Le Monde is a French daily afternoon newspaper founded by Hubert Beuve-Méry at the request of Charles de Gaulle on 19 December 1944, shortly after the Liberation of Paris, published continuously since its first edition. It is one of the most important and respected newspapers in the world. Le Monde is one of the French newspapers of record, counting Libération, Le Figaro, the main publication of La Vie-Le Monde Group, it reported an average circulation of 323,039 copies per issue in 2009, about 40,000 of which were sold abroad. It has had its own website since 19 December 1995, is the only French newspaper obtainable in non-French-speaking countries, it should not be confused with the monthly publication Le Monde diplomatique, of which Le Monde has 51% ownership, but, editorially independent. The paper's journalistic side has a collegial form of organization, in which most journalists are not only tenured, but financial stakeholders in the enterprise as well, participate in the elections of upper management and senior executives.
In the 1990s and 2000s, La Vie-Le Monde Group expanded under editor Jean-Marie Colombani with a number of acquisitions. However, its profitability was not sufficient to cover the large debt loads it took on to fund this expansion, it sought new investors in 2010 to keep the company out of bankruptcy. In June 2010, investors Matthieu Pigasse, Pierre Bergé, Xavier Niel acquired a controlling stake in the newspaper. In contrast to other world newspapers such as The New York Times, Le Monde was traditionally focused on offering analysis and opinion, as opposed to being a newspaper of record. Hence, it was considered less important for the paper to offer maximum coverage of the news than to offer thoughtful interpretation of current events. For instance, on the 10th anniversary of the sinking of the Rainbow Warrior, the newspaper directly implicated François Mitterrand, the French president at the time, in the operation. In recent years the paper has established a greater distinction between opinion.
Le Monde was founded in 1944 at the request of General Charles de Gaulle after the German army was driven from Paris during World War II, took over the headquarters and layout of Le Temps, the most important newspaper in France before but whose reputation had suffered during the Occupation. Beuve-Méry demanded total editorial independence as the condition for his taking on the project. In 1981 it backed the election of socialist François Mitterrand, in part on the grounds that the alternation of the political party in government would be beneficial to the democratic character of the state; the paper endorsed centre-right candidate Édouard Balladur in the 1995 presidential election, Ségolène Royal, the Socialist Party candidate, in the 2007 presidential election. According to the Mitrokhin Archive investigators, Le Monde was the KGB's key outlet for spreading anti-American and pro-Soviet disinformation to the French media; the archive identified two senior Le Monde journalists and several contributors who were used in the operations.
Michel Legris, a former journalist with the paper, wrote Le Monde tel qu'il est in 1976. According to him, the journal minimized the atrocities committed by the Cambodian Khmer Rouge. In their 2003 book titled La Face cachée du Monde, authors Pierre Péan and Philippe Cohen alleged that Colombani and then-editor Edwy Plenel had shown, amongst other things, partisan bias and had engaged in financial dealings that compromised the paper's independence, it accused the paper of dangerously damaging the authority of the French state by having revealed various political scandals. This book remains controversial, but attracted much attention and media coverage in France and around the world at the time of its publication. Following a lawsuit, the authors and the publisher agreed in 2004 not to proceed to any reprinting. Le Monde has been found guilty of defamation for saying that Spanish football club FC Barcelona was connected to a doctor involved in steroid use; the Spanish court fined the newspaper nearly $450,000.
In April 2016, a Le Monde reporter was denied a visa to visit Algeria as part of the French Prime Minister press convoy to Algeria. Le Monde had published names of Algerian officials directly involved with the Panama papers corruption scandal. Le Monde is published around midday, the date on the masthead is the following day's. For instance, the issue released at midday on 15 March shows 16 March on the masthead, it is available on newsstands in France on the day of release, received by mail subscribers on the masthead date. The Saturday issue is a double one, for Sunday, thus the latest edition can be found on newsstands from Monday to Friday included, while subscribers will receive it from Tuesday to Saturday included. In December 2006, on the 60th anniversary of its publishing début, Le Monde moved into new headquarters in Boulevard Auguste-Blanqui, 13th arrondissement of Paris; the building—formerly the headquarters of Air France—was refashioned by Bouygues from the designs of Christian de Portzamparc.
