A protest is an expression of bearing witness on behalf of an express cause by words or actions with regard to particular events, policies or situations. Protests can take many different forms, from individual statements to mass demonstrations. Protesters may organize a protest as a way of publicly making their opinions heard in an attempt to influence public opinion or government policy, or they may undertake direct action in an attempt to directly enact desired changes themselves. Where protests are part of a systematic and peaceful nonviolent campaign to achieve a particular objective, involve the use of pressure as well as persuasion, they go beyond mere protest and may be better described as cases of civil resistance or nonviolent resistance. Various forms of self-expression and protest are sometimes restricted by governmental policy, economic circumstances, religious orthodoxy, social structures, or media monopoly. One state reaction to protests is the use of riot police. Observers have noted an increased militarization of protest policing, with police deploying armored vehicles and snipers against the protesters.
When such restrictions occur, protests may assume the form of open civil disobedience, more subtle forms of resistance against the restrictions, or may spill over into other areas such as culture and emigration. A protest itself may at times be the subject of a counter-protest. In such a case, counter-protesters demonstrate their support for the person, action, etc., the subject of the original protest. In some cases, these protesters can violently clash. Unaddressed protests may grow and widen into civil resistance, activism, insurgency and political and/or social revolution; some examples of protests include: Northern Europe in the early 16th century North America in the 1770s France in 1789 The Haymarket riot, 1886, a violent labor protest led by the Anarchist Movement New York shirtwaist strike of 1909 Martin Luther King's 1963 March on Washington for Jobs and Freedom, a key moment in the Civil Rights Movement SOS an Australian anti-conscription organization Protests against the Vietnam War Mexico 68 The Stonewall riots in 1969 protesting the treatment of homosexuals in New York City The People Power Revolution in the Philippines The Tiananmen Square protests of 1989 The many ACT-UP AIDS protests of the late 1980s and early 1990s The Seattle WTO Ministerial Conference of 1999 protest activity against the World Trade Organization Anti-globalization Protests in Prague in 2000 Anti-globalization Protests in Genoa from 18 to 22 July 2001 15 February 2003 Iraq War Protest Palestinian First Intifada Second Intifada Anti-nuclear protests 2010 Thai political protests 2011 Iranian protests Arab Spring protests Impact of the Arab Spring 2011 Occupy Wall Street protests Gezi Park protests 2013 in Turkey June 2013 Egyptian protests Euromaidan protests in Ukraine, Nov. 2013 through Feb. 2014 Black Lives Matter 2016 South Korean protests 2017 Jallikattu protests Dakota Access Pipeline protests 2018 Tommy Robinson protests 2018 Sadiq Khan protests 2018 Armenian Velvet Revolution A protest can take many forms.
The Dynamics of Collective Action project and the Global Nonviolent Action Database are two of the leading data collection efforts attempting to capture protest events. The Dynamics of Collective Action project considers the repertoire of protest tactics to include: Rally or demonstration: Demonstration, etc. without reference to marching or walking in a picket line or standing in a vigil. Reference to speeches, singing, preaching verified by indication of sound equipment of PA and sometimes by a platform or stage. Ordinarily will include worship services, briefings. March: Reference to moving from one location to another. Vigil: These are always designated as such, although sometimes "silent witness," and "meditation" are code words. Most vigils have banners, placards, or leaflets so that people passing by, despite silence from participants, can ascertain for what the vigil stands. Picket: The modal activity is picketing. Holding signs or placards or banners is not the defining criteria. Civil disobedience: Explicit protest that involves crossing barricade, sit-in of blacks where prohibited, use of "colored" bathrooms, voter registration drives, crossing barricades, tying up phone lines.
Ceremony: These celebrate or protest status transitions ranging from birth, death dates of individuals, organizations or nations, seasons, to re-enlistment or commissioning of military personnel, to the anniversaries of same. These are sometimes referenced by presenting flowers or wreaths commemorating or dedicating or celebrating status transitions or its anniversary. Symbolic display: e.g. Menorah, Creche Scene, cross
National University of Rosario
The National University of Rosario is a research public university located in the city of Rosario, province of Santa Fe, Argentina. Rosario National University was created in 1968 by Law 17.987. Its foundational structure consisted of numerous academic and administrative entities belonging to the Rosario campus of the National University of the Littoral, established in 1918; the schools incorporated in the original university at the time included: the Colleges of Medicine, Biochemistry Sciences, Architecture, Economic Sciences and Arts, Psychology, Political Sciences, Agricultural Sciences, Veterinarian Sciences. Other institutions under the original university's aegis included hospitals and secondary schools, the Rosario Music Institute, the Fine Arts Institute, the Center of Foreign and Modern Languages. From its beginnings Rosario National University promoted an active relationship with Rosario society; this relationship allowed it to complete every initiated project and sustain growth in accordance to regional demands.
