The Cahto are an indigenous Californian group of Native Americans. Today most descendants are enrolled as the federally recognized tribe, the Cahto Indian Tribe of the Laytonville Rancheria, a small group of Cahto are enrolled in the Round Valley Indian Tribes of the Round Valley Reservation. Cahto is a Northern Pomo word, meaning "lake", which referred to an important Cahto village site, called Djilbi; the Cahto are sometimes referred to as the Kato people. The tribe controls the Laytonville Rancheria known as the Cahto Rancheria, a federal Indian reservation of Cahto and Pomo people; the rancheria is 264 acres large and located three miles west of Laytonville in Mendocino County. It was founded in 1906; the reservation's population is about 188. The Cahto flag, representing their sovereign nation, features a stylized bear claw outlined in white and centered on a black pictograph representing the Cahto ancestral lake home; the pictograph is centered on a red field surrounded with a red border.
The Words "CAHTO TRIBE" is written in white block letters above the lake pictograph. The bear claw is placed to indicate the importance of the bear as one of their most important tribal totems; the lake symbol denotes their ancestral lands, the color red indicates the blood of their people, white is for the purity of their spirit, the black is for the rich lake bottomland that sustained their ancestors. This flag is of modern creation and not traditional, it was adopted in 2013. The Cahto Indian Tribe is run by a democratically elected tribal council; the current tribal executive committee is: Aimie Lucas, Chairwoman Tasheena Sloan, Vice-Chair, Kendra Campbell, Secretary-Treasurer Karen Wilson, Member at Large. The tribe operates its own housing authority, tribal police, EPA office. Economic development comes from revenues generated by the tribe's Red Fox Casino, located in Laytonville; the Kato language is one of four Athabaskan languages. The others were Eel River Athabaskan, Mattole-Bear River, Hupa-Chilula.
Most Kato speakers were bilingual in Northern Pomo. The Kato lived farthest south of all the Athapascans in California, occupying Cahto Valley and Long Valley, in general the country south of Blue Rock and between the headwaters of the two main branches of Eel River; this region is veined with streams. Most of these are torrential during the rainy winters. In the early 18th century, the Cahto lived in 50 village sites. Traditionally, the Cahto made such articles of stone, horn and skin, as were made in northern California; the primitive costume for both men and women was a tanned deer-skin, wrapped about the waist, a close-fitting knitted cap, which kept in place the knot of hair at the back of the head. At a period, the Cahto garment included a shirt made of two deer-skins, laced down the front and reaching to the knees. Both men and women had tattoos on their faces and the chest: designs consisted of upright lines, both broken and straight. In constructing a Cahto house, a circular excavation about two feet deep was prepared, in it, at the corners of a square were erected four forked posts.
The front pair were a little taller than the other, so that the roof would have a slight pitch to the rear. The roof was so small that it was of much less importance in determining the final shape of the house than was the circularity of the base; the space between the posts were stuffed with bunches of long grasses, slabs of wood and bark. An opening in the roof served to carry off smoke, the doorway was a narrow opening in front from ground to roof; as many as three families occupied one of these little houses, with all persons cooking at the same fire. For summer camps, brush lean-tos were set up; the dog was the only domesticated animal. A favorite pastime for the females was to assemble early in the evening for singing in chorus. One of the best singers would lead, two others kept time by striking one bone with another; the men took no part but listened. Each village had its chief, dog sled, some villages, a second chief; the chief’s son succeeded to the office, but if a headman died without sons, the people, by common consent and without formal voting, selected from among themselves the man whom they regarded as best fitted for the place.
The duty of a chief was to be the adviser of his people. When anything of great importance was to be decided, the village chief summoned the council, which comprised all the elder men; each expressed his opinion, the chief would go along with the consensus. Many of the social practices of the Kato tribe show how they were influenced by the culture of northern-central California. Children of both sexes were required to observe certain rites at the age of puberty. Annually in midsummer, a group of boys, ranging from 12 to 16 years old, were led out to a solitary place by two men, one of whom was the teacher. Here, they received instructions in mythology and the supposed origin of customs, such as the mortuary rites, shamanistic practices and puberty observances. In the winter, these boys assembled again in the ceremonial house and remained there during the four winter months for instructions on tribal folklore. At puberty, a girl began to live a quiet and abstemious life for five months, remaining always in or near the house, abstaining from meat, drinking little water.