The building's façade has an enormous fresco adorned by doves flying towards Victor Hugo, symbolising freedom of the press. It will move into a new headquarters in the 13th arrondissement, around 2017
Paris massacre of 1961
The Paris massacre of 1961 occurred on 17 October 1961, during the Algerian War. Under orders from the head of the Parisian police, Maurice Papon, the French National Police attacked a demonstration of some 30,000 pro-National Liberation Front Algerians. After 37 years of denial and censorship of the press, in 1998 the French government acknowledged 40 deaths, although there are estimates of 100 to 300 victims. Death was due to heavy-handed beating by the police, as well as massive drownings, as police officers threw demonstrators in the river Seine; the massacre appears to have been intentional, as has been demonstrated by historian Jean-Luc Einaudi, who won a trial against Maurice Papon in 1999. Official documentation and accounts of eyewitnesses within the Paris police department suggest that the 1961 massacre was directed by Papon himself. Police records show that Papon called for officers in one station to be "subversive" in quelling the demonstrations, assured them protection from prosecution if they participated.
Forty years after the massacre, on 17 October 2001, Bertrand Delanoë, the Socialist Mayor of Paris, put up a plaque in remembrance of the massacre on the Pont Saint-Michel. How many demonstrators were killed is still unclear. In the absence of official estimates, the placard which commemorates the massacre stated: "In memory of the many Algerians killed during the bloody repression of the peaceful demonstration of 17 October 1961". On 18 February 2007 calls were made for a Paris Métro station under construction in Gennevilliers to be named "17 Octobre 1961" in commemoration of the massacre; the events were documented by a number of photographs, many of them graphic. On 17 October 1961, the massacre took place in the context of the Algerian War, which had become violent over the years. After de Gaulle's equivocal return to power during the May 1958 crisis and his sudden change of policy concerning Algerian independence, the OAS used all possible means to oppose the National Liberation Front, which took the war to the metropolis where it was helped by some activists such as the Jeanson network.
The repression by French authorities, both in Algeria and in metropolitan France, was harsh. According to historian Jean-Luc Einaudi, a specialist on the massacre, some of the causes of the violent repression of the 17 October 1961 demonstration can best be understood in terms of the composition of the French police force itself, which still included many former members of the force in place during the World War II Vichy regime which had collaborated with the Gestapo to detain Jews, as for example in the Vel' d'Hiv Roundup of 16–17 July 1942; the vast majority of police officers suspended after the Liberation of Paris in 1944 for extreme forms of collaborationism were reintegrated into the police forces. In contrast, some of the policemen, part of the Resistance movement had their career advancement blocked because of Cold War anti-communism, since the Resistance was communist and communist ministers had been expelled from the government in May 1947. Moreover, police officers, members of the Resistance might well have taken part in the various raids against Jews and other persecuted groups during the Vichy regime, as otherwise they would have been dismissed, according to Einaudi and Maurice Rajsfus.
The career of Maurice Papon as Head of Paris' police force in the 1960s and Minister of Finance under Valéry Giscard d'Estaing's presidency in the 1970s, suggests that there was institutional racism in the French police until at least the 1960s. In fact, Papon was not charged and convicted until 1997–98 for his World War II crimes against humanity in being responsible for the deportation of 1,560 Jews, including children and the elderly, between 1942 and 1944. Before his appointment as chief of the Paris police, Papon had been, since 1956, prefect of the Constantine department in Algeria, where he participated in the repression of and the use of torture against the civilian population. On 13 March 1958, 7,000 policemen demonstrated in the courtyard of the police headquarters, against the delays in the "risque prime" accorded to them because of the war, although the FLN had not yet begun to target police officers at this time. Encouraged by far-right deputy Jean-Marie Le Pen, 2,000 of them attempted to enter the Palais Bourbon, seat of the National Assembly, with shouts of "Sales Juifs!
