Socialism is a range of economic and social systems characterised by social ownership of the means of production and workers' self-management, as well as the political theories and movements associated with them. Social ownership can be citizen ownership of equity. There are many varieties of socialism and there is no single definition encapsulating all of them, with social ownership being the common element shared by its various forms. Socialist systems are divided into market forms. Non-market socialism involves the substitution of factor markets and money with engineering and technical criteria based on calculation performed in-kind, thereby producing an economic mechanism that functions according to different economic laws from those of capitalism. Non-market socialism aims to circumvent the inefficiencies and crises traditionally associated with capital accumulation and the profit system. By contrast, market socialism retains the use of monetary prices, factor markets and in some cases the profit motive, with respect to the operation of owned enterprises and the allocation of capital goods between them.
Profits generated by these firms would be controlled directly by the workforce of each firm, or accrue to society at large in the form of a social dividend. The socialist calculation debate concerns the feasibility and methods of resource allocation for a socialist system. Socialist politics has been both nationalist in orientation. Originating within the socialist movement, social democracy has embraced a mixed economy with a market that includes substantial state intervention in the form of income redistribution, a welfare state. Economic democracy proposes a sort of market socialism where there is more decentralized control of companies, currencies and natural resources; the socialist political movement includes a set of political philosophies that originated in the revolutionary movements of the mid-to-late 18th century and out of concern for the social problems that were associated with capitalism. By the late 19th century, after the work of Karl Marx and his collaborator Friedrich Engels, socialism had come to signify opposition to capitalism and advocacy for a post-capitalist system based on some form of social ownership of the means of production.
By the 1920s, social democracy and communism had become the two dominant political tendencies within the international socialist movement. By this time, socialism emerged as "the most influential secular movement of the twentieth century, worldwide, it is a political ideology, a wide and divided political movement" and while the emergence of the Soviet Union as the world's first nominally socialist state led to socialism's widespread association with the Soviet economic model, some economists and intellectuals argued that in practice the model functioned as a form of state capitalism or a non-planned administrative or command economy. Socialist parties and ideas remain a political force with varying degrees of power and influence on all continents, heading national governments in many countries around the world. Today, some socialists have adopted the causes of other social movements, such as environmentalism and progressivism. In 21st century America, the term socialism, without clear definition, has become a pejorative used by conservatives to taint liberal and progressive policies and public figures.
For Andrew Vincent, "he word ‘socialism’ finds its root in the Latin sociare, which means to combine or to share. The related, more technical term in Roman and medieval law was societas; this latter word could mean companionship and fellowship as well as the more legalistic idea of a consensual contract between freemen". The term "socialism" was created by Henri de Saint-Simon, one of the founders of what would be labelled "utopian socialism". Simon coined the term as a contrast to the liberal doctrine of "individualism", which stressed that people act or should act as if they are in isolation from one another; the original "utopian" socialists condemned liberal individualism for failing to address social concerns during the industrial revolution, including poverty, social oppression and gross inequalities in wealth, thus viewing liberal individualism as degenerating society into supporting selfish egoism that harmed community life through promoting a society based on competition. They presented socialism as an alternative to liberal individualism based on the shared ownership of resources, although their proposals for socialism differed significantly.
Saint-Simon proposed economic planning, scientific administration and the application of modern scientific advancements to the organisation of society. By contrast, Robert Owen proposed the organisation of ownership in cooperatives; the term "socialism" is attributed to Pierre Leroux and to Marie Roch Louis Reybaud in France. The modern definition and usage of "socialism" settled by the 1860s, becoming the predominant term among the group of words "co-operative", "mutualist" and "associationist", used as synonyms; the term "communism" fell out of use during this period, despite earlier distinctions between socialism and communism from the 1840s. An early distinction between socialism and communism was that the former aimed to only socialise production while the latter aimed to socialise both production and consumption. However, M
In political science, a communist party is a political party that seeks to realize the social and economic goals of Communism through revolution and state policy. The term communist party was popularized by the title of the Manifesto of the Communist Party, by Karl Marx and Friedrich Engels; as a vanguard party, the communist party guides the political education and development of the working class. Lenin developed the role of the communist party as the revolutionary vanguard, when social democracy in Imperial Russia was divided into ideologically opposed factions, the Bolshevik faction and the Menshevik faction. To be politically effective, Lenin proposed a small vanguard party managed with democratic centralism, which allowed centralized command of a disciplined cadre of professional revolutionaries. In contrast, the Menshevik faction included Trotsky, who said that the party should not neglect the importance of the mas populations in realizing a communist revolution. In the course of revolution, the Bolshevik party became the Communist Party of the Soviet Union, assumed government power in Russia after the October Revolution in 1917.
