São Paulo LGBTQ Pride Parade is an annual gay pride parade that has taken place in Avenida Paulista, in the city of São Paulo, since 1997. It is South America’s largest Pride parade, is listed by Guinness World Records as the biggest pride parade in the world starting in 2006 with 2.5 million people. They broke the Guinness record in 2009 with four million attendees, they have kept the title from 2006 to at least 2016. They had five million attendants in 2017; as of 2019 it has three to five million each year. In 2010, the city hall of São Paulo invested 1 million reais in the parade; the event is the second largest of the city, after only Formula One. According to the LGBT app Grindr, the gay parade of the city was elected the best in the world; the Pride and its associated events are organized by the APOGLBT, Associação da Parada do Orgulho de Gays, Bissexuais e Travestis e Transexuais, since its foundation in 1999. The march is the event's main activity and the one that draws the biggest attention to the press, the Brazilian authorities as well as to the hundreds of thousands of curious people that line themselves along the parade's route.
In 2009, 3.2 million people attended the 13th annual São Paulo Gay Pride Parade. The meeting point is at the Museum of Art of São Paulo right at the middle of São Paulo's postcard Avenida Paulista. Though the meeting time is at 12 noon, the parade doesn't start to move before 2 or 3 PM; the parade starts at Avenida Paulista, at around noon. It follows Rua da Consolação to the end at Praça Roosevelt, in Downtown São Paulo, at around 10 PM. Supported by the State and the City of São Paulo government authorities, the event counts with a solid security plan; these are last year's numbers: 2,000 policemen, two mobile police stations for immediate reporting of occurrences, 30 equipped ambulances, 55 nurses, 46 medical physicians, three hospital camps with 80 beds. The São Paulo Gay Pride Parade is supported by the federal government as well as by the Governor of São Paulo and the city mayor. Many politicians show up to open the main event and the government parades with a float with politicians on top of it.
Caixa Econômica Federal, a government bank, Petrobrás, Brazil's oil firm, have reaffirmed their commitment to back up the event and its diversity, funding once again the event. In the Pride the city receives about 400,000 tourists and moves between R$180 million and R$190 million; the first parade in 1997 gathered according to the military police. The ninth parade gathered over 2.5 million people according to the police and 3 million according to the organizers. The military police, which traditionally counts the number of participants at major public events, does not release its estimates for attendance at the parade since which caused the omission of the Parade from the 2008 issue of Guinness that requires official sources for records regarding attendance at events. According to the police, it would be impossible to count the number of people attending an event with a "floating population." There has been controversy about the exact number of participants. 1997 – "We are many, we are in every occupation" 1998 – "The rights of gays and transvestites are human rights" 1999 – "Gay pride in Brazil, on the way of the year 2000" 2000 – "Celebrating the pride of living diversity" 2001 – "Embracing diversity" 2002 – "Educating for diversity" 2003 – "Building homosexual policies" 2004 – "We have family and pride" 2005 – "Civil partnership now.
Equal rights! Neither more nor less" 2006 – "Homophobia is a crime! Sexual rights are human rights" 2007 – "For a world without racism, macho sexism and homophobia" 2008 – "Homophobia kills! For a secular state de facto" 2009 – "No homophobia, more citizenship – For the isonomy of rights!" 2010 – "Vote against homophobia, defend citizenship" 2011 – "Love one Another. Enough with homophobia" 2012 – "Homophobia has a cure: Education and criminalization" 2013 – "Back to the closet, never again! Union and awareness in the fight against homophobia" 2014 – "A successful country is a country without homophobia. No more deaths! Criminalization now! " 2015 – "I was born like this, I grew up like this, I will always be like this: respect me!" 2016 – "Gender identity law, now! - All people together against transphobia!" 2017 – "Regardless of our beliefs, no religion is law! Together for a secular state!" 2018 – "Power to LGBTI+. Our Vote, Our Voice." 2019 – "50 Years of Stonewall - Our Achievements, Our Pride to be LGBT+."
