The Ancestral Puebloans were an ancient Native American culture that spanned the present-day Four Corners region of the United States, comprising southeastern Utah, northeastern Arizona, northwestern New Mexico, southwestern Colorado. The Ancestral Puebloans are believed to have developed, at least in part, from the Oshara Tradition, who developed from the Picosa culture, they lived in a range of structures that included small family pit houses, larger structures to house clans, grand pueblos, cliff-sited dwellings for defense. The Ancestral Puebloans possessed a complex network that stretched across the Colorado Plateau linking hundreds of communities and population centers, they held a distinct knowledge of celestial sciences. The kiva, a congregational space, used chiefly for ceremonial purposes, was an integral part of this ancient people's community structure. In contemporary times, the people and their archaeological culture were referred to as Anasazi for historical purposes; the Navajo, who were not their descendants, called them by this term.
Reflecting historic traditions, the term was used to mean "ancient enemies". Contemporary Puebloans do not want this term to be used. Archaeologists continue to debate; the current agreement, based on terminology defined by the Pecos Classification, suggests their emergence around the 12th century BC, during the archaeologically designated Early Basketmaker II Era. Beginning with the earliest explorations and excavations, researchers identified Ancestral Puebloans as the forerunners of contemporary Pueblo peoples. Three UNESCO World Heritage Sites located in the United States are credited to the Pueblos: Mesa Verde National Park, Chaco Culture National Historical Park and Taos Pueblo. Pueblo, which means "village" in Spanish, was a term originating with the Spanish explorers who used it to refer to the people's particular style of dwelling; the Navajo people, who now reside in parts of former Pueblo territory, referred to the ancient people as Anaasází, an exonym meaning "ancestors of our enemies", referring to their competition with the Pueblo peoples.
The Navajo now use the term in the sense of referring to "ancient people" or "ancient ones". Hopi people used the term Hisatsinom, to describe the Ancestral Puebloans; the Ancestral Puebloans were one of four major prehistoric archaeological traditions recognized in the American Southwest. This area is sometimes referred to as Oasisamerica in the region defining pre-Columbian southwestern North America; the others are the Mogollon and Patayan. In relation to neighboring cultures, the Ancestral Puebloans occupied the northeast quadrant of the area; the Ancestral Puebloan homeland centers on the Colorado Plateau, but extends from central New Mexico on the east to southern Nevada on the west. Areas of southern Nevada and Colorado form a loose northern boundary, while the southern edge is defined by the Colorado and Little Colorado Rivers in Arizona and the Rio Puerco and Rio Grande in New Mexico. Structures and other evidence of Ancestral Puebloan culture has been found extending east onto the American Great Plains, in areas near the Cimarron and Pecos Rivers and in the Galisteo Basin.
Terrain and resources within this large region vary greatly. The plateau regions have high elevations ranging from 4,500 to 8,500 feet. Extensive horizontal mesas are capped by sedimentary formations and support woodlands of junipers and ponderosa pines, each favoring different elevations. Wind and water erosion have created steep-walled canyons, sculpted windows and bridges out of the sandstone landscape. In areas where resistant strata, such as sandstone or limestone, overlie more eroded strata such as shale, rock overhangs formed; the Ancestral Puebloans favored building under such overhangs for shelters and defensive building sites. All areas of the Ancestral Puebloan homeland suffered from periods of drought, wind and water erosion. Summer rains could be unreliable and arrived as destructive thunderstorms. While the amount of winter snowfall varied the Ancestral Puebloans depended on the snow for most of their water. Snow melt allowed the germination of seeds, both cultivated, in the spring.