Its present structure consists of 3 high schools and one interdisciplinary academy. It has a building surface of 68,000 square meters, where the following academic courses are provided: 124 postgraduate courses, 63 college degrees, 15 technical degrees, 53 intermediate level college degrees, 16 degrees for articulation with the non-university higher education system, 32 professional degrees. An on-line campus was incorporated, providing distance learning courses by using Web support as a teaching tool. Rosario National University is committed to: "providing higher education with scientific characteristics towards the formation of researchers and technicians with broad cultural integration and conscious of their social responsibility, with the duty of fostering interrelationships among faculty and students through national and international scientific and cultural centers." Facultad de Ciencias Exactas, Ingeniería y Agrimensura Surveying Civil Engineering Electrical Engineering Electronic Engineering Industrial Engineering Mechanical Engineering Physics Mathematics Computer Science Teacher of Mathematics Facultad de Ciencia Política y Relaciones Internacionales Political Science International Relations Social Communication Social Work Facultad de Ciencias Médicas Medicine Nursery Phonaudiology Facultad de Ciencias Bioquímicas y Farmacéuticas Biochemical Pharmacy Biotechnology Chemistry Teacher of Chemistry Facultad de Arquitectura, Planeamiento y Diseño Architecture Facultad de Derecho Law Notary public Facultad de Odontología Odontology Facultad de Ciencias Agrarias Agronomy Facultad de Ciencias Veterinarias Veterinary medicine Facultad de Ciencias Económicas y Estadística Public Accountant Administration Economy Statistic Teacher of Accounting Teacher of Economy Teacher of Statistic Logistics Facultad de Psicología Psychology Teacher of Psychology Facultad de Humanidades y Artes Anthropology Philosophy History Fine Arts Letters Portuguese Sciences of the Education Musical Education Instrumentation Song Composition Teacher of Philosophy Teacher of History Teacher of Letters Teacher of Sciences of the Education Teacher of Instrumentation Teacher of Song Teacher of Composition Teacher of Music in Basic General Education Teacher of Musical Education Instituto Politécnico Superior "Gral.
San Martín" Instituto Superior de Comercio "Libertador Gral. San Martín" Escuela Agrotécnica "Libertador San Martín" List of universities in Argentina Science and technology in Argentina University Revolution Virtual campus Students' website Centro de Estudios Interdisciplinarios Science and Education in Argentina Argentine Higher Education Official Site
Leopoldo Fortunato Galtieri Castelli was an Argentine general and President of Argentina from 22 December 1981 to 18 June 1982, during the last military dictatorship. The death squad, 601 Intelligence Battalion, directly reported to him, he was removed from power soon after the Argentine defeat in the Falkland War, whose invasion he had ordered. Galtieri was an Italian Argentine born to working class immigrant parents. At 17 he enrolled at the National Military Academy to study civil engineering, his early military career was as an officer in the engineering branch; as well as rising through the ranks of the Military, he continued his studies in engineering until the mid-1950s. In 1958, he became a professor of engineering at the Senior War College. Galtieri was married to Lucía Noemí Gentili, the couple had one son and two daughters. In 1975, after more than 25 years as a combat engineer, Galtieri became commander of the Argentine engineering corps, he was an enthusiastic supporter of the military coup that started the self-styled National Reorganisation Process in 1976 and rose further, becoming a major general in 1977, commander-in-chief in 1980 with the rank of lieutenant general.
During the junta's rule, Congress was suspended, trade unions, political parties, provincial governments were banned, in what became known as the Dirty War, between 9,000 and 30,000 people deemed left-wing subversives disappeared from society. Torture and mass executions were both commonplace; the economy, in dire condition prior to the coup, recovered for a short time deteriorated further. In March 1981, Galtieri visited the United States and was warmly received, as the Reagan administration viewed the regime as a bulwark against communism. National Security Advisor Richard V. Allen described him as a "majestic general". An adherent to the Argentine military's Cold War-era doctrine of "ideological frontiers", Galtieri secured his country's support for rebel groups opposing the government in Nicaragua, the Contras, his support for this initiative allowed Galtieri to remove a number of rival generals. In December 1981, he rose to the Presidency of Argentina in a coup that ousted General Roberto Viola.