List of LGBT events LGBT rights in Brazil Gay pride Gay pride parade Beyond Carnival by James N. Green Official website of the São Paulo Gay Pride Parade organization About the São Paulo Gay Pride at BBC.co.uk Parada Gay and the record of participants LGBT Pride of São Paulo
Opus incertum was an ancient Roman construction technique, using irregularly shaped and randomly placed uncut stones or fist-sized tuff blocks inserted in a core of opus caementicium. It consisted of more careful placement of the coementa, making the external surface as plain as possible; the external surface became plainer still by reducing the amount of concrete and choosing more regular small stones. When the amount of concrete between stones is reduced, it is defined as opus quasi reticulatum. Used from the beginning of the 2nd century BC until the mid-1st century BC, it was largely superseded by opus reticulatum. Opus quadratum – Roman masonry using parallel courses of squared stone of the same height Opus reticulatum – Roman masonry in diamond-shaped bricks of tuff, covering a core of opus caementicium Opus mixtum known as Opus compositum – Combination of Roman construction techniques Roman concrete known as Opus caementicium – Building material used in construction during the late Roman Republic and Empire
Jader Fontenelle Barbalho is a Brazilian politician and landowner from the state of Pará. He is a member of the PMDB party and a Senator for Pará, he is the father of Hélder Barbalho, mayor of Ananindeua, Pará, the former husband of Federal Deputy Elcione Barbalho. Barbalho is a national figure, known throughout Brazil, albeit a controversial one. There have been raised numerous allegations of corruption and mismanagement of public funds against Barbalho, who owns newspaper Diário do Pará and is part owner of a local TV station of the leading Globo Television network. Starting a political career in Belém with humble possessions, Barbalho became a millionaire after decades in public office, he has held the offices of Federal Deputy over four terms, State Governor twice, Senator thrice and Minister twice. In 2000, Barbalho was the President of the PMDB party and Senator when a wave of corruption allegations against him took national headlines, involving embezzlement of public funds at the Superintendência de Desenvolvimento da Amazônia development agency and the Instituto Nacional de Colonização e Reforma Agrária.
Barbalho was forced to resign the office briefly arrested, the SUDAM was closed. However, he was subsequently elected Federal Deputy in 2002 and 2006 and Senator in 2010. Jader, was born in Belém, capital of Pará. Jader's parents are Joanelle Fontenelle Barbalho. Jader studied Law at the Federal University of Pará, graduating in 1971, he became a student leader during Brazil's repressive military dictatorship, installed after the military coup of 1964. Belém city alderman from 1967 to 1971 Pará state deputy from 1971 to 1975 Federal deputy of Pará from 1975 to 1983, from 2003 to 2010 Pará state governor from 1983 to 1987 and from 1991 to 1994 Senator of Pará from 1995 to 2001 and from 2011 onHe was the federal minister of agrarian development and reform and of social welfare. In the 1990s, Jader risked impeachment. Facing the threat of impeachment in connection with fraud and corruption scandals, he resigned from the Senate in October 2001. Barbalho was implicated in a funding scandal at the regional development agency the Superintendency for Development of the Amazon where over 2 billion dollars went missing.
He is alleged to have used his power base in the Amazonian state of Para to influence which projects were approved by SUDAM. SUDAM was closed down in 2001 by President Fernando Henrique Cardoso because of the corruption allegations. On February 22, 2002, Senator Antônio Carlos Magalhães gave an interview to state prosecutors in which he hinted at corruption involving Cardoso, the PMDB, the PFL, the Supreme Court; the interview, leaked to the press, prompted Cardoso to begin sacking government appointments linked to Magalhães, most notably cabinet ministers Rodolpho Tourinho and Waldeck Ornelas on February 23. In 2002, with public opinion favouring investigation into allegations of government corruption, the opposition sought the votes of 27 Senators and 171 Federal Deputies in Congress necessary to constitute a joint working committee against Barbalho. On May 8, 2002, after the opposition had secured these votes, Barbalho canceled a joint session of Congress and thereby prevented the opposition from bringing the issue to the floor.
Afterward, political maneuverings persuaded enough legislators to change their minds, the CPI threat was ended. On May 16 Saturnino Braga, the rapporteur of the Senate Ethics Committee, concluded that Magalhães and the government leader in the Senate, José Roberto Arruda of the Federal District, were guilty of having violated secrecy rules in the June 2000 vote that expelled Federal District Sen. Luis Estevão from Congress. After damaging testimony from the director of the Senate data-processing system, who stated that she broke into the voting system under orders from Magalhães and Arruda, the Senate Ethics Committee recommended the impeachment of Magalhães and Arruda for having broken Senate decorum. Rather than risk impeachment and a loss of political rights for eight years, Arruda resigned on May 24. With Arruda and Magalhães out of office, Congress, at risk of becoming ineffectual, continued to be mired in scandal as more allegations of past corruption involving Barbalho surfaced. A growing number of investigations into fraud in the state Bank of Pará, SUDAM, the National Land Reform Institute revealed the involvement of Barbalho when he was governor of Pará and minister of land reform.
Barbalho took a leave of absence from his post as senate president on July 20. In the face of mounting evidence and the likelihood of impeachment, he resigned from the Senate on October 4, following the same path of Magalhães and Arruda. Http://g1.globo.com/to/tocantins/noticia/2013/07/justica-federal-do-condena-jader-barbalho-ressarcir-uniao.html Site Jader Barbalho Manda Bala, a film documentary about crime in Sao Paulo.