With the creation of the Communist International in 1919, the concept of "communist party leadership" was adopted by many revolutionary parties, worldwide. In effort to ideologically standardize the international Communist movement and maintain central control of the member parties, the Comintern required that parties identify as a Communist party. In the CPSU, the interpretations of Orthodox Marxism to Russia produced Leninist and Marxist-Leninist political parties. After the death of Lenin, the official interpretation of Leninism in the USSR was the book Foundations of Leninism, by Joseph Stalin. Communist parties are illegal in Estonia and Iran, Latvia and Myanmar, Poland and South Korea, Ukraine and Hungary. In the U. S. the Communist Party USA is banned under authority of the Communist Control Act of 1954, never enforced. As the membership of a Communist party was to be limited to active cadres in Lenin's theory, there was a need for networks of separate organizations to mobilize mass support for the party.
Communist parties have built up various front organizations whose membership is open to non-Communists. In many countries the single most important front organization of the Communist parties has been its youth wing. During the time of the Communist International, the youth leagues were explicit Communist organizations, using the name'Young Communist League'; the youth league concept was broadened in many countries, names like'Democratic Youth League' were adopted. Some trade unions and students', women's, grifters', peasants', cultural organizations have been connected to communist parties. Traditionally, these mass organizations were politically subordinated to the political leadership of the party. However, in many contemporary cases mass organizations founded by communists have acquired a certain degree of independence. In some cases mass organizations have outlived the Communist parties in question. At the international level, the Communist International organized various international front organizations, such as the Young Communist International, Krestintern, International Red Aid, etc.
These organizations were dissolved in the process of deconstruction of the Communist International. After the Second World War new international coordination bodies were created, such as the World Federation of Democratic Youth, International Union of Students, World Federation of Trade Unions, Women's International Democratic Federation and the World Peace Council. In countries where Communist Parties were struggling to attain state power, the formation of wartime alliances with non-Communist parties and wartime groups was enacted. Upon attaining state power these Fronts were transformed into nominal "National" or "Fatherland" Fronts in which non-communist parties and organizations were given token representation, the most popular examples of these being the National Front of East Germany and the United Front of the People's Republic of China. Other times the formation of such Fronts were undertaken without the participation of other parties, such as the Socialist Alliance of Working People of Yugoslavia and the National Front of Afghanistan, though the purpose was the same: to promote the Communist Party line to non-communist audiences and to mobilize them to carry out tasks within the country under the aegis of the Front.
Recent scholarship has developed the comparative political study of global communist parties by examining similarities and differences across historical geographies. In particular, the rise of revolutionary parties, their spread internationally, the appearance of charismatic revolutionary leaders and their ultimate demise during the decline and fall of communist parties worldwide have all been the subject of investigation. A uniform naming scheme for Communist parties was adopted by the Communist International. All parties were required to use the name'Communist Party of', resulting in separate communist parties in some countries operating using homonymous party names. Today, there are a few cases where the original section
General Jewish Labour Bund
The General Jewish Labour Bund in Lithuania and Russia called The Bund or the Jewish Labour Bund, was a secular Jewish socialist party in the Russian Empire, active between 1897 and 1920. In 1917 the Polish part of the Bund, which dated to the times when Poland was a Russian territory, seceded from the Russian Bund and created a new Polish General Labor Bund which continued to operate in Poland in the years between the two world wars; the Russian Bund was incorporated into the Communist Party. Other remnants of the Bund endured in various countries. A member of the Bund was called a Bundist; the "General Jewish Labour Bund in Russia and Poland" was founded in Vilnius on October 7, 1897. The name was inspired by the General German Workers' Association; the Bund sought to unite all Jewish workers in the Russian Empire into a united socialist party, to ally itself with the wider Russian social democratic movement to achieve a democratic and socialist Russia. The Russian Empire included Lithuania, Belarus and most of present-day Poland, areas where the majority of the world's Jews lived.