A la Seine! Mort aux fellaghas!". With the recommendation of Minister of Interior Maurice Bourgès-Maunoury, Maurice Papon was next day named prefect of the police. Two years earlier, in Constantine, Algeria, he had assumed the role of "Inspecteur général pour l'administration en mission extraordinaire". "Prohibited zones, detention centers, executions without trial: this is the reality of the war he was supervising out there." According to Einaudi, in the following years he applied these methods in Paris and the Seine department. After the May 1958 crisis and the installation of the new Fifth Republic under'Free France' leader Charles de Gaulle's leadership, Maurice Papon was kept on. Papon created the'compagnies de district', police forces that specialized in repression, where new police recruits were trained; these district companies were formed from veterans of the Indochina War and young Frenchmen coming back from Algeria. On
Gaston Palewski, French politician, was a close associate of Charles de Gaulle during and after World War II. He is remembered as the lover of the English novelist Nancy Mitford, appears in a fictionalised form in two of her novels. Palewski was born in Paris in the Jewish family, the son of an industrialist Maurice Serge Moïse Herch Palewski and his wife Rose née Diamant-Berger. Gaston Palewski was educated at the Sorbonne, at the Ecole des Sciences Politiques and at Oxford University—he spoke excellent English and was a convinced Anglophile. Using family connections, he obtained a post with Marshal Hubert Lyautey, the French Resident-General in Morocco. In 1928 he became principal private secretary to Paul Reynaud, a leading politician, Minister for Finances and who became Prime Minister of France in March 1940. Through Reynaud, in 1934, he first met Charles de Gaulle, became a supporter of his political and military views. On the outbreak of war in 1939 Palewski was commissioned as a lieutenant in the French Air Force, saw action following the German invasion of France in May 1940.
He was in French North Africa at the time of the armistice of June 1940. Refusing to accept France's defeat, he reached London at the end of August and joined de Gaulle's Free French Forces. De Gaulle appointed him Director of Political Affairs of the Free French movement, he played a leading role in negotiations between de Gaulle and the British government, which at first regarded de Gaulle with scepticism. In March 1941 he was given the rank of lieutenant-colonel and command of the Free French Army in East Africa, leading it against the Italian forces during the recapture of French Somaliland. In September 1942, he was recalled to London to become de Gaulle's Directeur du Cabinet, a post in which he followed de Gaulle from London to Algiers in 1943 and in August 1944 to liberated Paris, he became known as de Gaulle's homme de confiance, his diplomatic skills and knowledge of the British made him invaluable to de Gaulle, who neither understood the British nor trusted them. Palewski remained director of de Gaulle's cabinet until de Gaulle's resignation as head of the Provisional Government in January 1946.
He became a leading proponent of Gaullism and one of the founders of the first Gaullist party, the Rassemblement du Peuple Français in 1947. In 1951 he was elected to the National Assembly as an RPF deputy for the Department of the Seine. From 1953 to 1955 he was vice-president of the National Assembly. Following the failure of the RPF, however, he withdrew from politics. In 1957, at de Gaulle's request, he was appointed Ambassador to Italy, a post he held until 1962. In 1962 Palewski was appointed by Prime Minister Georges Pompidou as Minister of State in charge of Scientific Research, Atomic Energy and Space Questions, the first French minister with specific responsibility for such matters. On 1 May 1962 Palewski witnessed the French underground nuclear test codenamed "Beryl" in Algeria; the test shaft failed to contain the blast and he was exposed to radiation as result of a leak of radioactive lava and dust into the atmosphere. He believed that the leukemia which he contracted in life was caused by this accident.
From 1965 to 1974 he was President of the Constitutional Council of France. Palewski died of leukemia in 1984, aged 83. After 1974 he held a number of honorary posts. An amateur painter of some talent, he was a member of the Académie des Beaux-Arts; because of his high office and his record in the war Palewski was awarded several French decorations. After his term as an ambassador to the Italian government, not to the Holy See, he was awarded an Italian Grand Cross; the Grand Croix of the Légion d'Honneur, The title and cross of a Compagnon de la Libération, The Croix de Guerre, The Médaille Coloniale, with a bar The Croix du combattant volontaire 1939–1945. The Grand Cross of the Order of Merit of the Italian Republic In his personal life, Palewski was a notorious and reckless womaniser, this earned him a reputation for frivolity that damaged his prospects for a serious political career. Only his standing with de Gaulle, to whom he was devoted and loyal, enabled him to hold high office. During the war in London he met the English writer and society figure Nancy Mitford, began with her a long, passionate but intermittent affair.