Where sandstone layers overlay shale, snow melt could accumulate and create seeps and springs, which the Ancestral Puebloans used as water sources. Snow fed the smaller, more predictable tributaries, such as the Chinle, Animas and Taos Rivers; the larger rivers were less directly important to the ancient culture, as smaller streams were more diverted or controlled for irrigation. The Ancestral Puebloan culture is best known for the stone and earth dwellings its people built along cliff walls during the Pueblo II and Pueblo III eras, from about 900 to 1350 AD in total; the best-preserved examples of the stone dwellings are now protected within United States' national parks, such as Navajo National Monument, Chaco Culture National Historical Park, Mesa Verde National Park, Canyons of the Ancients National Monument, Aztec Ruins National Monument, Bandelier National Monument, Hovenweep National Monument, Canyon de Chelly National Monument. These villages, called pueblos by Spanish colonists, were accessible only by rope or through rock climbing.
These astonishing building achievements had modest beginnings. The first Ancestral Puebloan homes and villages were based on the pit-house, a common feature in the Basketmaker periods. Ancestral Puebloans are known for their pottery. In general, pottery used for cooking or storage in the region was unpainted gray, either smooth or textured. Pottery used for more formal purposes was more richly adorned. In the n
The Pre-Columbian era incorporates all period subdivisions in the history and prehistory of the Americas before the appearance of significant European influences on the American continent, spanning the time of the original settlement in the Upper Paleolithic period to European colonization during the Early Modern period. While the phrase "pre-Columbian era" refers only to the time preceding Christopher Columbus's voyages of 1492, in practice the phrase is used to denote the entire history of indigenous Americas cultures until those cultures were exterminated, diminished, or extensively altered by Europeans if this happened decades or centuries after Columbus's first landing. For this reason the alternative terms of Precontact Americas, Pre-Colonial Americas or Prehistoric Americas are in use. In areas of Latin America the term used is Pre-Hispanic. Many pre-Columbian civilizations established hallmarks which included permanent settlements, agriculture and monumental architecture, major earthworks, complex societal hierarchies.
Some of these civilizations had long faded by the time of the first permanent European colonies and the arrival of enslaved Africans, are known only through archaeological investigations and oral history. Other civilizations were contemporary with the colonial period and were described in European historical accounts of the time. A few, such as the Maya civilization, had their own written records; because many Christian Europeans of the time viewed such texts as heretical, men like Diego de Landa destroyed many texts in pyres while seeking to preserve native histories. Only a few hidden documents have survived in their original languages, while others were transcribed or dictated into Spanish, giving modern historians glimpses of ancient culture and knowledge. Indigenous American cultures continue to evolve after the pre-Columbian era. Many of these peoples and their descendants continue traditional practices while evolving and adapting new cultural practices and technologies into their lives.
Before the development of archaeology in the 19th century, historians of the pre-Columbian period interpreted the records of the European conquerors and the accounts of early European travelers and antiquaries. It was not until the nineteenth century that the work of men such as John Lloyd Stephens, Eduard Seler and Alfred P. Maudslay, of institutions such as the Peabody Museum of Archaeology and Ethnology of Harvard University, led to the reconsideration and criticism of the European sources. Now, the scholarly study of pre-Columbian cultures is most based on scientific and multidisciplinary methodologies. Asian nomads are thought to have entered the Americas via the Bering Land Bridge, now the Bering Strait and along the coast. Genetic evidence found in Amerindians' maternally inherited mitochondrial DNA supports the theory of multiple genetic populations migrating from Asia. Over the course of millennia, Paleo-Indians spread throughout South America; when the first group of people migrated into the Americas is the subject of much debate.
One of the earliest identifiable cultures was the Clovis culture, with sites dating from some 13,000 years ago. However, older sites dating back to 20,000 years ago have been claimed; some genetic studies estimate the colonization of the Americas dates from between 40,000 and 13,000 years ago. The chronology of migration models is divided into two general approaches; the first is the short chronology theory with the first movement beyond Alaska into the Americas occurring no earlier than 14,000–17,000 years ago, followed by successive waves of immigrants. The second belief is the long chronology theory, which proposes that the first group of people entered the hemisphere at a much earlier date 50,000–40,000 years ago or earlier. Artifacts have been found in both North and South America which have been dated to 14,000 years ago, accordingly humans have been proposed to have reached Cape Horn at the southern tip of South America by this time. In that case, the Eskimo peoples would have arrived separately and at a much date no more than 2,000 years ago, moving across the ice from Siberia into Alaska.