Argentine support became the principal source of funds and training for the Contras during Galtieri's tenure. Galtieri retained direct control of the army whilst President of the governing Military Junta and did not appoint a new commander-in-chief, he appointed publisher Roberto Alemann as Economy Minister. Alemann inherited an economy in deep recession in the aftermath of José Alfredo Martínez de Hoz's economic policies of the late 1970s. Alemann slashed spending, began selling off government-owned industries, enacted a tight monetary policy, ordered salaries frozen; the Central Bank Circular 1050, which tied mortgage rates to the value of the US dollar locally, was maintained, leading to further deepening of the crisis. One of Galtieri's closest allies, the head of the First Army Corps, General Guillermo Suárez Mason, was named Chairman of Yacimientos Petrolíferos Fiscales, at the time the state petroleum concern, the largest company of any type in Argentina. Suárez Mason's turn at YPF would help result in a US$6 billion loss for the company – the largest recorded corporate loss in the world, up to that point.
Galtieri instituted limited political reforms which allowed the expression of dissent, anti-junta demonstrations soon became common, as did agitation for a return to democracy. In April 1982, after Galtieri had been in office for four months and with his popularity low, Argentine forces invaded the defended Falkland Islands, governed by the United Kingdom and subject to a long-standing Argentine territorial claim; the UK and other countries condemned the forcible annexation, while Peru and other Latin American countries supported it. The invasion was enormously popular in Argentina, the anti-junta demonstrations were replaced by patriotic demonstrations in support of Galtieri. On 2 April 1982, the first day of the invasion, a small group gathered in the historic Plaza de Mayo, across from the Casa Rosada, the government site. After a while, Galtieri showed up on one of the balconies and raised his hands to cheer the small group of supporters. A few minutes a siren was heard and many bystanders started to flee in panic, reminiscent of the tough repression that happened just a few days before in the same place on 30 March.
Galtieri and most of his government mistakenly believed the UK would not respond militarily to the island's seizure, that the United States would not interfere because the junta had supported the Central Intelligence Agency in its fight against the Sandinistas in Nicaragua, while Galtieri had been warmly welcomed during his visit to Washington, D. C. After diplomatic pressure and negotiations on 3–4 April failed, the British Government led by Prime Minister Margaret Thatcher determined to restore the Falkland Islands' sovereignty, it dispatched a seaborne combined army and naval task force to drive the Argentinian forces from the Islands, resulting in the Falklands War. Despite numerical and geo-strategic advantages possessed by Argentina over the United Kingdom's task fo
Cipolletti is a city in north of the Patagonian province of Río Negro, with 75,078 inhabitants at the 2001 census. The city is located on the north-eastern shore of the Neuquén River, just before it is joined by the Limay River to form the Negro River, a short distance upstream from the city of General Roca. Opposite Cipolletti, across the river, lies Neuquén, capital of the province of the same name, connected to it by road and railway bridges. Cipolletti was founded as a fort called Confluencia by General Lorenzo Vintter, in 1881; the name was changed after César Cipolletti, one of the forerunners of the study of the irrigation system of the Negro River, heart of the apple and pear cultivation zone of the Alto Valle. Cipolletti has a borderline semi-arid climate. Winters are cool with a July mean of 6.0 °C and nighttime temperatures drop below 0.0 °C. Overcast days are common during the winter months. Spring and fall are variable seasons with temperatures that can reach up to 40 °C and below −7.0 °C although most days are warm during the day and cool during the night.
Summers are hot and sunny with a January mean of 21.9 °C. Daytime temperatures average 30 °C while nighttime temperatures are cooler, averaging 15 °C. Precipitation is low, averaging 213.7 millimetres, evenly distributed throughout the year. The first date of frost occurs on May 4 while the last frost occurs on September 10; the highest temperature recorded was 43.0 °C on January 21, 1980 while the lowest recorded temperature was −13.6 °C. Municipal information: Municipal Affairs Federal Institute, Municipal Affairs Secretariat, Ministry of Interior, Argentina. Patagonia-Argentina.com - Tourism portal
Rosario, Santa Fe
Rosario is the largest city in the central Argentina province of Santa Fe. The city is located 300 km northwest on the west bank of the Paraná River. Rosario is the third most populous city in the country, is the most populous city in Argentina, not a provincial capital. With a growing and important metropolitan area, Greater Rosario has an estimated population of 1,276,000 as of 2012. One of its main attractions includes the neoclassical architecture, retained over the centuries in hundreds of residences and public buildings. Rosario is the head city of the Rosario Department and is located at the heart of the major industrial corridor in Argentina; the city is the shipping center for north-eastern Argentina. Ships reach the city via the Paraná River; the Port of Rosario must be dredged periodically. Exports include wheat, hay and other vegetable oils, sugar, meat and wool. Manufactured goods include flour, meat products, other foodstuffs; the Rosario-Victoria Bridge, opened in 2004, spans the Paraná River, connecting Rosario with the city of Victoria, across the Paraná Delta.