She was not permitted to work. Marriage was arranged between the two persons concerned, without consulting a
Salinas River (California)
The Salinas River is the longest river of the central coast of California, running 175 miles and draining 4,160 square miles. It flows north-northwest and drains the Salinas Valley that slices through the central California Coast Ranges south of Monterey Bay; the river begins in southern San Luis Obispo County, originating in the Los Machos Hills of the Los Padres National Forest. From there, the river flows north into Monterey County making its way to connect with the Monterey Bay, part of the Pacific Ocean 5 miles south of Moss Landing; the river is a wildlife corridor, provides the principal source of water from its reservoirs and tributaries for the farms and vineyards of the valley. Until the Salinas River had a continuous flow throughout the year, stretching back to at least 1941—when United States Geological Survey began complete monitoring records in the Salinas area—through 1989. Most primarily due to recent increases in agricultural water demand in the Salinas Valley, the resultant lowering of water tables, the lower reaches of the Salinas river remained dry during the three years 2013–2016.
The atypical drought-breaking rains of the winter of 2016–2017 restored the river's flow to its lower northern reaches in January 2017. In 1769 when the river was first discovered by non-Native peoples via the Portola expedition, it was reported by them as being a "river watering a luxuriant plain" filled with fish weighing 8 to 10 pounds; as of the end of 2016, the river had been transformed into little more than a dry bedded run-off feature for the majority of its length. Nonetheless, with sufficiently heavy rains, on rare occasions, this now dry runoff feature is still capable of transforming itself back into a fast flowing river. In rainfall induced flood conditions, it can at times measure over a mile in width. During the 20th century, such flood conditions are reported to have occurred once every 3 to 10 years; the last similar flooding event along the river was reported in 1998. The current most typical dry or zero flow state of the majority of the river may be more the result of human activity than of any recent changes in weather patterns.
Rainfall patterns of recent years in the Salinas area have not changed from historical average rainfall patterns. Recent increases in water use in the agricultural sector, the damming of the river and its tributaries may be contributing factors causing the now dry condition of the riverbed; the Monterey County Water Resources Agency operates a water usage monitoring program which requires that all agricultural water users self-report annually on the estimated amount of groundwater pumped from the shrinking Salinas Valley aquifer. This is in contrast to some areas of the country where various water authorities both monitor, regulate water usage by agricultural water users; the previous ecosystem of the Salinas River, which once included steelhead trout, numerous other species throughout the full length of a once year-round flowing river, has been drastically impacted in recent years by the expanding heavy demands of agricultural water use in the Salinas Valley, the resulting most typical dry-river conditions.
The ancient geological history of the Salinas River is held by tectonic plate theory to most be rather unique amongst the many rivers of the North American Western Seaboard. The discovery of the great submarine canyon at the mouth of the Salinas River, the Monterey Canyon is the primary basis for this theory of what is now held to be the most probable and singular ancient geological history for the Salinas River; the uniquely long and deep submarine Monterey Canyon, located at the mouth of the Salinas River dwarfs all other such canyons along the Pacific edge of the North American continent. The dimensions of the Monterey Canyon are in fact comparable in size to the submarine canyons that are found at the mouths of many much larger rivers, such as the Mississippi, the Ganges and the Nile. Still, the known flow-properties of the Salinas River in no way seem to indicate a river capable of creating such a large submarine outflow canyon. For these reasons it is now theorized that at one point many millions of years ago in the Miocene epoch, due to tectonic plate drift as calculated, the river was most located in the vicinity of what is now current day Los Angeles, at that time may have served as the ancient mouth of the Colorado River.
The Salinas River is thought to have drained prehistoric Lake Corcoran, which once occupied much of what is now California's Central Valley about 700,000 years ago, prior to the valley developing an outlet via the Carquinez Strait into what is now San Francisco Bay. At the time of man's first appearance along the California coast 13,000 years ago, during the latter part of the Pleistocene epoch, on up until the age of the European discovery and exploration of Alta California, the Salinan Indians and the Esselen Indians, their ancestors lived along the Salinas river, in the adjacent Salinas valley; the Salinas river was first sighted by Europeans on September 27, 1769. This first European contact with the river was recorded by the Spanish "colonizing expedition" of Gaspar de Portolà; as was the practice of the Spanish government in the New World at the time and priests were typically sent out on such colonizing expeditions. Accordingly, the Portolá expedition included Franciscan priests, who soon thereafte
The Esselen are a Native American people belonging to a linguistic group in the hypothetical Hokan language family, who are indigenous to the Santa Lucia Mountains of the region now known as Big Sur in Monterey County, California. Prior to Spanish colonization, they lived seasonally on the coast and inland, surviving off the plentiful seafood during the summer and acorns and wildlife during the rest of the year. Experts estimate there were from 500 to 1200 individuals living in the steep, rocky region at the time of the arrival of the Spanish. During the mission period of California history, Esselen children were baptized by the priests and at a certain age forcibly removed from their village and parents. Adult members of the Esselen tribe were forcibly conscripted and made to labor at the three nearby missions, Mission San Carlos, Mission Nuestra Señora de la Soledad, Mission San Antonio de Padua. Like many Native American populations, their members were decimated by disease, over work, torture.
