Sir Thomas Bent was an Australian politician and the 22nd Premier of Victoria. He was one of the most corrupt politicians in Victorian history. Bent was born in Penrith, New South Wales the eldest of four sons and two daughters of James Bent, a hotel-keeper, he came to Melbourne with his parents in 1849. He went to school in the Melbourne suburb of Fitzroy becoming a market-gardener in East Brighton. In 1861 he became a rate collector for the town council of Brighton a fast-growing suburb, he soon began buying and selling land in Brighton, became a property developer in new areas close by, such as Moorabbin. He developed the suburb of Bentleigh, named after himself, he was Mayor of Brighton nine times. In 1871 Bent was elected to the Victorian Legislative Assembly for the district of Brighton, defeating the veteran liberal George Higinbotham "to the amazement of every one", he had no particular party loyalties and first held office in the Service government in 1880. He was Commissioner for Works and Railways in Sir Bryan O'Loghlen's government in 1881–1883, used this position to extend the railway line from Caulfield to Cheltenham, thus enormously increasing the value of his own property developments.
His lifelong reputation for corruption dates from this period. The exposure of Bent's dealings led to the defeat of O'Loghlen's government at the 1883 elections. After this debacle Bent spent 18 years on the backbench, his fortunes suffered a reversal in 1888 when a bad investment in Ringwood caused the collapse of the Thomas Bent Land Co. but he soon recovered and became a leading player in the great Land Boom that reached its climax in 1890. For instance, in 1884 Bent purchased property in Exhibition Street for 1488 pounds and on the same day resold it for 2000 pounds. In 1892 he surprised his critics by being elected Speaker as part of a complex political deal. A newspaper asked: "Why is Speaker Bent the first commoner in the land? Because no-one commoner than Bent can be found." There was an element of snobbery in this. Bent was the first Victorian Premier with a strong Australian accent, was held in contempt by the Anglo-Scottish Melbourne establishment. In the severe crash that followed the boom Bent was bankrupted, with debts of 80,000 pounds.
He had transferred many of his assets to his wife's name and this saved him from bankruptcy. At the election which followed the fall of James Patterson's government, Bent was defeated at Brighton, his fate was sealed when The Age published letters Bent had written as Railways Minister in 1881, offering MPs railways lines in their electorates in exchange for their votes. Bent moved with his wife Elizabeth and their two daughters to Port Fairy, where he took up dairy farming, but he had not given up his political ambitions. In 1897 he unsuccessfully stood for Port Fairy in 1900 he moved back to Melbourne, at the November 1900 election he was re-elected for Brighton, he completed his comeback by becoming once again Minister for Railways in William Irvine's conservative government. He was soon up to his old tricks, buying land in Brighton and approving a tramline from St Kilda to Brighton that led right past his properties. Despite his reputation, Bent was chosen as the new Liberal leader in Victoria when Irvine quit to go into federal politics in 1904, thus became Premier at the age of 66.
By this time Bent had grown fat and his jovial manner, together with Victoria's gradual recovery from the 1890s depression, gained him renewed popularity. In addition to being premier, Bent had the portfolios of public railways. Much legislation was passed relating to improvements in public health, old age pensions, water conservation. At the June 1904 elections he won a comfortable majority, did so again in 1907, his government favoured more state intervention in the economy than had 19th century liberal governments, there was now agreement on the need for high tariffs to protect Victorian industry. His greatest boast was that he restored prosperity to Victoria. During 1908, Bent's government began to disintegrate as a result of conflict between country and city interests—a perennial problem for non-Labor governments in Victoria. A bloc of country members led by John Murray opposed Bent's Land Valuation Bill, to appease them Bent withdrew the bill and appointed several of Murray's supporters to the ministry.