The North American climate was unstable. It stabilized by about 10,000 years ago. Within this time frame pertaining to the Archaic Period, numerous archaeological cultures have been identified; the unstable climate led to widespread migration, with early Paleo-Indians soon spreading throughout the Americas, diversifying into many hundreds of culturally distinct tribes. The Paleo-Indians were hunter-gatherers characterized by small, mobile bands consisting of 20 to 50 members of an extended family; these groups moved from place to place as preferred resources were depleted and new supplies were sought. During much of the Paleo-Indian period, bands are thought to have subsisted through hunting now-extinct giant land animals such as mastodon and ancient bison. Paleo-Indian groups carried a variety of tools; these included distinctive projectile points and knives, as well as less distinctive implements used for butchering and hide processing. The vastness of the North American continent, the variety of its climates, vegetation and landforms, led ancient peoples to coalesce into many distinct linguistic and cultural groups.
This is reflected in the oral histories of the indigenous peoples, described by a wide range of traditional creation stories which say that a given people have been living in a certain territory since the creation of the world. Over the course of thousands of years, paleo-Indian
Rancho Santa Fe, California
Rancho Santa Fe is a census-designated place in San Diego County, United States, within the San Diego metropolitan area. The population was 3,117 at the 2010 census; the CDP is residential with a few shopping blocks, a middle and elementary school, several restaurants. In 1841, Rancho San Dieguito, as it was named, was a Mexican land grant of 8,824 acres from Governor Pío Pico of Alta California to Juan Maria Osuna, the first alcalde of the Pueblo of San Diego. In 1906, the Santa Fe Railway, a subsidiary of the Atchison, Topeka & Santa Fe Railway, purchased the entire land grant to plant a Blue gum eucalyptus tree plantation for use as railroad ties, but the wood proved too soft to hold railroad spikes; the railroad formed the Santa Fe Land Improvement Company to develop a planned community of country estates, 6,200 acres developed from the original Rancho San Dieguito land grant were renamed "Rancho Santa Fe" in 1922. In 1921, architect Lilian Rice, working under Requa and Jackson, was chosen to develop the community's master plan.
Rice worked through to 1927, designing and constructing the village center, as well as several homes. The basics of the original Lilian Rice land plan are in effect to this day, the resulting low density high green space community is unique in Southern California. In 1923, the Santa Fe Land Company constructed a guest house called "La Morada" to house potential land purchasers, it was renamed as "The Inn", when it was purchased by a private owner. From 1937 to 1947, Bing Crosby hosted a golf tournament known as the "Bing Crosby Clambake" at the Rancho Santa Fe Country Club. Crosby's golf tournaments, which included Hollywood celebrities matched against professionals, drew great crowds to the area. After 1947, the tournament was moved to Monterey Peninsula, just outside San Francisco. In 1989, "The Covenant" of Rancho Santa Fe was registered as California Historical Landmark #982 for its status as a historic planned community. In 1997, the religious cult Heaven's Gate committed mass suicide in a rented mansion here.
In 2007, the Witch Fire caused significant damage to Rancho Santa Fe, damaging or destroying over 80 homes. Rancho Santa Fe is located at 33°1′26″N 117°12′0″W. According to the United States Census Bureau, the CDP has a total area of 6.8 square miles. 6.7 square miles of it is land and 0.1 square miles of it is water. According to the Köppen Climate Classification system, Rancho Santa Fe has a warm-summer Mediterranean climate, abbreviated "Csa" on climate maps; the climate of Rancho Santa Fe is, for the most part, typical of the San Diego metropolitan area though its higher elevation and inland location lends itself to larger temperature variations. The 2010 United States Census reported that Rancho Santa Fe had a population of 3,117; the population density was 459.2 people per square mile. The racial makeup of Rancho Santa Fe was 2,910 White, 10 African American, 1 Native American, 87 Asian, 4 Pacific Islander, 45 from other races, 60 from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 176 persons.