Because it plays a critical role in agricultural commerce, the city finds itself at the center of a continuing debate over taxes levied on big-ticket agricultural goods such as soy. Along with Paraná, Rosario is one of the few Argentine cities that cannot point to a particular individual as its founder; the city's patron is the "Virgin of the Rosary", whose feast day is October 7. The asteroid 14812 Rosario was named in its honor. Though the city did not have a clear foundation date or any official acknowledgement thereof, most commentators state that Rosario was founded on 7 October 1793 with a local population of 457 inhabitants. Nonetheless the town was declared as city on 3 August 1852, at the time it was known as Pago de los Arroyos, that is, "land of the streams", a reference to the several small rivers that traverse the southern region of Santa Fe, like the Ludueña Stream, the Saladillo Stream and others, emptying into the Paraná River. In 1689, captain Luis Romero de Pineda received part of the lands of the Pago de los Arroyos by royal decree, as payment for services to the Spanish Crown.
Before that, the area was inhabited by Calchaquí tribes in reducciones, a kind of missions founded by Franciscans. These missions were attacked and destroyed by hostile tribes of the Chaco region. Romero de Pineda established the first permanent settlement, an estancia — intended as farmland, not as a town. In 1719 the Jesuits established Estancia San Miguel; the area was still so scarcely populated. In 1724, another colonial settlement was initiated by Santiago de Montenegro, who set up a mill, drew plans for the future town, built a chapel, was appointed mayor in 1751; the area of control of this local government extended northward from today's Rosario. On February 27, 1812, General Manuel Belgrano raised the newly created Argentine flag on the shores of the Paraná, for the first time; because of this, Rosario is known as the "Cradle of the Argentine Flag". The National Flag Memorial marks the occasion; the province of Santa Fe suffered the civil war that afflicted Argentina after 1820. Demographic growth was slow.
During this period, Rosario was a small settlement and a stop on the way from Santa Fe City to Buenos Aires. In 1823 it was elevated to the category of "village". Charles Darwin travelled through the area in 1832 and described Rosario as "a large town" with about 2,000 residents. In 1841 its port was shut off to foreign trade by a decree of the caudillo and Governor of Buenos Aires, Juan Manuel de Rosas which banned navigation of the Paraná and the Paraguay rivers to non-Argentine vessels. On 25 December 1851, a small group of locals and the military guard of the city declared their support for the rival caudillo Justo José de Urquiza; as a reward for their participation in the Battle of Caseros, triumphant Urquiza wrote to the governor of Santa Fe on 9 June 1852 asking for Rosario to be granted city status. Governor Domingo Crespo justified the request at the provincial legislative body, marking the geographically strategic position of the town for national and international trade, on 5 August Rosario was formally declared a city.
Urquiza opened up the river for free international trade. The city's economy and population expanded at an accelerated rate. By 1880, Rosario had become the first export outlet of Argentina. By 1887 it had about 50,000 inhabitants, of which 40% were immigrants, who brought new ideas from Europe and started turning Rosario into a politically progressive city. During part of the second half of the 19th century, there was a movement promoting that the city of Rosario become the capital of the republic. Ovidio Lagos, founder of the oldest Argentine newspaper, La Capital, was one of the strongest defenders of this idea. Rosario was indeed declared the federal capital in three occasions, but each time the law received a veto of the Executive Branch. In the last 15 years of the 19th century, the city more than doubled its population, in part due to immigration. In 1911 the French-owned railway company Ferrocarril Rosario y Puerto Belgrano opened a li
History of Argentina
The history of Argentina can be divided into four main parts: the pre-Columbian time or early history, the colonial period, the period of nation-building, the history of modern Argentina. Prehistory in the present territory of Argentina began with the first human settlements on the southern tip of Patagonia around 13,000 years ago. Written history began with the arrival of Spanish chroniclers in the expedition of Juan Díaz de Solís in 1516 to the Río de la Plata, which marks the beginning of Spanish occupation of this region. In 1776 the Spanish Crown established the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata, an umbrella of territories from which, with the Revolution of May 1810, began a process of gradual formation of several independent states, including one called the United Provinces of Río de la Plata. With the declaration of independence on July 9, 1816 and the military defeat of the Spanish Empire in 1824, a federal state was formed in 1853-1861, known today as the Republic of Argentina; the area now known as Argentina was sparsely populated until the period of European colonization.