But this antagonised Melbourne Liberals led by William Watt, in January 1909 the various dissidents united to defeat Bent in the Assembly. Bent resigned and Murray became Premier. Bent died on 17 September 1909 at his home in Brighton, he had been made a Knight Commander of the Order of St Michael and St George in 1908. He was buried in Brighton Cemetery, he was married twice, to Miss Huntley. His estate was valued at 35,000 pounds, most of this went to his daughter from his second marriage. A statue of Bent was erected in 1913 on the Nepean Brighton. For many years "Tommy Bent's statue" was a well-known Melbourne landmark, which, at the time of the Victorian Football League grand final, would be decorated with a cap and scarf in the colours of the team that won the premiership. In the late 1960s the statue was defaced by a bucket of white paint—perhaps a local New Year's Eve prank; the widening of the highway in the 1970s led to the statue being moved to a less prominent location near Bay Street, where it still is.
Serle, Percival. "Bent, Thomas". Dictionary of Australian
Premier of Victoria
The Premier of Victoria is the Head of government in the Australian state of Victoria. The Premier is appointed by the Governor of Victoria, is the leader of the political party able to secure a majority in the Legislative Assembly. Responsible government came to the colony of Victoria in 1855. Between 1856 and 1892, the head of the government was called the Premier or the Prime Minister, but neither title had any legal basis; the head of government always held another portfolio Chief Secretary or Treasurer, for which they were paid a salary. The first head of government to hold the title of Premier without holding another portfolio was William Shiels in 1892; the incumbent Premier of Victoria since the 2014 election is Daniel Andrews of the Australian Labor Party. As of 7 April 2019, six former premiers are alive, the oldest being John Cain Jr.. The most recent Premier to die was Joan Kirner, on 1 June 2015. Department of Premier and Cabinet, Victoria Deputy Premier of Victoria List of Premiers of Victoria by time in office ABC News – Premiers of Victoria
A landfill site is a site for the disposal of waste materials by burial. It is the oldest form of waste treatment. Landfills have been the most common method of organized waste disposal and remain so in many places around the world; some landfills are used for waste management purposes, such as the temporary storage and transfer, or processing of waste material. Unless they are stabilized, these areas may experience severe shaking or soil liquefaction of the ground during a large earthquake. Operators of well-run landfills for non-hazardous waste meet predefined specifications by applying techniques to: confine waste to as small an area as possible compact waste to reduce volumeThey can cover waste with layers of soil or other types of material such as woodchips and fine particles. During landfill operations, a scale or weighbridge may weigh waste collection vehicles on arrival and personnel may inspect loads for wastes that do not accord with the landfill's waste-acceptance criteria. Afterward, the waste collection vehicles use the existing road network on their way to the tipping face or working front, where they unload their contents.
After loads are deposited, compactors or bulldozers can spread and compact the waste on the working face. Before leaving the landfill boundaries, the waste collection vehicles may pass through a wheel-cleaning facility. If necessary, they return to the weighbridge for re-weighing without their load; the weighing process can assemble statistics on the daily incoming waste tonnage, which databases can retain for record keeping. In addition to trucks, some landfills may have equipment to handle railroad containers; the use of "rail-haul" permits landfills to be located at more remote sites, without the problems associated with many truck trips. In the working face, the compacted waste is covered with soil or alternative materials daily. Alternative waste-cover materials include chipped wood or other "green waste", several sprayed-on foam products, chemically "fixed" bio-solids, temporary blankets. Blankets can be lifted into place at night and removed the following day prior to waste placement; the space, occupied daily by the compacted waste and the cover material is called a daily cell.
Waste compaction is critical to extending the life of the landfill. Factors such as waste compressibility, waste-layer thickness and the number of passes of the compactor over the waste affect the waste densities; the term landfill is shorthand for a municipal landfill or sanitary landfill. These facilities were first introduced early in the 20th century, but gained wide use in the 1960s and'70s, in an effort to eliminate open dumps and other "unsanitary" waste disposal practices; the sanitary landfill is an engineered facility that confines waste. But, not all it does, it is a biological reactor in which microbes break down complex organic waste into simpler, less toxic compounds over time. These reactors must be operated according to regulatory standards and guidelines. Aerobic decomposition is the first stage by which wastes are broken down in a landfill; these are followed by four stages of anaerobic degradation. Solid organic material in solid phase decays as larger organic molecules degrade into smaller molecules.