The Census reported that 3,117 people lived in households, 0 lived in non-institutionalized group quarters, 0 were institutionalized. There were 1,195 households, out of which 364 had children under the age of 18 living in them, 848 were opposite-sex married couples living together, 62 had a female householder with no husband present, 33 had a male householder with no wife present. There were 23 unmarried opposite-sex partnerships, 9 same-sex married couples or partnerships. 213 households were made up of individuals and 124 had someone living alone, 65 years of age or older. The average household size was 2.61. There were 943 families; the population was spread out with 724 people under the age of 18, 142 people aged 18 to 24, 332 people aged 25 to 44, 1,178 people aged 45 to 64, 741 people who were 65 years of age or older. The median age was 51.3 years. For every 100 females, there were 96.4 males. For every 100 females age 18 and over, there were 93.5 males. There were 1,391 housing units at an average density of 204.9 per square mile, of which 1,010 were owner-occupied, 185 were occupied by renters.
The homeowner vacancy rate was 2.4%. 2,674 people lived in owner-occupied housing units and 443 people lived in rental housing units. The median income for a household in the CDP was $188,859. Males had a median income of over $153,512 versus $71,667 for females; the per capita income for the CDP was $125,367. 3.2% of the population and 2.1% of families were below the poverty line. 2.3% under the age of 18 and 9.6% of those 65 and older were living below the poverty line. As of the census of 2000, there were 3,252 people, 1,204 households, 947 families residing in the CDP; the population density was 476.2 inhabitants per square mile. There were 1,339 housing units at an average density of 196.1 per square mile. The racial makeup of the CDP was 93.33% White, 0.46% African American, 0.15% Native American, 2.77% Asian, 0.06% Pacific Islander, 2.15% from other races, 1.08% from two or more races. Hispanic or Latino of any race were 5.32% of the population. There were 1,204 households out of which 33.1% had children under the age of 18 living with them, 72.4% were married couples living together, 4.3% had a female householder with no husband present, and
In prehistoric archaeology, scrapers are unifacial tools thought to have been used for hideworking and woodworking. Many lithic analysts maintain that the only true scrapers are defined on the base of use-wear, are those that were worked on the distal ends of blades—i.e. "end scrapers". Other scrapers include the so-called "side scrapers" or racloirs, which are made on the longest side of a flake, notched scrapers, which have a cleft on either side that may have been used to attach them to something else. Scrapers are formed by chipping the end of a flake of stone in order to create one sharp side and to keep the rest of the sides dull to facilitate grasping it. Most scrapers are either blade-like in shape; the working edges of scrapers tend to be convex, many have trimmed and dulled lateral edges to facilitate hafting. One important variety of scraper is a scraper shaped much like its namesake; this scraper type is common at Paleo-Indian sites in North America. Scrapers are one of the most varied lithic tools found at archaeological sites.
Due to the vast array of scrapers there are many typologies that scrapers can fall under, including tool size, tool shape, tool base, the number of working edges, edge angle, edge shape, many more. The edge of the scraper, angled is the working edge; this edge is used to soften hides or cleaning the meat off of the hides, in addition to being used for wood work. As the term scraper suggests, this tool was scraped at the hide or wood in order to reach the end goal, they made the scraper to skin animal also. Scrapers tended to be large enough to fit comfortably in the hand and could be used without being mounted on wood or bone. However, it is likely that scrapers were mounted on short handles though it is rare to find mounted scrapers; as scrapers are used they have to be resharpened in order to stay effective. This causes them to get progressively smaller as they are used, used and used again; the majority of the scrapers that are found on sites are ones that have been resharpened and used to the point of being no longer functional.