Avocet Mining plc is a West African-focussed gold mining and exploration company with its primary operations in Burkina Faso and Guinea. The company is listed on the Oslo Børs. Avocet Mining was formed in 1995 and a year listed on LSE with a market capitalisation of £72m with gold deposits in Peru, tungsten interests in Portugal and California and an operating gold mine in Penjom, Malaysia. In 1999 the Company divested tungsten operations to focus on gold. Avocet moved onto the AIM market with a market capitalisation of £ 12m. In the same year the Company acquired 80% in North Lanut, Indonesia and a 49% interest and management control in gold mining company ZGC in Tajikistan, disposed of in 2007. In 2008 Avocet acquired the Seruyung gold exploration project in Indonesia. 2009 saw the Company acquire Wega Mining and the Inata gold project in Burkina Faso, the Company poured its first gold that year. Avocet listed on the Oslo Axess list of the OSE in 2010 while disposing of the Houndé licences in Burkina Faso to Avion.
The Company disposed of all its South East Asian assets in 2010. In May 2011 the company had to halt operations at the Inata mine due to "illegal labour unrest"; the same year, Avocet Mining listed on the Main Market of the LSE, with a market capitalisation of £434m. The company operates a gold mine at Inata in the north of Burkina Faso. Management intend to expand the mine at Inata in late 2012 such that gold production can start at the new facilities in late 2013; the Company has a pipeline of exploration projects across 21 exploration licenses in Burkina Faso and Guinea. Avocet Mining's exploration licences at Bélahouro in Burkina Faso cover 1,660 km2, whilst at its other main project, Tri-K in Guinea, it has an exploration license covering 986 km2. All of Avocet's exploration mining licenses are located within the prospective Birimian greenstone belt that dominates West Africa's geological landscape. Burkina Faso Avocet Mining’s operations in Burkina Faso are located within a 1,660 km2 land package in the Bélahouro district 220 kilometres north-east of the capital, Ouagadougou.
Outside of the Inata Gold mine license area, Avocet Mining has exploration permits over a large land package broadly known as Bélahouro. Extensive exploration work is ongoing within this area. Guinea Avocet Mining has a number of development projects across twelve exploration licences in Guinea; these include the 986km2 Tri-K Block, consisting of eight exploration licences across the Koulékoun, Kodiéran and Kodiafaran gold prospects. The most advanced is Koulékoun with a Mineral Resource of 2.15 million ounces, undergoing a feasibility study. The exploration licences in Guinea are 100% owned by Avocet Mining. Within Avocet’s Inata mine license area, a Mineral Resource of 3.985 million ounces and a Mineral Reserve of 1.85 million ounces has been proven. At the Souma project, within the Bélahouro region but outside of the Inata mine license area, a further Mineral Resource 0.56 million ounces has been defined. The Inata mine produced 167,000 ounces of gold in 2011. In 2012, the Inata mine is expected to produce 135,000 to 140,000 ounces of gold.
An exploration programme in the Tri-K Block of permits in Guinea is ongoing and is focused on three main licences - Koulékoun, Kodiéran and Kodiafaran. The most advanced of these is Koulékoun with a Mineral Resource estimate of 2.15 million ounces. Kodiéran is the second largest with a maiden Mineral Resource of 0.87 million ounces. Official site
The term Wisconsin German refers to both Wisconsin High German and to heritage dialects of German spoken in Wisconsin. By 1853 a third of Wisconsin's population was coming from German-speaking lands. Unlike other heritage languages, which tend to become moribund by the third generation, Wisconsin German speakers have maintained their heritage language alongside English for multiple generations, from the 1840s to well until the mid-20th century; this is due in part to their immigration patterns: the German immigrants tended to settle within ethnically homogeneous communities, with similar linguistic and geographic backgrounds. Additionally, the maintenance of the language was supported by German being taught and used in many local churches and the press. While Wisconsin German retains many standard and/or dialectal features of German, it has not only incorporated some linguistic elements of English, but developed unique and innovative characteristics of its own. By the early mid-20th century, social and economic factors such as urbanization, contributed to a general shift from German to English.
By the mid-19th century, many German immigrants had settled in Wisconsin and by the latter half of the 1800s German speakers had chosen Wisconsin over other American states as their destination. This was because of the state's resources, available land, the entrepreneurship of land agents, but because these immigrants were seeking new economic opportunities, religious or political freedom; the Wisconsin city of Freistadt, for example, was founded by 300 German Lutherans from Pomerania, who were escaping Prussian religious reform and persecution. They called their colony Freistadt, or "free city", most to commemorate their newfound religious freedom in the Americas. Both their faith and maintenance of their East Pomeranian dialect were important to the Freistadters: although the city was founded in 1839, there were still East Pomeranian speakers in Freistadt well into the end of the 20th century; these German speakers were from many different regions and states, such as Mecklenburg-Schwerin, Posen, Westphalia, Bavaria, Baden, Hesse, Württemberg, Austria.