These smaller organic molecules begin to dissolve and move to the liquid phase, followed by hydrolysis of these organic molecules, the hydrolyzed compounds undergo transformation and volatilization as carbon dioxide and methane, with rest of the waste remaining in solid and liquid phases. During the early phases, little material volume reaches the leachate, as the biodegradable organic matter of the waste undergoes a rapid decrease in volume. Meanwhile, the leachate's chemical oxygen demand increases with increasing concentrations of the more recalcitrant compounds compared to the more reactive compounds in the leachate. Successful conversion and stabilization of the waste depends on how well microbial populations function in syntrophy, i.e. an interaction of different populations to provide each other's nutritional needs.: The life cycle of a municipal landfill undergoes five distinct phases: Phase I - Initial adjustment: As the waste is placed in the landfill, the void spaces contain high volumes of molecular oxygen.
With added and compacted wastes, the O2 content of the landfill bioreactor strata decreases. Microbial populations grow, density increases. Aerobic biodegradation dominates, i.e. the primary electron acceptor is O2. Phase II - Transition: The O2 is degraded by the existing microbial populations; the decreasing O2 leads to more anaerobic conditions in the layers. The primary electron acceptors during transition are nitrates and sulphates, since O2 is displaced by CO2 in the effluent gas. Phase III - Acid formation: Hydrolysis of the biodegradable fraction of the solid waste begins in the acid formation phase, which leads to rapid accumulation of volatile fatty acids in the leachate; the increased organic acid content decreases the leachate pH from 7.5 to 5.6. During this phase, the decomposition intermediate compounds like the VFAs contribute much COD. Long-chain volatile organic acids are converted to acetic acid, CO2, hydrogen gas. High concentrations of VFAs increase both the biochemical oxygen demand and VOA concentrations, which initiates H2 production by fermentative ba
National Australia Bank
National Australia Bank is one of the four largest financial institutions in Australia in terms of market capitalisation and customers. NAB was ranked 21st largest bank in the world measured by market capitalisation and 41st largest bank in the world as measured by total assets in 2014, falling to 49th largest in March 2016; as of November 2014 NAB operated service centres. NAB has a "AA -" long term issuer rating by Poor's. National Australia Bank was formed as National Commercial Banking Corporation of Australia Limited in 1982 by the merger of National Bank of Australasia and the Commercial Banking Company of Sydney; the resulting company was subsequently renamed National Australia Bank Limited. The expanded financial base of the merged entity triggered significant offshore expansion over ensuing years. Representative offices were established in Beijing, Dallas, San Francisco, Kuala Lumpur, Frankfurt, Bangkok, Shanghai and New Delhi. In 1987, NAB bought Northern Bank from Midland Bank, it rebranded Northern Bank branches in the Republic of Ireland to National Irish Bank and changed both banks' logos from that of the Midland Bank.
In 1990, NAB bought Yorkshire Bank. Further acquisitions followed – Bank of New Zealand in 1992, which at the time had about a 26% market share in the New Zealand market, Michigan National Bank in 1995. NAB had earlier rationalised its operations in the US and closed its offices in Atlanta, Dallas and San Francisco in 1991; this period of rapid expansion through acquisition concluded with the purchases in 1997 of HomeSide Lending, a leading US mortgage originator and servicer based in Florida, most the acquisition in 2000 of MLC Limited for $4.56bn, one of the biggest mergers in Australian corporate history. NAB encountered a difficult period in the period 2000–2005. In 2000, NAB sold Michigan National Bank to ABN AMRO in 2001 sold HomeSide's operating assets for US$1.9b to Washington Mutual, the largest US savings and loan company, as well as the mortgage unit's loan-servicing technology and operating platform. The foreign currency trader fraud was the catalyst for the resignations of CEO Frank Cicutto and Chairman Charles Allen.