The earliest traces of human life are dated from the Paleolithic period, there are further signs in the Mesolithic and Neolithic. However, large areas of the interior and Piedmont were depopulated during an extensive dry period between 4000 and 2000 B. C; the Uruguayan archaeologist Raúl Campá Soler divided the indigenous peoples in Argentina into three main groups: basic hunters and food gatherers, without the development of pottery. The second group could be found in the pampas and south of Patagonia, the third one included the Charrúa and Minuane and the Guaraní; the major ethnic groups included the Onas at Tierra del Fuego, Yámana at the archipelago between the Beagle Channel and Cape Horn, Tehuelche in the Patagonia, many peoples at the literal, guaycurúes and, at Chaco. The Guaraní had expanded across large areas of South America, but settled in the northeastern provinces of Argentina; the Toba nation and the Diaguita which included the Calchaqui and the Quilmes lived in the North and the Comechingones in what is today the province of Cordoba.
The Charrúa, Bohán and Chaná were people located in the actual territory of Entre Ríos and the Querandí in Buenos Aires. In the late 15th century, the Native tribes of the Quebrada de Humahuaca were conquered by the Inca Empire, under Topa Inca Yupanqui, to secure the supply of metals such as silver and copper; the Incan domination of the area lasted for about half a century and ended with the arrival of the Spanish in 1536. Europeans first arrived in the region with the 1502 Portuguese voyage of Gonçalo Coelho and Amerigo Vespucci. Around 1512, João de Lisboa and Estevão de Fróis discovered the Rio de La Plata in present-day Argentina, exploring its estuary, contacting the Charrúa people, bringing the first news of the "people of the mountains", the Inca empire, obtained from the local natives, they traveled as far south as the Gulf of San Matias at 42ºS, on the northern shores of Patagonia. The Spanish, led by Juan Díaz de Solís, visited the territory, now Argentina in 1516. In 1536 Pedro de Mendoza established a small settlement at the modern location of Buenos Aires, abandoned in 1541.
A second one was established in 1580 by Juan de Garay, Córdoba in 1573 by Jerónimo Luis de Cabrera. Those regions were part of the Viceroyalty of Peru, whose capital was Lima, settlers arrived from that city. Unlike the other regions of South America, the colonization of the Río de la Plata estuary was not influenced by any gold rush, since it lacked any precious metals to mine; the natural ports on the Río de la Plata estuary could not be used because all shipments were meant to be made through the port of Callao near Lima, a condition that led to contraband becoming the normal means of commerce in cities such as Asunción, Buenos Aires, Montevideo. The Spanish raised the status of this region by establishing the Viceroyalty of the Río de la Plata in 1776; this viceroyalty consisted of today's Argentina and Paraguay, as well as much of present-day Bolivia. Buenos Aires, now holding the customs of the new political subdivision, became a flourishing port, as the revenues from the Potosí, the increasing maritime activity in terms of goods rather than precious metals, the production of cattle for the export of leather and other products, other political reasons, made it become one of the most important commercial centers of the region.
The viceroyalty was, short-lived due to lack of internal cohesion among its many regions and lack of Spanish support. Ships from Spain became scarce again after the Spanish defeat at the battle of Trafalgar, that gave the British maritime supremacy; the British tried to invade Buenos Aires and Montevideo in 1806 and 1807, but were defeated both times by Santiago de Liniers. Those victories, achieved without help from mainland Spain, boosted the confidence of the city; the beginning of the Peninsular War in Spain and the capture of the Spanish king Ferdinand VII created great concern all around the viceroyalty. It was thought; this idea led to multiple attempts to remove the local authorities at Chuquisaca, La Paz and Buenos Aires, all of which were short-lived. A new successful attempt, the May Revolution of 1810, took place when it was reported that all of Spain, with the exception of Cádiz and León, had been conquered; the May Revolution ousted the viceroy. Other forms of government, such as a constitutional monarchy or a Regency were considered.