Each group brought its own dialect, which it continued to use in the home, community and in local Wisconsin businesses. In addition, a form of Wisconsin High German, a koiné of Standard German with dialectal features, was used parallel to the community's dialect, such as in churches, elementary and secondary schools; the extended multilingual contact over multiple generations of Wisconsin German heritage speakers, has resulted in the development of a language that not only contains features of their ancestral dialect, standard German and English, but developed new linguistic features of its own. For the early German settlers, not English, was the predominant language used in schools in rural Wisconsin. Teachers were hired from Germany, German textbooks were at first imported later printed in the US. By 1854, the Wisconsin State Law declared. Schools switched to English by the early 20th century, which contributed to the gradual decline of German heritage speakers. Researchers have looked at heritage languages to study incomplete acquisition or L1 attrition, yet speakers of Wisconsin German do not fit into either of those categories.
Modern Wisconsin Heritage German speakers have grown up speaking German in the home, only learned English upon entering school, around the age of 6. This means that their German, including grammatical features such as dative, would have been acquired, if it existed in the speakers' heritage language. One difference between Wisconsin Heritage German and Standard German and its ancestral dialects are changes in its case marking system, such as the loss of the dative case. In Germany, there exists variation among its different dialects: for instance, in the Rhenish Hesse region, one can still find a three-case marking system. However, in Wisconsin German, while heritage speakers appear to no longer show use of the dative case, they have developed new morphosyntactic features. Across different dialects, heritage speakers have begun marking case in same or similar ways: in some cases, their Differential Object Marking would align with Standard German morphology. For example, Yager et al. cite the following examples to illustrate this phenomenon: Example 1 shows that Wisconsin German still contains some instances of dative.
In Example 2 a neuter indefinite article has been selected. This is a departure from Standard German; this is an example of a restructuring of the DOM in Wisconsin German. Example 3 illustrates innovative case marking: instead of a dative neuter definite article, a distinctly masculine accusative definite article has been selected. Heritage speakers could have selected a nominative, accusative or dative artic
Standard Chartered Uganda, whose official name is Standard Chartered Bank Uganda Limited but is referred to as Stanchart Uganda, is a commercial bank in Uganda. It is one of the banks licensed by the Bank of Uganda, the central bank and national banking regulator. Stanchart Uganda is a large bank serving large corporate clients, upscale retail customers, medium to large business enterprises; as of December 2016, it was the second largest commercial bank in Uganda by assets, with an asset base of UGX:2.944 trillion, with shareholders' equity of UGX:542.4 billion behind Stanbic Bank Uganda. As of June 2013, Stanchart Uganda owned an estimated 16.2 percent of total bank assets in the country. Other credible sources have put the bank's total assets at UGX:3.3 trillion, as of February 2017. Founded in August 1912, Stanchart Uganda is the oldest commercial bank in the country and has maintained a continuous banking presence in the country since its founding. In 1998, Stanchart Uganda acquired four branches of the former Uganda Cooperative Bank.
As of May 2018, Stanchart Uganda had 9 branches and 29 automated teller machines and employed over 600 people. Stanchart Uganda is a wholly owned subsidiary of the Standard Chartered Bank Group, an international financial services conglomerate, headquartered in London in the United Kingdom; as of May 2018, the bank had a network of interconnected branches at the following locations, arranged alphabetically: Lugogo Branch: Forest Mall, 2-8 Lugogo Bypass Road, Kampala Acacia Branch: Acacia Shopping Mall, Kampala City Branch - 9 William Street, Kampala Jinja Branch - 2-4 Grant Road, Jinja Freedom City Branch - 4010 Kampala-Entebbe Road, Kampala Garden City Branch - Garden City Shopping Mall, 64-84 Yusuf Lule Road, Kampala Speke Road Branch - 5 Speke Road, Kampala Head Office Kikuubo Branch - Kikuubo Lane, Kampala Village Mall Branch - Village Mall, 3 Bandali Rise, Kampala The chairman of the board of directors is Robin Kibuuka. The managing director is Albert Saltson. Saltson is a native of Ghana and e served as the managing director and chief executive officer of Standard Chartered Gambia, prior to re-assignment to Uganda.
During his more than 25 years at Standard Chartered, he has had stints in Sierra Leone. Standard Chartered Bank Uganda Homepage Bank of Uganda Website Stanchart Records Shs116 Billion Profit as Loan Defaults Fall As of 7 April 2017