They were separated during the latter part of the war, but in 1946 she moved permanently to Paris, their relationship, though never public, lasted until her death in 1973. This did not prevent him becoming involved with many other women. In 1969, without formally ending his affair with Mitford—he was with her when she died—he married Helen-Violette de Talleyrand-Périgord, duchesse de Sagan, the daughter of the seventh duc de Talleyrand and his wife Anna Gould; the two had been having a long affair prior to the duchess's divorce from her first husband and had had a son out of wedlock. In the English-speaking world Palewski is known chiefly through his appearance as Fabrice, duc de Sauveterre, in two of Nancy Mitford's novels, The Pursuit of Love and Love in a Cold Climate; the first of these contains a accurate portrayal of their relationship, although it is moved from postwar to prewar Paris. Despite Mitford's love for Palewski, she depicted him in a clear-eyed way in these novels, with no attempt to disguise his many infidelities.
He took no offence at this, when Mitford proposed to dedicate The Pursuit of Love to "The Colonel", he insisted on his real name being used
Virtual International Authority File
The Virtual International Authority File is an international authority file. It is a joint project of several national libraries and operated by the Online Computer Library Center. Discussion about having a common international authority started in the late 1990s. After a series of failed attempts to come up with a unique common authority file, the new idea was to link existing national authorities; this would present all the benefits of a common file without requiring a large investment of time and expense in the process. The project was initiated by the US Library of Congress, the German National Library and the OCLC on August 6, 2003; the Bibliothèque nationale de France joined the project on October 5, 2007. The project transitioned to being a service of the OCLC on April 4, 2012; the aim is to link the national authority files to a single virtual authority file. In this file, identical records from the different data sets are linked together. A VIAF record receives a standard data number, contains the primary "see" and "see also" records from the original records, refers to the original authority records.
The data are available for research and data exchange and sharing. Reciprocal updating uses the Open Archives Initiative Protocol for Metadata Harvesting protocol; the file numbers are being added to Wikipedia biographical articles and are incorporated into Wikidata. VIAF's clustering algorithm is run every month; as more data are added from participating libraries, clusters of authority records may coalesce or split, leading to some fluctuation in the VIAF identifier of certain authority records. Authority control Faceted Application of Subject Terminology Integrated Authority File International Standard Authority Data Number International Standard Name Identifier Wikipedia's authority control template for articles Official website VIAF at OCLC
Michel Jean-Pierre Debré was the first Prime Minister of the French Fifth Republic. He is considered the "father" of the current Constitution of France, he served under President Charles de Gaulle from 1959 to 1962. In terms of political personality, he was intense and immovable, with a tendency to rhetorical extremism. Debré was born in Paris, the son of Robert Debré, the well-known Jewish professor of medicine, today considered by many to be the founder of modern pediatrics, his grandfather was a rabbi. Michel Debré, he studied at the Lycée Montaigne and at the Lycée Louis-le-Grand, obtained a diploma from the École Libre des Sciences Politiques, a Ph. D. in Law from the University of Paris. He became a Professor of Law at the University of Paris, he joined the École des Officiers de Réserve de la Cavalerie in Saumur. In 1934, at the age of twenty-two, Debré passed the entrance exam and became a member of the Conseil d'État. In 1938, he joined the staff of the Economy Minister Paul Reynaud. In 1939, at the beginning of the Second World War, Debré was enlisted as a cavalry officer.
He was taken prisoner in Artenay in June 1940 during the Battle of France but managed to escape in September of that year. He returned to the Conseil d'État, now under the administration of the Vichy regime, was sworn in by Marshal Philippe Pétain. In 1942 he was promoted to maître des requêtes by the Minister of Justice. After the German invasion of the free zone in November 1942, Debré's political pétainisme disappeared, in February 1943 he became involved in the French Resistance, joining the network Ceux de la Résistance. During the summer of 1943, General Charles de Gaulle gave Debré the task of making a list of prefects, or State representatives, who would replace those of the Vichy regime after the liberation. In August 1944 de Gaulle made him Commissaire de la République for Angers, in 1945, the Provisional Government charged him with the task of reforming the French Civil Service. Debré created the École nationale d'administration, whose idea was formulated by Jean Zay before the war.