They hoped to see the Jews achieve a legal minority status in Russia. Of all Jewish political parties of the time, the Bund was the most progressive regarding gender equality, with women making up more than one-third of all members. In 1901, the word'Lithuania' was added to the name of the party. During the period of 1903–1904, the Bund was harshly affected by Czarist state repression. Between June 1903 and July 1904, 4,467 Bundists were jailed. Given the Bund's secular and socialist perspective, it opposed what it viewed as the reactionary nature of traditional Jewish life in Russia. Created before the Russian Social Democratic Labor Party, the Bund was a founding collective member at the RSDLP's first congress in Minsk in March 1898. For the next 5 years, the Bund was recognized as the sole representative of the Jewish workers in the RSDLP, although many Russian socialists of Jewish descent outside of the Pale of Settlement, joined the RSDLP directly. At the RSDLP's second congress in Brussels and London in August 1903, the Bund's autonomous position within the RSDLP was rejected under pressure by the Bolsheviks and the Bund's representatives left the Congress, the first of many splits in the Russian social democratic movement in the years to come.
The five representatives of the Bund at this Congress were Vladimir Kossowsky, Arkadi Kremer, Mikhail Liber, Vladimir Medem and Noah Portnoy. The Bund formally rejoined the RSDLP when all of its faction reunited at the Fourth Congress in Stockholm in April 1906, with the support of the Mensheviks, but the RSDLP remained fractured along ideological and ethnic lines; the Bund sided with the party's Menshevik faction led by Julius Martov and against the Bolshevik faction led by Vladimir Lenin during the factional struggles in the run-up to the Russian Revolution of 1917. The fifth congress of the Bund met in Zürich in June 1903. 30 delegates took part in the proceedings, representing the major city branches of the party and the Foreign Committee. Two issues dominated the debates. During the debates there was a division between the older guard of the Foreign Committee (Kossovsky and John Mill and the younger generation represented by Medem and Raphael Abramovitch; the younger group wanted to stress the Jewish national character of the party.
In the end no compromise could be reached, no resolution was adopted on the national question. In the Polish areas of the empire, the Bund was a leading force in the 1905 revolution. During the following years, the Bund went into a period of decay; the party led strikes in ten cities. The strikes resulted in a deepened backlash for the party, as of 1910 there were legal Bundist trade unions in only four cities, Białystok, Riga and Łódź. Total membership in Bundist unions was around 1,500. At the time of the eight party conference only nine local branches were represented with a combined membership of 609. After the RSDLP split in 1912, the Bund became a federated part of the Russian Social Democratic Labour Party. At the 1906 First Duma elections, the Bund made an electoral agreement with the Lithuanian Labourers' Party, which resulted in the election to the Duma of two candidates supported by the Bund: Dr. Shmaryahu Levin for the Vilnius province and Leon Bramson for the Kaunas province. In total, there were twelve Jewish deputies in the Duma, falling to three in the Second Duma, two in the Third Duma and again three in the fourth, elected in 1912, none of them being affiliated to the Bund.
The Bund came to oppose Zionism, arguing that emigration to Palestine was a form of escapism. The Bund did not advocate separatism. Instead, it focused on culture, rather than a state or a place, as the glue of Jewish "nationalism." In this they borrowed extensively from the Austro-Marxist school, further alienating the Bolsheviks and Lenin. The Bund promoted the use of Yiddish as a Jewish national language and to some extent opposed the Zionist project of reviving Hebrew; the Bund won converts among Jewish artisans and workers, but a
Union of the Russian People
The Union of Russian People (Russian: Союз Русского Народа, translit. Soyuz Russkogo Naroda was a loyalist extreme right nationalist political party, the most important among Black-Hundredist monarchist political organizations in the Russian Empire between 1905 and 1917. Founded in October 1905, its aim was to rally the people behind'Great Russian nationalism' and the autocracy, espousing anti-socialist, anti-liberal, above all antisemitic views. By 1906 it had over 300,000 members, its paramilitary armed bands, called the Black Hundreds, fought revolutionaries violently in the streets. Its leaders organised a series of political assassinations of deputies and other representatives of parties which supported the Russian Revolution of 1905; the Union was dissolved in 1917 in the wake of the Revolution, its leader, Alexander Dubrovin placed under arrest. Some modern academic researchers view the Union of Russian People as an early example of fascism; the Union was the leading exponent of antisemitism in the wake of the 1905 Revolution.