The two main classifications of scrapers are either end scrapers or side scrapers. End scrapers have working edges on one or both ends of a blade or flake, whereas side scrapers have a working edge along one of the long sides. There are a couple of types of scrapers based on their specific use when it comes to wood and hide or based on the shape and design of the scraper itself; the grattoir is a type of scraper made made of flint and its main uses were to work wood and to clean hides. This type of scraper has its working edge along the long axis of the blade; the nose scraper has a smaller working edge either at both ends or just one end. This type of scraper is used in more fine tuning work; the hollow scraper is a type of scraper that has a notch worked into the end of the scraper. Tool size: This can be determined by either weight or dimensions and divided into either large or small scrapers. Tool shape: There are many different shapes scrapers can be, including rectangular, irregular, domed, or keeled.
In many cases it can be hard to determine the classification for the shape of the scraper. The shape of the scraper is considered diagnostic. Shaping vs. Use Damage: Scrapers are divided between ones that have been purposefully shaped for a specific use and ones that have been shaped due to their use. Tool base: Scrapers are classified based on if they originated from a blade or a flake. Number of working edges: Some scrapers have only one working edge while other scrapers have 2 working edges, it is uncommon for there to be a scraper with three working edges. Edge angle: Some scrapers have vertical working edges while other scrapers have acute working edges. Edge shape: There is distinction between concave and convex working edges on scrapers. Location of functional edges: One of the main distinctions in scrapers, depends on if the working edge is on the end or the side of the scraper. Http://www.archaeologywordsmith.com/lookup.php?category=&where=headword&terms=Scraper http://www.sandiegoarchaeology.org/Laylander/Issues/funct.scraper.htm https://web.archive.org/web/20130525042012/http://www.ou.edu/cas/archsur/OKArtifacts/scrapers.htm
Caborn-Welborn was a prehistoric North American culture defined by archaeologists as a Late Mississippian cultural manifestation that grew out of – or built upon the demise of – the Angel chiefdom located in the territory of southern present-day Indiana. Caborn-Welborn developed around 1400 and seems to have disappeared around 1700; the Caborn-Welborn culture was the last Native American occupation of southern Indiana before European contact. It remains unclear; the Caborn-Welborn culture is a cluster of more than 80 sites located on ridges along the Wabash and Ohio rivers from Geneva, Kentucky to the mouth of the Saline River. Most are concentrated near the confluence of the Wabash rivers; the sites range in size from 0.6 acres to 35 acres for the larger villages. Most sites are located on the higher flood plain ridges situated near sloughs and swamps; the Ohio River floodplain of this region has an extensive system of natural levees which parallel the river, with sloughs and swampy areas in between the levees.
Ashworth Archaeological Site – Located in Posey County and placed on the National Historic Register in 1985. Bone Bank Site – The site was a large village on the Wabash River in Posey County, it was nicknamed "Bone Bank" for the large number of remains of graves washed out of the site in the 19th century. It was established early in the Caborn-Welborn phase, about 1400. Hovey Lake-Klein Archeological Site – The site is located on the west bank of a backwater lake near the Ohio River, it was established about 1400. Murphy Archaeological Site – Located in Posey County and placed on the National Historic Register in 1975. Known as the Sullivan Farm Site and the Mouth-of-the-Wabash Site. Slack Farm Site – A large village near the mouth of the Wabash River in Union County, Kentucky. Welborn Village Archeological Site known as the Murphy's Landing Site – Located in Posey County. An internal temporal subdivision for the Caborn-Welborn culture, based on ceramic decorative attributes and the presence of European trade goods.