They were one of the smallest Native American populations in California and due to their proximity to three Spanish missions, they were one of the first whose culture was repressed as a result of European contact and domination. They were assumed to have been exterminated but some tribal members avoided the mission life and emerged from the forest to work in nearby ranches in the early and late 1800s. Descendants of the Esselen are scattered, but many still live in the Monterey Peninsula area and nearby regions. Archaeological and linguistic evidence indicates that the original people's territory once extended much farther north, into the San Francisco Bay Area, until they were displaced by the entrance of Ohlone people. Based on linguistic evidence, Richard Levy places the displacement at around AD 500. Breschini and Haversat place the entry of Ohlone speakers into the Monterey area prior to 200 B. C. based on multiple lines of evidence. Carbon dating of excavated sites places the Esselen in the Big Sur since circa 2630 BCE.
However, researchers have obtained a radiocarbon date from coastal Esselen territory in the Big Sur River drainage dated prior to 6,500 years ago. The name Esselen derived from the name of a major native village from the village known as Exse'ein, or the place called Eslenes; the village name is derived from a tribal location known as Ex'selen, "the rock,", in turn derived from the phrase Xue elo xonia eune, "I come from the rock." "The Rock" may refer to the 361 feet tall promontory, visible for miles both up and down the coast, on which the Point Sur Lighthouse is situated. It may have referred to Pico Blanco, the mountain they believed that all life came from; the Spanish extended the term to mean the entire linguistic group. Variant spellings exist in old records, including Aschatliens, Eslen, Eslenes and Escelen. "Aschatliens" may refer in and around the village of Achasta. Achasta was a Rumsen Ohlone village, unrelated to the Esselen. Achasta was founded only after the establishment of Mission San Carlos.
It was the closest village to Mission San Carlos, was 10+ miles from Esselen territory. "Eslenes" was nowhere near Mission San Carlos. The Esselen language is a language, it is hypothetically part of the Hokan family. The language was spoken in the northern Santa Lucia Range. Prior to contact with European culture, there were between 1000 speakers. La Pérouse, a French explorer, recorded 22 words in 1786, he wrote in his journal during the expedition: The country of the Ecclemachs extends above 20 leagues to the eastward of Monterey. Their language is different from all those of their neighbors, has more resemblance to the languages of Europe than to those of the Americas; this grammatical phenomenon, the most curious in this respect observed on the continent, will be interesting to those of the learned, who seek, in the analogy of languages, the history and genealogy of transplanted nations. In 1792, Galiano, a Spanish ship's captain recorded 107 phrases. In 1832, Father Felipe Arroyo de la Cuesta recorded 14 phrases at Soledad.
The speakers were the Arroyo Seco area 15 miles to the east. The neighboring Rumsen people were fluent in Esselen and they provided de la Cuesta some language. A total of about 300 words along with some short phrases have been identified. Examples include mamamanej; the last known fluent speaker was Isabel Meadows who died in 1939. The Esselen resided along the upper Carmel and Arroyo Seco Rivers, along the Big Sur coast from near present-day Hurricane Point to the vicinity of Vicente Creek in the south; the Central California coast in this region is marked by high, steep cliffs and rocky shores, interrupted by small coastal creeks with occasional, small beaches. The mountains are rugged with narrow canyons; the terrain makes the area inaccessible, long-term habitation a challenge, limited the size of the native population. The Esselen's territory extended inland through the Santa Lucia Mountains as far as the Salinas Valley. Prior to the arrival of the Spanish, they were hunter-gatherers who resided in small groups with no centralized political authority.