The resignations were preceded by a Board revolt where Catherine Walters emerged as a whistle blower citing serious culture issues at the company having led to the string of failures. Frank Cicutto was CEO of NAB from 1999 to 2004; the Australian economic environment during his leadership was stable and productive after 17 consecutive years of economic growth since 1992, averaging 3.3 per cent per annum. In February 2004, John Stewart was appointed CEO of NAB following the sacking of Cicutto. Stewart proceeded with a far reaching re-organisation of the company along regional lines leading to the appointment of Ahmed Fahour as the CEO of Australia in September 2004. On 20 February 2009 Fahour stepped down from the Principal Group Executive Committee. In 2005, NAB announced a cut of 2,000 Australian jobs as part of a global cost-cutting program with the intention of cutting around 4,200 positions – about 10.5% of its total workforce globally. It began to outsource back office positions offshore, beginning with a pilot with 23 jobs from the accounts payable department in Melbourne going to Bangalore, India in an agreement with Accenture.
That year, it sold Northern Bank and National Irish Bank to the Danish Danske Bank. Over 200 additional jobs had been sent offshore by 2006; as part of the culture change program, a new Australian head office was purpose built at Docklands in Melbourne. This building is characterised by its open plan layout and was opened in October 2004. After Cameron Clyne became CEO in 2009, the Docklands building became the global headquarters replacing 500 Bourke Street. By 2006, NAB had turned its fortunes around, reporting an industry record $4.3 billion profit and winning two local Bank of the Year awards. It had a major reform which included the refurbishment of all of its branches, the replacement of signage in and around National branches and buildings, being changed from'National' to'nab'. In May 2007 NAB announced that it would delist from the New York Stock Exchange, this took place in August 2007. NAB delisted from the London and Tokyo exchanges in 2006. In March 2008 NAB announced that it would send maintenance and support for some core banking applications to India through an offshoring arrangement with Infosys and Satyam, affecting another 260 employees.
On 25 July 2008, NAB's announcement of an additional A$830 million provision associated with deterioration in US real estate markets triggered the biggest single-day fall in its share price in 21 years, wiping over A$7 billion from the stock's value. In October 2008, NAB launched a branchless direct bank trading separately as UBank under the leadership of Greg Sutherland and Gerd Schenkel. In January 2009, Cameron Clyne became CEO, began a strategy of reputation change, wealth management and a focus on domestic markets; as part of this strategy, NAB's underweight retail bank – under the leadership of Lisa Gray – attempted to increase market share by competing on price and cutting fees. Denting earnings in the division, the strategy produced mixed results over the medium term, with cash earnings, market share and customer satisfaction
A sugar beet is a plant whose root contains a high concentration of sucrose and, grown commercially for sugar production. In plant breeding it is known as the Altissima cultivar group of the common beet. Together with other beet cultivars, such as beetroot and chard, it belongs to the subspecies Beta vulgaris subsp. Vulgaris, its closest wild relative is the sea beet. In 2013, France, the United States and Turkey were the world's five largest sugar beet producers. In 2010–2011, North America and Europe did not produce enough sugar from sugar beets to meet overall demand for sugar and were all net importers of sugar; the US harvested 1,004,600 acres of sugar beets in 2008. In 2009, sugar beets accounted for 20% of the world's sugar production; the sugar beet has a conical, fleshy root with a flat crown. The plant consists of a rosette of leaves. Sugar is formed by photosynthesis in the leaves and is stored in the root; the root of the beet contains 75% water, about 20% sugar, 5% pulp. The exact sugar content can vary between 12% and 21% sugar, depending on the cultivar and growing conditions.