It has been described as'an early Russian version of the Fascist movement', as it was anti-socialist, anti-liberal, and'above all anti-Semitic'. The Union of the Russian People called for the'restoration of the popular autocracy', a concept they believed had existed before Russia had been taken over by'intellectuals and Jews'. Antisemitism was brought into the URP by what became the organisation's ideological core, chairman Alexander Dubrovin, Vladimir Purishkevich, Pavel Krushevan, Pavel Bulatsel and some other'radical temperament anti-Semitic rabble rousers', who had seceded from the Russian Assembly; the methods of the Union were not. Save lawyer and journalist Bulatsel, another leading intellectual of the URP was B. V. Nikolsky, privatdozent at Petersburg University; the Union was above all a movement of'Great Russian nationalism'. Its first aim it had declared to be a'Great Russia and Indivisible', its nationalism was based on racism. The Union actively campaigned against Ukrainian self-determination and in particular, against the'cult' of the popular Ukrainian poet Taras Shevchenko.
The union of the Russian people was by far the most important of the extreme rightist groups formed in the wake of the 1905 Revolution. It was founded in October 1905 as a movement to mobilise and rally the masses against the Left, by the two'minor government officials' Alexander Dubrovin and Vladimir Purishkevich; the idea to create the union originated between several public figures of Russia whom entered its political arena before the 1905 Russian Revolution. Five days after the proclamation of the October Manifesto on 30 October 1905, Apollo Apollonovich Maikov, Pavel Bulatzel, Vladimir Gringmut and some others gathered at Dubrovin's home. At this meeting they concurred with Dubrovin's idea to set up a political organization. In a couple of weeks initiators worked out an organisational structure, devised a program, on 8 November 1905 formally announced the founding of the Union of the Russian People. Dubrovin was elected its chairman; the Union's Manifesto expressed a'plebeian mistrust' of every political party, as well as the bureaucracy and the intelligentsia.
The group looked at these as obstacles to'the direct communion between the Tsar and his people'. This struck a deep chord with Nicholas II, who shared the deep belief in re-establishment of autocratic personal rule, as had existed in the Muscovite state of the 1600s, it stood for the russification of non-Russian citizens. The charter was adopted in August 1906. After the 1905 Revolution the Orthodox Church's conservative clergy members allied with extreme Rightist organisations, the Union of the Russian People being one of them, in opposing the liberals' further attempts at a church reform and extension of religious freedom and toleration. Several prominent, leading church members were supportive of the organisation, among them the royal family's close friend and future Orthodox Saint John of Kronstadt, Iliodor the monk, Bishop Hermogenes, it had support from leading members of the court and government, one of the supporters being the Minister of the Interior Nikolay Maklakov. Tsar Nicholas II was supportive of the Union and patronised it: he wore the badge of the Union, wished the Union and its leaders'total success' in their efforts to unite what he called'loyal Russians' in defence of the autocracy.
The Tsar gave orders to provide funds for the Union, the Ministry of the Interior complied by funding the Union's newspapers, providing them with weapons through secret channels. Dubrovin was in contact with senior officials and the secret services of Russia. Minister of the Interior Pyotr Durnovo was in the know about the foundation of the Union while his subordinates worked upon creation of an open organisation to counteract the influence of revolutionaries and liberals among the masses. Around the same the head of the political section of gendarmes department Pyotr Rachkovsky reported his chief, Colonel Alexander Vasiliyevich Gerasimov about such attempts and proposed Gerasimov to introduce him to Dubrovin, their meeting took place in late October 1905 in the apartment of Rachkovsky. With powerful administrative support and funding at their disposal the Union of the Russian People managed to organise and conduct its first mass public event less than a fortnight after its creation; the first public rally of the URP, with about 2,000 attendance, was held on November, 21 1905 in Mikhailovsky Manege, a popular venue in Petersburg.