Modern researchers believe there were five distinct Esselen districts: Excelen, Imunahan and Aspasniahan. Each are believed to have had a stable resident population. Within each district the people occupied several villages depending on the season and availability of food and shelter. Carbon dating tes
USS Salinan (ATF-161)
USS Salinan was an Achomawi-class tug built for the United States Navy during World War II. Named after the Salinan peoples, she was the only U. S. Naval vessel to bear the name. Salinan was laid down on 13 April 1945 by the Charleston Shipbuilding and Dry Dock Company of Charleston, South Carolina. Hilton. Assigned to Service Force, Atlantic Fleet, attached to Service Squadron 1, Salinan completed shakedown in Chesapeake Bay early in the new year, 1946, she conducted several towing assignments along the mid-Atlantic and southeastern coasts of the United States. In March, she sailed to Key West, where she relieved the USS Seneca as the fleet ocean tug assigned to the Surface Antisubmarine Development Detachment. Among her first assignments was towing a fleet barge carrying a two-man submersible down the Mississippi River and across the Gulf to Key West that year. 15 October 1946 found her back at Charleston Navy Yard, while maneuvering out her slip that afternoon, Salinan collided with USS John W. Weeks, carrying away the destroyer's starboard propeller guard.
Several bulkheads were damaged on both vessels. On 26 April 1948, while engaged in services at Key West, the submarine Cochino collided with Salinan while conducting a submerged exercise at a 60-foot depth. Cochinosuffered damage to her periscope shears, both periscopes, radar antenna, requiring major repairs. Damage to the tug was minimal however. In November 1950, Salinan and Luiseno, rendered assistance to destroyers Charles H. Roan, Brownson, which had collided off Bermuda during night maneuvers; the damage to both destroyers was substantial, resulted in the deaths of six sailors. Roan's engines were knocked out by the collision, were henceforth taken in tow by Luiseno. Brownson, a large section of her bow missing, limped to Bermuda under her own power, escorted by Salinan, arrived safely in Bermuda a few days later. Salinan remained based at Key West for the next 17 years – despite transfers to ServRon 4 and ServRon 8 – and continued to provide towing, salvage and fire-fighting services in addition to those required by the Development Detachment.
She remained in the Caribbean and Gulf of Mexico, but was sent further north, operating near Norfolk and the New England coast. Tows ranged in size from targets and district craft to floating cranes and dry docks, minecraft and tankers, her crowded schedule was periodically interrupted for overhauls and fleet exercises. In 1956, Salinan was awarded the Navy Award of Excellence for best in the Atlantic; the fleet tug's normal duties were interrupted by the Cuban Missile Crisis in late 1962, during which she provided critical support services in the immediate area along with several of her sister ships. Operating in standby emergency status from 24 October to 10 December that year, Salinan participated in quarantine operations and aided in staging vessels and equipment for a possible invasion of Cuba; the ship was a frequent presence at Guantanamo Bay during this period. Tensions in the Caribbean remained high throughout the mid-1960s, Salinan spent much of her time in the waters surrounding Cuba and the Dominican Republic performing a variety of functions.
In November 1966, the fleet tug steamed to San Juan, Puerto Rico to take the refloated minesweeper Stalwart in tow, which had sunk at the pier following a fire in her machinery space. Salinan arrived in Charleston with Stalwart that month. On 7 January 1967, the fleet tug shifted her homeport to Florida. Increased training services- target towing and torpedo recovery- did not diminish her towing and development support work; the following year, Salinan added support operations for NASA to her achievements, serving as the launch site sea salvage vessel for the Apollo 8 mission. As such, she stood by for recovery purposes should the mission be aborted within a few minutes after launch, she performed the same service for Apollo 10, in July 1969 stood by for the historic launch of Apollo 11 – the first successful lunar landing. On 26 July 1971, Salinan served NASA once more for the launch of Apollo 15, for which she recorded sonic boom data for analysis by NASA personnel. During the 1970s, Salinan made several transatlantic deployments to Holy Loch, towing sections of the floating dry dock Los Alamos.
She recovered a number of downed aircraft during this period, including salvaging a Navy helicopter from considerable depth. On 14 April 1975, Salinan departed Mayport in the midst of a severe gale to render assistance to the gunboat Beacon, which had become disabled and lost power during the storm. High seas and gale-force winds battered the stranded gunboat for eight hours until Salinan arrived to tow her back to Mayport early the next morning; the veteran tug continued to provide valuable towing and salvage services along the east coast of the United States throughout the remainder of her career, was decommissioned at Mayport on 1 September 1978. That same day she was struck from the Naval Vessel Register and transferred, cash sale, to Venezuela under the Security Assistance Program. Upon arrival there, she began her new career with the Venezuelan Navy as Contralmirante Miguel Rodriguez. Based in Puerto Cabello, she served that navy for another 25 years as a patrol gunboat, salvage vessel, hydrographic research vessel before being retired in 2003.