Sugar is the primary value of sugar beet as a cash crop. The pulp, insoluble in water and composed of cellulose, hemicellulose and pectin, is used in animal feed; the byproducts of the sugar beet crop, such as pulp and molasses, add another 10% to the value of the harvest. Sugar beets grow in the temperate zone, in contrast to sugarcane, which grows in the tropical and subtropical zones; the average weight of sugar beet ranges between 1 kg. Sugar beet foliage grows to a height of about 35 cm; the leaves are numerous and broad and grow in a tuft from the crown of the beet, level with or just above the ground surface. Modern sugar beets date back to mid-18th century Silesia where the king of Prussia subsidised experiments aimed at processes for sugar extraction. In 1747, Andreas Marggraf isolated sugar from beetroots and found them at concentrations of 1.3–1.6%. He demonstrated that sugar could be extracted from beets, identical with sugar produced from sugarcane, his student, Franz Karl Achard, evaluated 23 varieties of mangelwurzel for sugar content and selected a local strain from Halberstadt in modern-day Saxony-Anhalt, Germany.
Moritz Baron von Koppy and his son further selected from this strain for conical tubers. The selection was named weiße schlesische Zuckerrübe, meaning white Silesian sugar beet, boasted about a 6% sugar content; this selection is the progenitor of all modern sugar beets. A royal decree led to the first factory devoted to sugar extraction from beetroots being opened in Kunern, Silesia in 1801; the Silesian sugar beet was soon introduced to France, where Napoleon opened schools for studying the plant. He ordered that 28,000 hectares be devoted to growing the new sugar beet; this was in response to British blockades of cane sugar during the Napoleonic Wars, which stimulated the rapid growth of a European sugar beet industry. By 1840, about 5% of the world's sugar was derived from sugar beets, by 1880, this number had risen more than tenfold to over 50%; the sugar beet was introduced to North America after 1830, with the first commercial production starting in 1879 at a farm in Alvarado, California.
The sugar beet was introduced to Chile by German settlers around 1850. "The beet-root, when being boiled, yields a juice similar to syrup of sugar, beautiful to look at on account of its vermilion color". This was written by 16th-century scientist, Olivier de Serres, who discovered a process for preparing sugar syrup from the common red beet. However, because crystallized cane sugar was available and provided a better taste, this process never caught on; this story characterizes the history of the sugar beet. The competition between beet sugar and sugarcane for control of the sugar market plays out from the first extraction of a sugar syrup from a garden beet into the modern day; the use of sugar beets for the extraction of crystallized sugar dates to 1747, when Andreas Sigismund Marggraf, professor of physics in the Academy of Science of Berlin, discovered the existence of a sugar in vegetables similar in its properties to that obtained from sugarcane. He found. Despite Marggraf’s success in isolating pure sugar from beets, their commercial manufacture for sugar did not take off until the early 19th century.
Marggraf's student and successor Franz Karl Achard began selectively breeding sugar beet from the'White Silesian' fodder beet in 1784. By the beginning of the 19th century, his beet was about 5–6% sucrose by weight, compared to around 20% in modern varieties. Under the patronage of Frederick William III of Prussia, he opened the world's first beet sugar factory in 1801, at Cunern in Silesia; the work of Achard soon attracted the attention of Napoleon Bonaparte, who appointed a commission of scientists to go to Silesia to investigate Achard's factory. Upon their return, two small factories were constructed near Paris. Although these factories were not altogether a success, the results attained interested Napoleon. Thus, when two events, the blockade of Europe by the British Navy and the Haitian Revolution, made the importation of cane sugar untenable, Napoleon seized the opportunity offered by beet sugar to address the shortage. In 1811, Napoleon issued a decree appropriating one million francs for the establishment of sugar schools, compelling the farmers to plant a large acreage to sugar be
Real estate bubble
A real estate bubble or property bubble is a type of economic bubble that occurs periodically in local or global real estate markets, follow a land boom. A land boom is the rapid increase in the market price of real property such as housing until they reach unsustainable levels and decline; this period, during the run up to the crash, is known as froth. The questions of whether real estate bubbles can be identified and prevented, whether they have broader macroeconomic significance, are answered differently by schools of economic thought, as detailed below. Bubbles in housing markets are more critical than stock market bubbles. Equity price busts occur on average every 13 years, last for 2.5 years, result in about 4 percent loss in GDP. Housing price busts are less frequent, but last nearly twice as long and lead to output losses that are twice as large. A recent laboratory experimental study shows that, compared to financial markets, real estate markets involve longer boom and bust periods. Prices decline slower.