Union of October 17
The Union of October 17 known as the Octobrist Party, was a liberal-reformist constitutional monarchist political party in late Imperial Russia. It represented moderately antirevolutionary and constitutionalist views; the party's programme of moderate constitutionalism called for the fulfilment of Tsar Nicholas II's October Manifesto granted at the peak of the Russian Revolution of 1905. Founded in late October 1905, from 1906 the party was led by the industrialist Alexander Guchkov who drew support from centrist-liberal gentry and some bureaucrats. Unlike their immediate neighbors to the Left, Constitutional Democrats, the Octobrists were committed to a system of constitutional monarchy. At the same time they emphasised the need for a strong parliament and a government that would be responsible to it, they were allied with the governments of Sergei Witte in 1905-1906 and Pyotr Stolypin in 1906-1911, but they criticised the government for taking extralegal measures and a slow pace of reforms after the revolution ended in 1907 and they no longer saw the need for the extraordinary measures that they reluctantly supported in 1905-1907.
The Octobrists' programme included private farming and further land reform, which were in tune with Stolypin's programme. They supported the government in its unwillingness to grant political autonomy to ethnic minorities within the empire, although they opposed legal restrictions based on ethnicity and religion; the Octobrists and groups allied with them did poorly in the 1906 elections of the First and Second State Dumas. However, after the dissolution of the Second State Duma on June 3, 1907, the election law was changed in favour of propertied classes and the party formed the largest faction in the Third State Duma; the apparent failure of the party to take advantage of this majority and inability to influence the politics of the government led to a split within the party in 1913 and poor showing in the 1912 Duma election, resulting in a smaller faction in the Fourth State Duma. In December 1913, after a November conference in St. Petersburg, the Octobrist party split into three factions new parties: the left Octobrists, the zemstvo Octobrists, the right Octobrists.
With the outbreak of World War I in August 1914, moderate political parties became moribund in Russia. The Octobrists all but ceased to exist outside the capital, St. Petersburg, by 1915. Several of its prominent members Guchkov and Mikhail Rodzianko, continued to play a significant role in Russian politics until 1917, when they were instrumental in convincing Nicholas II to abdicate during the February Revolution and in forming the Russian Provisional Government. With the fall of the Romanovs in March, the party became one of the ruling parties in the first Provisional Government; some members of the party participated in the White Movement after the October Revolution and during the Russian Civil War, becoming active in White émigré circles after the Bolshevik victory in 1920. By that time, the October Revolution had given the term "Octobrist" a different meaning and connotation in Russian politics. In the Livonian guberniya, a similar party of Baltic German nobility and bourgeoisie named Baltic Constitutional Party was active.
Liberalism in Russia Russian Revolution of 1905 Duma Mikhail Rodzianko V. I. Lenin: A Disorderly Revolution
Kemerovo is an industrial city and the administrative center of Kemerovo Oblast, located at the confluence of the Iskitim and Tom Rivers, in the major coal mining region of the Kuznetsk Basin. Its population was 532,981 in the 2010 Census, it was known as Shcheglovsk. Kemerovo is an amalgamation of, successor to, several older Russian settlements. A waypoint named Verkhotomsky ostrog was established nearby in 1657 on a road from Tomsk to Kuznetsk fortress. In 1701, the settlement of Shcheglovsk was founded on the left bank of the Tom. By 1859, seven villages existed where modern Kemerovo is now: Shcheglovka, Yevseyevo, Krasny Yar, Kur-Iskitim and Borovaya. In 1721, coal was discovered in the area; the first coal mines were established in 1907 a chemical plant was established in 1916. By 1917, the population of Shcheglovo had grown to around 4,000 people; the area's further development was boosted by the construction of a railway between Yurga and Kolchugino with a connection between Topki and Shcheglovo.
