pintado, a Fremont culture site in Colorado List of dwellings of Pueblo peoples Nine Mile Canyon Rochester Rock Art Panel National Park Service CP-Lunha site Snow, Dean R.. Archaeology of Native North America. Prentice Hall. Pp. 269–270. ISBN 0-13-615686-X. Traces of Fremont: Society and Rock Art in Ancient Utah. Text by Steven R. Simms, photographs by Francois Gohier. ISBN 978-1-60781-011-7 Snow, Dean R.. Archaeology of Native North America. Prentice Hall. Pp. 269–270. ISBN 0-13-615686-X. "Fremont culture, on season 15, episode 8". Scientific American Frontiers. Chedd-Angier Production Company. 2005. PBS. Archived from the original on 2006
Coles Creek culture
Coles Creek culture is a Late Woodland archaeological culture in the Lower Mississippi valley in the southern United States. It followed the Troyville culture; the period marks a significant change in the cultural history of the area. Population increased and there is strong evidence of a growing cultural and political complexity by the end of the Coles Creek sequence. Although many of the classic traits of chiefdom societies are not yet manifested, by 1000 CE the formation of simple elite polities had begun. Coles Creek sites are found in Arkansas and Mississippi, it is considered ancestral to the Plaquemine culture. The Coles Creek culture is an indigenous development of the Lower Mississippi Valley that took place between the terminal Woodland period and the Plaquemine culture period; the period is marked by the increased use of flat-topped platform mounds arranged around central plazas, more complex political institutions, a subsistence strategy still grounded in the Eastern Agricultural Complex and hunting rather than on the maize plant as would happen in the succeeding Plaquemine Mississippian period.
The culture was defined by the unique decoration on grog-tempered ceramic ware by James A. Ford after his investigations at the Mazique Archeological Site, he had studied both the Mazique and Coles Creek Sites, went with the Mazique culture, but decided on the less involved sites name. The Coles Creak area is further subdivided into Coles Creek proper in the northern part of its range throughout the interior Mississippi Valley, Coastal Coles Creek, being found along the Gulf coast south of the latitude of modern Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Although earlier cultures built mounds as a part of mortuary customs, by the Coles Creek period these mounds took on a newer shape and function. Instead of being for burial, mounds were constructed to support temples and other civic structures. Pyramidal mounds with flat tops and ramps were constructed over successive years and with many layers. A temple or other structures of wattle and daub construction, would be built on the summit of the mound. A typical Coles Creek site plan consisted of at least two, more three, mounds around a central plaza.
This pattern emerged in 800 CE and continued for several hundred years. By late Coles Creek times, the site plans are enlarged to include up to three more mounds. Sites typical of this period are Mount Nebo, Holly Bluff, Kings Crossing, Lake Agnes. Many Coles Creek mounds were erected over earlier mortuary mounds, leading researchers to speculate that emerging elites were symbolically and physically appropriating dead ancestors to emphasize and project their own authority. Long-distance trade seems to have been negligible at this time, as exotic goods and trade items are rare in Coles Creek sites. There is little evidence of domesticated or cultivated plants until the end of the Coles Creek period. Acorns are a dominant food source, supplemented with persimmons and some starchy seeds such as maygrass. Coles Creek populations may have loosely "managed" certain plant resources in order to promote a better or more consistent food supply. Maize is found in limited quantities, but by 1000-1200 CE had begun to increase, although nowhere near the levels it would reach in Mississippian culture times.
The bow and arrow was introduced in this period. Pottery styles changed during this period, as people began to create more durable wares with more diversified uses. Wet clay was tempered with particles of dry clay to prevent cracking during firing. Most pots were decorated only on the upper half with designs of incised lines or impressed tool marks. Colors ranged from tan, black and gray, although the rare red example is known; the rare effigy pot is found. Plum Bayou culture Culture and chronological table for the Mississippi Valley Hudson, Charles M. Knights of Spain, Warriors of the Sun: Hernando De Soto and the South's Ancient Chiefdoms, University of Georgia Press, 1997. ISBN 0-8203-1888-4 R. Barry Lewis and Charles Stout, editors. "Mississippian Towns and Sacred Spaces", University of Alabama Press, 1998. ISBN 0-8173-0947-0 Southeastern Prehistory - Late Woodland Period