The financial crisis of 2007–2008 was related to the bursting of real estate bubbles that had begun in various countries during the 2000s. As with all types of economic bubbles, disagreement exists over whether or not a real estate bubble can be identified or predicted perhaps prevented. Speculative bubbles are persistent and increasing deviations of actual prices from their fundamental values. Bubbles can be hard to identify after the fact, due to difficulty in estimating intrinsic values. In real estate, fundamentals can be estimated from rental yields or based on a regression of actual prices on a set of demand and/or supply variables. Within mainstream economics, it can be posed that real estate bubbles cannot be identified as they occur and cannot or should not be prevented, with government and central bank policy rather cleaning up after the bubble bursts. American economist Robert Shiller of the Case-Shiller Home Price Index of home prices in 20 metro cities across the United States indicated on May 31, 2011 that a "Home Price Double Dip Confirmed" and British magazine The Economist, argue that housing market indicators can be used to identify real estate bubbles.
Some argue further that governments and central banks can and should take action to prevent bubbles from forming, or to deflate existing bubbles. Within mainstream economics, economic bubbles, in particular real estate bubbles, are not considered major concerns. Within some schools of heterodox economics, by contrast, real estate bubbles are considered of critical importance and a fundamental cause of financial crises and ensuing economic crises; the pre-dominating economic perspective is that increases in housing prices result in little or no wealth effect, namely it does not affect the consumption behavior of households not looking to sell. The house price becoming compensation for the higher implicit rent costs for owning. Increasing house prices can have a negative effect on consumption through increased rent inflation and a higher propensity to save given expected rent increase. In some schools of heterodox economics, notably Austrian economics and Post-Keynesian economics, real estate bubbles are seen as an example of credit bubbles, because property owners use borrowed money to purchase property, in the form of mortgages.
These are argued to cause financial and hence economic crises. This is first argued empirically – numerous real estate bubbles have been followed by economic slumps, it is argued that there is a cause-effect relationship between these; the Post-Keynesian theory of debt deflation takes a demand-side view, arguing that property owners not only feel richer but borrow to consume against the increased value of their property – by taking out a home equity line of credit, for instance. When the bubble bursts, the value of the property decreases but not the level of debt; the burden of repaying or defaulting on the loan depresses aggregate demand, it is argued, constitutes the proximate cause of the subsequent economic slump. In attempting to identify bubbles before they burst, economists have developed a number of financial ratios and economic indicators that can be used to evaluate whether homes in a given area are valued. By comparing current levels to previous levels that have proven unsustainable in the past, one can make an educated guess as to whether a given real estate market is experiencing a bubble.
Indicators describe two interwoven aspects of housing bubble: a valuation component and a debt component. The valuation component measures how expensive houses are relative to what most people can afford, the debt component measures how indebted households become in buying them for home or profit. A basic summary of the progress of housing indicators for U. S. cities is provided by Business Week. See also: real estate economics and real estate trends; the price to income ratio is the basic affordability measure for housing in a given area. It is the ratio of median house prices to median familial disposable incomes, expressed as a percentage or as years of income, it is sometimes termed attainability. This ratio, applied to individuals, is a basic component of mortgage lending decisions. According to a back-of-the-envelo
Incineration is a waste treatment process that involves the combustion of organic substances contained in waste materials. Incineration and other high-temperature waste treatment systems are described as "thermal treatment". Incineration of waste materials converts the waste into ash, flue heat; the ash is formed by the inorganic constituents of the waste and may take the form of solid lumps or particulates carried by the flue gas. The flue gases must be cleaned of gaseous and particulate pollutants before they are dispersed into the atmosphere. In some cases, the heat generated by incineration can be used to generate electric power. Incineration with energy recovery is one of several waste-to-energy technologies such as gasification and anaerobic digestion. While incineration and gasification technologies are similar in principle, the energy produced from incineration is high-temperature heat whereas combustible gas is the main energy product from gasification. Incineration and gasification may be implemented without energy and materials recovery.