Under the Fourth Republic, Michel Debré at first supported the Democratic and Socialist Union of the Resistance, but defected to the Radical-Socialist Party on the advice of General Charles de Gaulle, who told him and several other politicians, including Jacques Chaban-Delmas,"Allez au parti radical. C'est là que vous trouverez, it is there that you will find the last vestiges of the meaning of the state". He joined the Rally of the French People and was elected senator of Indre-et-Loire, a position he held from 1948 to 1958. In 1957, he founded Le Courrier de la colère, a newspaper that fiercely defended French Algeria and called for the return to power of de Gaulle. In the 2 December 1957 issue, Debré wrote: This explicit appeal to the insurgency led the socialist politician Alain Savary to write that "In the case of the OAS insurgency, the soldiers are not the culprit. Michel Debré had four sons: businessman. See Debré family. Michel Debré became the Garde des Sceaux in the cabinet of General de Gaulle on 1 June 1958.
He played an important role in drafting the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, on its acceptance he took up the new position of Prime Minister of France, which he held from 8 January 1959 to 1962. After the 1962 Évian Accords referendum that ended the Algerian War and gave auto-determination to Algeria was approved by a nearly ten-to-one margin, de Gaulle replaced him with Georges Pompidou. In November, during the parliamentary elections that followed the dissolution of the National Assembly, he tried to be elected Député for Indre-et-Loire. Defeated, in March 1963 he decided to go to Réunion, an island he had visited for less than twenty-four hours on 10 July 1959 when on a trip with President de Gaulle; this choice reflects Debré's fear that what remained of the French colonial empires would follow the path trodden by Algeria – that of independence, towards which he was not sympathetic. Debré wanted to take action against the Communist Party of Réunion, founded by Paul Vergès a few years earlier.
The movement sought self-determination for the island and the removal of its position as an overseas department, had staged demonstrations on the island a few day earlier. He noted that the invalidation of Gabriel Macé's election as Mayor of Saint-Denis rendered the post open to the opposition, so he took the decision to win over this mandate, he returned in the government in 1966 as Finance Minister. After the May 1968 crisis, he became Foreign Minister one year he served as Defence Minister of President Georges Pompidou. In that role, he became a hated figure of the left, because of his determination to expropriate the land of 107 peasant farmers and shepherds on the Larzac plateau, to extend an existing military base; the resulting civil disobedience campaign was victorious. Considered as a guardian of the Gaullist orthodoxy, he was marginalized after the election of Valéry Giscard d'Estaing as President of France in 1974, he criticized with virulence his foreign policy. In 1979 he took a major part in the Rally for the Republic campaign against the European federalism and was elected member of the European Parliament in order to defend the principle of Europe of nations.
But he accused Jacques Chirac and the RPR lead to moderate their speech, so, he was a di
Constitution of France
The current Constitution of France was adopted on 4 October 1958. It is called the Constitution of the Fifth Republic, replaced that of the Fourth Republic dating from 1946. Charles de Gaulle was the main driving force in introducing the new constitution and inaugurating the Fifth Republic, while the text was drafted by Michel Debré. Since the constitution has been amended twenty-four times, through 2008; the preamble of the constitution recalls the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen from 1789 and establishes France as a secular and democratic country, deriving its sovereignty from the people. It provides for the election of the President and the Parliament, the selection of the Government, the powers of each and the relations between them, it ensures judicial authority and creates a High Court, a Constitutional Council, an Economic and Social Council. It was designed to create a politically strong President, it enables those associated with the European Union. It is unclear; the Constitution sets out methods for its own amendment either by referendum or through a Parliamentary process with Presidential consent.