As of early
Mission San Antonio de Padua
Mission San Antonio de Padua is a Spanish mission established by the Franciscan order in present-day Monterey County, near the present-day town of Jolon. It was founded on July 14, 1771, was the third mission founded in Alta California by Father Presidente Junípero Serra; the mission was the first use fired.tile roofing in Upper California. Today the mission is a parish church of the Diocese of Monterey. Mission San Antonio de Padua was the third Mission to be founded. Father Junipero Serra claimed the site on July 14, 1771, dedicated the Mission to Saint Anthony of Padua. Saint Anthony is the patron saint of the poor. Father Serra left Fathers Miguel Pieras and Buenaventura Sitjar behind to continue the building efforts, though the construction of the church proper did not begin until 1810. By that time, there were 178 Native Americans living at the Mission. By 1805, the number had increased to 1,300, but in 1834, after the secularization laws went into effect, the total number of Mission Indians at the Mission San Antonio was only 150.
No town grew up around the Mission. In 1845, Mexican Governor Pío Pico declared all mission buildings in Alta California for sale, but no one bid for Mission San Antonio. After nearly 30 years, the Mission was returned to the Catholic Church. In 1894, roof tiles were salvaged from the property and installed on the Southern Pacific Railroad depot located in Burlingame, one of the first permanent structures constructed in the Mission Revival Style; the first attempt at rebuilding the Mission came in 1903 when the California Historical Landmarks League began holding outings at San Antonio. "Preservation and restoration of Mission San Antonio began. The Native Sons of the Golden West supplied $1,400. Tons of debris were removed from the interior of the chapel. Breaches in the side wall were filled in." The earthquake of 1906 damaged the building. In 1928, Franciscan Friars held services at San Antonio de Padua, it took nearly 50 years to restore the Mission. The State of California is requiring a $12–15 million earthquake retrofit that must be completed by 2015, or the mission will be closed.
There are 35 private families keeping the mission open, as of 2011. There is an active campaign to raise funds for the retrofit. Today, the nearest city is King City, nearly 29 miles away. Historians consider the Mission's pastoral location in the valley of the San Antonio River along the Santa Lucia Mountains as an outstanding example of early mission life; the mission is surrounded by the Fort Hunter Liggett Military Reservation, acquired by the U. S. Army from the Hearst family during World War II to train troops. Additional land was acquired from the Army in 1950 to increase the mission area to over 85 acres; this fort is still training troops today. Mission San Antonio de Padua is one of the designated tour sights of the Juan Bautista de Anza National Historic Trail; as of 2013, Franciscan Friar Jeff Burns OFM, is in charge of the Mission. The 1965 horror film Incubus was filmed at the Mission; the writer and director, Leslie Stevens, concerned that the Mission authorities would not allow the film to be shot there because of the subject matter, concocted a cover story that the film was called Religious Leaders of Old Monterey, presented a script, about monks and farmers.
He was helped in this deception by the fact that the film was shot in Esperanto. Spanish missions in California USNS Mission San Antonio, a Buenaventura-Class fleet oiler built in 1944 The Hacienda – the nearby Mission Revival Style guest-ranch house built in 1930 by W. R. Hearst. Mission San Miguel Arcángel – next south Mission Nuestra Señora de la Soledad – next north Sitjar, Bonaventura. Vocabulary of the language of San Antonio mission, California. Trübner. Retrieved 25 August 2012. Forbes, Alexander. California: A History of Upper and Lower California. Smith, Elder and Co. Cornhill, London. Krell, Dorothy; the California Missions: A Pictorial History. Sunset Publishing Corporation, Menlo Park, CA. ISBN 0-376-05172-8. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list Jones, Terry L. and Kathryn A. Klar. California Prehistory: Colonization and Complexity. Altimira Press, Landham, MD. ISBN 0-7591-0872-2. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list Leffingwell, Randy. California Missions and Presidios: The History & Beauty of the Spanish Missions.