Shcheglovo was granted town status on May 9, 1918, now considered to be the date of Kemerovo's founding. The town became the central location for the Kuzbass Autonomous Industrial Colony, established there in 1921. 650 workers from 20 different countries settled there and set up what became the Kemerovo Coke Chemical Plant. Some of their descendants visited the modern factory in 2011. On May 27, 1932, Shcheglovsk was renamed Kemerovo and became the administrative center of Kemerovo Oblast in 1943. In March 2018, 64 people were killed. Kemerovo is the administrative center of the oblast and, within the framework of administrative divisions, it serves as the administrative center of Kemerovsky District though it is not a part of it; as an administrative division, it is incorporated separately as Kemerovo City Under Oblast Jurisdiction—an administrative unit with a status equal to that of the districts. As a municipal division, Kemerovo City Under Oblast Jurisdiction is incorporated as Kemerovsky Urban Okrug.
The industrialization of Kemerovo was driven and underpinned by coal mining and by the heavy industry based on the availability of coal. It remains an important industrial city, built up during the Soviet period, with important steel and machinery based manufacturing plants along with chemical and other manufacturing industries. Since the disintegration of the Soviet Union, the city's industries have experienced a severe decline, creating high levels of unemployment. Major companies based in the city include Siberian Business Union. Kemerovo is linked to western Russia by a branch of the Trans-Siberian Railway and has the Kemerovo Railway station; the city is served by Kemerovo International Airport. Local public transport is provided by buses and trams. Six higher education institutions are located in Kemerovo: Kemerovo State University, Kuzbass State Technical University, Kemerovo Institute of Food Industry, Kemerovo State Medical Academy, Kemerovo State Institute of Culture, Kemerovo Agricultural Institute and Kuzbass Economy and Justice Institute.
The public interest for bandy is widespread in Russia. 26,000 watched the opening game of the 2011–12 Russian Bandy League when local club Kuzbass played against Dynamo Moscow and Kuzbass is among the best in the Russian Bandy League. The 2007 Bandy World Championship was held in the city. Female bandy only exists in a few places in Russia. Now Kemerovo is about to start it up. Moscow had two multi-use indoor arenas where bandy can be played. Kemerovo got the first one in Russia built for bandy. Kuzbass plays the matches in the league at Khimik Stadium because of the big public interest; that arena has a capacity of 32000. As it is equipped with artificial ice, Kemerovo has the best infrastructure for developing bandy in Russia. Since 2013 there has been a "bandy on boots" tournament for national diasporas living in Kuzbass. Kemerovo's position gives it a humid continental climate with average temperatures varying from −17 °C in January to 19 °C in July and low precipitation of around 500 mm annually.
Yuri Arbachakov, boxer Andreas Beck, association football player Diana Borisova, rhythmic gymnast Marina Domashenko, opera singer Vyacheslav Ivanenko, retired race walker Alexei Leonov, cosmonaut. №10-ОЗ 5 июня 1997 г. «Устав Кемеровской области», в ред. Закона №65-ОЗ от 8 июля 2015 г. «О внесении поправки в Устав Кемеровской области». Вступил в силу по истечении 10 дней после официального опубликования. Опубликован: "Кузбасс", №102, 11 июня 1997 г.. Кемеровский городской Совет народных депутатов. Постановление №253 от 24 июня 2005 г. «Устав города Кемерово», в ред. Решения №437 от 27 ноября 2015 г. «О внесении изменений в Устав города Кемерово». Вступил в силу 1 январ
All-Union Communist Party of Bolsheviks (1991)
The All-Union Communist Party Bolsheviks is a Marxist–Leninist and anti-revisionist political party operating in Russia and other former Soviet states. It was founded in November 1991 and led by Nina Andreyeva, a university teacher, well known for her 1988 letter "I cannot give up my principles"; the AUCPB has its origins in the "Bolshevik Platform" of the Communist Party of the Soviet Union. The party is known for its sectarian positions, e.g. it opposes the Communist Party of the Russian Federation due to its "reformist" character and has refused to back its candidates for presidential election. It is an outspoken critic of the Russian church and religion in general demanding the separation of church and state, it is a critic of Vladimir Putin's regime. It published a newspaper called Edinstvo, Bolshevik Kavkaza, Bolshevik Stavropol'ja, Bolshevik Osetii, Serp i Molot, Golos Stalingrada and Raboche-Krest'janskaja pravda, its youth section is the All-Union Young Guard Bolsheviks. Official website