The Cordobazo was a civil uprising in the city of Córdoba, Argentina, at the end of May 1969, during the military dictatorship of General Juan Carlos Onganía, which occurred a few days after the Rosariazo, a year after the French May'68. Contrary to previous protests, the Cordobazo did not correspond to previous struggles, headed by Marxist workers' leaders, but associated students and workers in the same struggle against the military government. On 29 May 1969 there was a general strike in Córdoba, which brought police repression and a civil uprising, an episode termed the Cordobazo; the next day the CGT de los Argentinos, headed in Cordoba by Agustín Tosco, called for national strike. General Onganía had taken power during the 1966 coup, self-named Revolución Argentina, which had toppled President Arturo Illia. Onganía's regime suspended the right to strike, froze workers' wages, deactivated the Commission on Minimum Wages, while his Minister of Economy, Adalbert Krieger Vasena, decreed a 40% devaluation of the peso.
The age of retirement was extended. Onganía had implemented the "law on repression of Communism" and had ordered the Dirección de Investigación de Políticas Antidemocráticas political police to detain political activists and trade-unionists who did not care to cooperate with him in the "participationist" policies, considering universities as "centers of subversion and communism", had reneged on the 1918 University Reform, violently expelling from universities teachers and students in the Noche de los Bastones Largos. Furthermore, Onganía was attempting to impose corporatism in Argentina. In this context, the important industrial hub of Córdoba was one of the experimental place of corporatinist policies, implemented by the appointed governor Carlos Caballero; these unpopular measures led to increasing protests in the country. At the beginning of May'69, a succession of strikes and popular assemblies occurred in Córdoba, which were harshly repressed by the provincial and national military authorities of the junta.
On 13 May 1969, in Tucumán, former workers of a sugar mill took the factory and its manager as hostage, asking for overdue payments. On 14 May, in Córdoba, automobile industry workers protested the elimination of the Saturday rest. On 15 May, the University of Corrientes increased the price of food tickets in its cafeteria fivefold, the ensuing protest ended up with one student, Juan José Cabral, killed by the police. On 17 May, the student Adolfo Bello was killed during a protest in Rosario. On 21 May, the police killed the 15-year-old student Luis Blanco during a silent march of 4,000 persons in Rosario, in commemoration of Bello's death. Rosario is declared by the authorities an emergency zone under military jurisdiction. On 29 May 1969, the police shot dead the first victim of the Cordobazo, Máximo Mena, which triggered further demonstrations and rioting. Progressively, the population took control of most of the city, setting up barricades to defend themselves, they burnt several administrative centers, as well as the headquarters of the foreign firms, which symbolized Vasena's economic policies, of Citroën and Xerox, although they accompanied the firefighters in order to impede the fire from extending itself to other city blocks.
On the night of 29 to 30 May 1969, Onganía decided to send the military to crush the uprising. Meanwhile, the headquarters of the CGT de los Argentinos were searched and its leaders arrested. Thus, Agustín Tosco, one of the main leader of the CGTA, was arrested and condemned by the War Council. On the following days, official medias reflected the official vision of the events a conspiracy of international communism; the Cordobazo influenced events in other parts of the country, where violent demonstrations occurred, favorised the influence of trade unionists radically opposed to the dictatorship. This latter current, known as sindicalismo clasista, came to head the SMATA trade union of Córdoba, as well as the autonomous unions of Fiat Concord and Fiat Materfer. Workers' leaders of Córdoba, such as Agustín Tosco, René Salamanca, Gregorio Flores and José Francisco Páez, played a role on the national political stage. In Salta, Armando Jaime headed the CGT clasista, it underlined two new facts in Argentine politics: on one hand, the alliance of the students' movement with the workers, on the other hand, the predominance of the interior on the capital, Buenos Aires.
The Cordobazo had lasting influences on the history of Argentina. On one hand, it showed that the population accepted violent means to defend themselves against the military dictatorship, since no other democratic means of expression could be used. On the other hand, liberal democracy and the system of elections was globally refused by what came to be known as the New Opposition. Arturo Frondizi, elected in 1958, had legitimized the 1955 military coup, known as the Revolución Libertadora, which had toppled Juan Perón. Henceforth, the Cordobazo showed, to contemporary activists, that they could find popular support for violent and revolutionary means of actions against Onganía's dictatorship, thus radicalizing the social and political context of Argentina. Several armed groups were formed or strengthened in the aftermaths of the Cordobazo, among them the Fuerzas Armadas Peronistas, the Fuerzas Armadas de Liberación