Voyageur Press, Inc. Stillwater, MN. ISBN 0-89658-492-5. Paddison, Joshua. A World Transformed: Firsthand Accounts of California Before the Gold Rush. Heyday Books, Berkeley, CA. ISBN 1-890771-13-9. CS1 maint: Extra text: authors list Ruscin, Terry. Mission Memoirs. Sunbelt Publications, San Diego, CA. ISBN 0-932653-30-8. Yenne, Bill; the Missions of California. Advantage Publishers Group, San Diego, CA. ISBN 1-59223-319-8. Mission San Antonio de Padua official website Fort Hunter Liggett official website Monterey County Historical Society Early photographs, sketches of Mission San Antonio de Padua, via Calisphere, California Digital Library Early History of the California Coast, a National Park Service Discover Our Shared Heritage Travel Itinerary Official U. S. National Park Service Juan Bautista de Anza National Historic Trail website Howser, Huell. "California Missions". California Missions. Chapman University Huell Howser Archive
Robert Gordon Latham
Robert Gordon Latham FRS was an English ethnologist and philologist. The eldest son of Thomas Latham, vicar of Billingborough, Lincolnshire, he was born there on 24 March 1812, he entered Eton College in 1819, in 1829 went on to King's College, where he graduated B. A. in 1832, was soon afterwards elected a Fellow. Latham studied philology for a year on the continent, near Hamburg in Copenhagen with Rasmus Christian Rask, in Christiania. In Norway he knew Henrik Wergeland. In 1839 he was elected professor of English language and literature in London. Here he associated with Thomas Hewitt Key and Henry Malden, linguists working in the tradition of Friedrich August Rosen. Together they developed the Philological Society, expanding it from a student group to a broad base among London philologists, publishing its own Proceedings. Latham decided to enter the medical profession, in 1842 became a licentiate of the Royal College of Physicians. D. at the University of London. He became lecturer on forensic medicine and materia medica at the Middlesex Hospital, in 1844 he was elected assistant-physician there.
Latham was more interested, however, in philology. In 1849 he resigned his appointments. In 1852 he was given the direction of the ethnological department of The Crystal Palace, as it moved to Sydenham. Latham was a follower of James Cowles Prichard, like Prichard took ethnology to be, in the main, the part of historical philology that traced the origin of races through the genealogical relationships of languages, he lectured in this area. As a baseline he used the three-race theory of Georges Cuvier. Along with Prichard, Latham criticised Cuvier's use of the "Caucasian race" concept. However, he followed in 1854 by writing The Native Races of the Russian Empire. Latham moved on, from Prichard's assumption, that the historical relationships of languages matched the relationships of the groups speaking them. In 1862 he made a prominent protest against the central Asian theory of the origin of the Aryan race, he supported views which were advocated by Theodor Benfey, Isaac Taylor, others. The origin of the Indo-European languages was, in Lithuania.
The controversy over Latham's views on Indo-European languages following his Comparative Philology did permanent damage to his scholarly reputation. Gordon Hake wrote in his memoirs of Latham's habit of asking for money. In 1863 Latham obtained a civil list pension. In life he was afflicted with aphasia, died at Putney on 9 March 1888. In 1841 Latham produced The English Language, he devoted himself to a thorough revision of Samuel Johnson's Dictionary of the English Language, which he completed in 1870. He subsequently spent much time on a Dissertation on the Hamlet of Saxo Grammaticus and of Shakespeare, his works on the English language passed through many editions, were regarded as authoritative till they were superseded by those of Richard Morris and Walter William Skeat. Other works included: An Elementary English Grammar for the Use of Schools, 1843 The Natural History of the Varieties of Mankind, 1850 The Ethnology of the British Colonies and Dependencies, 1851 Man and his Migrations, 1851 The Ethnology of Europe, 1852 The Native Races of the Russian Empire, 1854 On the Varieties of the Human Species, in Orr's Circle of the Sciences vol.