In several countries, there are still concerns from experts and local communities about the environmental effect of incinerators. In some countries, incinerators built just a few decades ago did not include a materials separation to remove hazardous, bulky or recyclable materials before combustion; these facilities tended to risk the health of the plant workers and the local environment due to inadequate levels of gas cleaning and combustion process control. Most of these facilities did not generate electricity. Incinerators reduce the solid mass of the original waste by 80–85% and the volume by 95–96%, depending on composition and degree of recovery of materials such as metals from the ash for recycling; this means that while incineration does not replace landfilling, it reduces the necessary volume for disposal. Garbage trucks reduce the volume of waste in a built-in compressor before delivery to the incinerator. Alternatively, at landfills, the volume of the uncompressed garbage can be reduced by 70% by using a stationary steel compressor, albeit with a significant energy cost.
In many countries, simpler waste compaction is a common practice for compaction at landfills. Incineration has strong benefits for the treatment of certain waste types in niche areas such as clinical wastes and certain hazardous wastes where pathogens and toxins can be destroyed by high temperatures. Examples include chemical multi-product plants with diverse toxic or toxic wastewater streams, which cannot be routed to a conventional wastewater treatment plant. Waste combustion is popular in countries such as Japan where land is a scarce resource. Denmark and Sweden have been leaders by using the energy generated from incineration for more than a century, in localised combined heat and power facilities supporting district heating schemes. In 2005, waste incineration produced 4.8% of the electricity consumption and 13.7% of the total domestic heat consumption in Denmark. A number of other European countries rely on incineration for handling municipal waste, in particular Luxembourg, the Netherlands and France.
The first UK incinerators for waste disposal were built in Nottingham by Manlove, Alliott & Co. Ltd. in 1874 to a design patented by Alfred Fryer. They were known as destructors; the first US incinerator was built in 1885 on Governors Island in New York, NY. The first facility in the Czech Republic was built in 1905 in Brno. An incinerator is a furnace for burning waste. Modern incinerators include pollution mitigation equipment such as flue gas cleaning. There are various types of incinerator plant design: moving grate, fixed grate, rotary-kiln, fluidised bed; the burn pile is one of the simplest and earliest forms of waste disposal consisting of a mound of combustible materials piled on the open ground and set on fire. Burn piles can and have spread uncontrolled fires, for example, if the wind blows burning material off the pile into surrounding combustible grasses or onto buildings; as interior structures of the pile are consumed, the pile can shift and collapse, spreading the burn area. In a situation of no wind, small lightweight ignited embers can lift off the pile via convection, waft through the air into grasses or onto buildings, igniting them.
Burn piles do not result in full combustion of waste and therefore produce particulate pollution. The burn barrel is a somewhat more controlled form of private waste incineration, containing the burning material inside a metal barrel, with a metal grating over the exhaust; the barrel prevents the spread of burning material in windy conditions, as the combustibles are reduced they can only settle down into the barrel. The exhaust grating helps to prevent the spread of burning embers. Steel 55-US-gallon drums are used as burn barrels, with air vent holes cut or drilled around the base for air intake. Over time, the high heat of incineration causes the metal to oxidize and rust, the barrel itself is consumed by the heat and must be replaced; the private burning of dry cellulosic/paper products is clean-burning, producing no visible smoke, but plastics in the household waste can cause private burning to create a public nuisance, generating acrid odors and fumes that make eyes burn and water. Most urban communities ban burn barrels and certain rural communities may have prohibitions on open burning those home to many residents not familiar with this common rural practice.
As of 2006 in the United States, private rural household or farm waste incineration of small quantities was permitted