The normal procedure of constitutional amendment is as follows: the amendment must be adopted in identical terms by both houses of Parliament must be either adopted by a simple majority in a referendum, or by 3/5 of a joint session of both houses of Parliament. However, president Charles de Gaulle bypassed the legislative procedure in 1962 and directly sent a constitutional amendment to a referendum, adopted; this was controversial at the time. Prior to 1971, though executive and judicial decisions had to comply with the general principles of law, there were no such restrictions on legislation, it was assumed that unelected judges and other appointees should not be able to overrule laws voted for by the directly elected French parliament. In 1971, a landmark decision by the Constitutional Council cited the preamble of the Constitution and its references to the principles laid in the Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen as a reason for rejecting a law that, according to the Council, violated one of these principles.
Since it is assumed that the "constitutional block" includes not only the Constitution, but the other texts referred to in its preamble: The Declaration of the Rights of Man and of the Citizen of 1789 The preamble of the Constitution of 1946 The Charter for the Environment of 2004Since the possibility of sending laws before the Council has been extended. In practice, the political opposition sends all controversial laws before it. In the Constitution, are written the principles of the French Republic: Social welfare, which means that everybody must be able to access free public services and be helped when needed. Laïcité, which means that the churches are separated from the State and the freedom of religion is protected. Democracy, which means that the Parliament and the Government are elected by the people. Indivisibility, which means that the French people are united in a single Unitary sovereign State with one language, the French language, all people are equal; the Constitution defines in Article 89 the rules for amending itself.
First, a constitutional bill must be approved by both houses of Parliament. The bill must be approved by the Congress, a special joint session of both houses. In 1962, president Charles de Gaulle controversially submitted a bill to a referendum through another procedure defined at article 11 of the Constitution, a procedure which allows the President to hold a referendum without the consent of Parliament – see French presidential election referendum, 1962; this permitted the establishment of a popularly elected presidency, that would otherwise have been vetoed by the Parliament. Article 11 was used for constitutional changes for the second and last time in 1969, but the "No" prevailed, causing Charles de Gaulle to resign from the presidency. On 21 July 2008, Parliament passed constitutional reforms championed by President Nicolas Sarkozy by a margin of two votes; these changes, when finalized, introduced a consecutive two-term limit for the presidency, gave parliament a veto over some presidential appointments, ended government control over parliament's committee system, allowed parliament to set its own agenda, allowed the president to address parliament in-session, ended the president's right of collective pardon.
France has had numerous past constitutions. The Kingdom of France, under the Ancien Régime, was an absolute monarchy and lacked a formal constitution. Albeit, some rules were above the king: les lois fondamentales du Royaume; these rules were about the inheritance of the Crown. The king shall be the first born male catholic heir. In any case, women weren't allowed to inherite the Crown since the Treaty of Troyes. Parlement of Paris was the body. For instance Louis XIV tried by his testament to change the inheritance order; the Parlement of Paris annulled it. The Revolution
Christian Fouchet was a French politician. He was born in Yvelines, he was a graduate of the Ecole des sciences politiques. Two hours after Marshal Petain's request for an armistice with Nazi Germany on 17 June 1940, Fouchet boarded a London-bound British airplane to offer his services to General Charles de Gaulle and the Free French forces, his missions involved liaison work between the Free French in London and the resistance movement in France. Fouchet received his first diplomatic assignment in 1944, when he was made a secretary of the French embassy in Moscow. In 1945 he represented de Gaulle's provisional government in Poland, he subsequently served as Consul General in India until 1947. In 1954 Fouchet began a two-year term as Minister for Moroccan and Tunisian Affairs in the government of Pierre Mendès France, he was the French ambassador to Denmark from 1958 to 1962. He was the French Minister of National Education from 28 November 1962 to 6 April 1967, he was the colonial head of Algeria from 19 March 1962 to 3 July 1962.
He was the French Minister of the Interior from 6 avril 1967 to 31 mai 1968. He is the father of the french novelist Lorraine Fouchet. Fouchet held the Legion of Honour as a chevalier in 1946 and as a commandeur in 1961, the Croix de Guerre, the Croix de la Valeur Militaire, the Croix of the Veterans of Foreign Wars, the Medal of the Resistance and the Medal of Free France