1, 1854 Logic in its Application to Language, 1856 Descriptive Ethnology, 1858 Opuscula: Essays Chiefly Philological and Ethnographical, 1860 A Smaller English Grammar for the Use of Schools, 1861 The Channel Islands, 1862. AttributionThis article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Wood, James, ed.. "article name needed". The Nuttall Encyclopædia. London and New York: Frederick Warne; this article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: "Latham, Robert Gordon". Dictionary of National Biography. London: Smith, Elder & Co. 1885–1900. Works by Robert Gordon Latham at Project Gutenberg Works by or about Robert Gordon Latham at Internet Archive Works by Robert Gordon Latham at LibriVox
Bureau of Indian Affairs
The Bureau of Indian Affairs is an agency of the federal government of the United States within the U. S. Department of the Interior, it is responsible for the administration and management of 55,700,000 acres of land held in trust by the United States for Native Americans in the United States, Native American Tribes and Alaska Natives. The BIA is one of two bureaus under the jurisdiction of the Assistant Secretary for Indian Affairs: the Bureau of Indian Affairs and the Bureau of Indian Education, which provides education services to 48,000 Native Americans; the BIA’s responsibilities included providing health care to American Indians and Alaska Natives. In 1954 that function was transferred to the Department of Health and Welfare, it is now known as the Indian Health Service. Located in Washington, D. C. the BIA is headed by a bureau director. The current assistant secretary is Tara Sweeney; the BIA oversees 567 federally recognized tribes through 4 offices: Office of Indian Services: operates the BIA’s general assistance, disaster relief, Indian child welfare, tribal government, Indian Self-Determination, Indian Reservation Roads Program.
Office of Justice Services: directly operates or funds law enforcement, tribal courts, detention facilities on federal Indian lands. OJS funded 208 law enforcement agencies, consisting of 43 BIA-operated police agencies, 165 tribally operated agencies under contract, or compact with the OJS; the office has seven areas of activity: Criminal Investigations and Police Services, Detention/Corrections, Inspection/Internal Affairs, Tribal Law Enforcement and Special Initiatives, the Indian Police Academy, Tribal Justice Support, Program Management. The OJS provides oversight and technical assistance to tribal law enforcement programs when and where requested, it operates four divisions: Corrections, Drug Enforcement, the Indian Police Academy, Law Enforcement. Office of Trust Services: works with tribes and individual American Indians and Alaska Natives in the management of their trust lands and resources; the Office of Field Operations: oversees 12 regional offices. Agencies to relate to Native Americans had existed in the U.
S. government since 1775, when the Second Continental Congress created a trio of Indian-related agencies. Benjamin Franklin and Patrick Henry were appointed among the early commissioners to negotiate treaties with Native Americans to obtain their neutrality during the American Revolutionary War. In 1789, the U. S. Congress placed Native American relations within the newly formed War Department. By 1806 the Congress had created a Superintendent of Indian Trade, or "Office of Indian Trade" within the War Department, charged with maintaining the factory trading network of the fur trade; the post was held by Thomas L. McKenney from 1816 until the abolition of the factory system in 1822; the government licensed traders to have some control in Indian territories and gain a share of the lucrative trade. The abolition of the factory system left a vacuum within the U. S. government regarding Native American relations. The Bureau of Indian Affairs was formed on March 11, 1824, by Secretary of War John C.
Calhoun, who created the agency as a division within his department, without authorization from the United States Congress. He appointed McKenney as the first head of the office. McKenney preferred to call it the "Indian Office", whereas the current name was preferred by Calhoun. In 1832 Congress established the position of Commissioner of Indian Affairs. In 1849 Indian Affairs was transferred to the U. S. Department of the Interior. In 1869, Ely Samuel Parker was the first Native American to be appointed as commissioner of Indian affairs. One of the most controversial policies of the Bureau of Indian Affairs was the late 19th to early 20th century decision to educate native children in separate boarding schools, with an emphasis on assimilation that prohibited them from using their indigenous languages and cultures, it emphasized being educated to European-American culture. The bureau was renamed from Office of Indian Affairs to Bureau of Indian Affairs in 1947. With the rise of American Indian activism in the 1960s and 1970s and increasing demands for enforcement of treaty rights and sovereignty, the 1970s were a turbulent period of BIA history.
The rise of activist groups such as the American Indian Movement worried the U. S. government. As a branch of the U. S. government with personnel on Indian reservations, BIA police were involved in political actions such as: The occupation of BIA headquarters in Washington, D. C. in 1972: On November 3, 1972, a group of around 500 American Indians with the AIM took over the BIA building, the culmination of their Trail of Broken Treaties walk. They intended to bring attention to American Indian issues, including their demands for renewed negotiation of treaties, enforcement of treaty rights and improvement in living standards, they occupied the Department of Interior headquarters from November 3 to November 9, 1972. Feeling the government was ignoring them, the protesters vandalized the building. After a week, the protesters left. Many records were lost, destroyed or stolen, including irreplaceable treati