Pottery made by the Caborn-Welborn women was built up from strips of clay, smoothed out by the potter, much like other pottery in the Eastern America area, where the potters wheel was unknown. Common vessel shapes include jars, pans and funnels. Most jars tend to have rims with rounded necks and strap handles; the majority of the pottery found at Caborn-Welborn sites are of the kinds known as Mississippian Plain and Bell Plain, which are varieties common to most Mississippian cultures throughout the Ohio and Mississippi River valleys. It was buff colored, contains large fragments of ground mussel shell as a tempering agent, is not as smooth and polished as other varieties. Certain unique kinds of pottery and decorations define the Caborn-Welborn people as distinct from other cultures. Caborn-Welborn Decorated, Kimmswick Fabric Impressed, Kimmswick Plain are varieties which are present in greater frequencies in Caborn-Welborn sites, are hallmarks of the culture. Effigy jars, both of humans and animals, are common in Caborn-Welborn sites.
Some have a human or animal head and sometimes a tail attached to the rim, others are shaped into the forms of heads, with attached clay lugs to represent limbs. Caborn-Welborn Decorated, the most found decorated ceramic style, is characterized by incised or punctated lines on the shoulders of the jar forms. Other less common varieties found are indicative of continuity from preceding Lower Ohio Valley cultures and contact with the wider Mississippian world the Central Mississippi valley and the Oneota culture; these types include Old Town Red, O'Byam Incised/Engraved, Manly Punctate, Angel/Kincaid Negative Painted, Beckwith Incised, Barton Incised, Ranch Incised-Like, Parkin Punctate, Campbell Punctate, Walls Engraved, Vernon Paul Applique. The people of Caborn-Welborn were intensely involved in maize agriculture, as well as other food crops originating in the Americas, such as beans, squash and gourds; the addition of beans to their diet came after the demise of the Angel Phase peoples thought to have preceded the Caborn-Welborn.
It would have been a valuable source of protein to add to their maize-rich diet. Maize lacks the amino acids lysine and tryptophan, which the body needs to make proteins and niacin, but beans contain both, they collected local wild foodstuffs, including a variety of nuts such as hickory, black walnut and acorns, as well as fleshy fruits and berries such as persimmon and plums. The hunting of whitetail deer, squirrel, turkey and beaver added vital protein to their diet. But, unlike other Mississippian peoples in the central Mississippi Valley, they did not eat quantities of fish and waterfowl as part of their diet. By the final phase of Caborn-Welborn culture, European trade items began to be included among grave goods; these included copper and brass tubes, glass beads, bracelets. This is not indicative of direct European contact, however; the items could have made their way to the Caborn-Welborn area by the native traders along the routes which had brought exotic materials such as marine shells and native copper from other regions to the area for centuries.
But with the traders contracted and carried European diseases such as smallpox and measles, which penetrated the American continents far in advance of European-manned expeditions. With little or no immunity to the new European diseases, many Native cultures died or were disrupted before the Europeans made direct physical contact with them. The
Coles Creek culture
Coles Creek culture is a Late Woodland archaeological culture in the Lower Mississippi valley in the southern United States. It followed the Troyville culture; the period marks a significant change in the cultural history of the area. Population increased and there is strong evidence of a growing cultural and political complexity by the end of the Coles Creek sequence. Although many of the classic traits of chiefdom societies are not yet manifested, by 1000 CE the formation of simple elite polities had begun. Coles Creek sites are found in Arkansas and Mississippi, it is considered ancestral to the Plaquemine culture. The Coles Creek culture is an indigenous development of the Lower Mississippi Valley that took place between the terminal Woodland period and the Plaquemine culture period; the period is marked by the increased use of flat-topped platform mounds arranged around central plazas, more complex political institutions, a subsistence strategy still grounded in the Eastern Agricultural Complex and hunting rather than on the maize plant as would happen in the succeeding Plaquemine Mississippian period.
The culture was defined by the unique decoration on grog-tempered ceramic ware by James A. Ford after his investigations at the Mazique Archeological Site, he had studied both the Mazique and Coles Creek Sites, went with the Mazique culture, but decided on the less involved sites name. The Coles Creak area is further subdivided into Coles Creek proper in the northern part of its range throughout the interior Mississippi Valley, Coastal Coles Creek, being found along the Gulf coast south of the latitude of modern Baton Rouge, Louisiana. Although earlier cultures built mounds as a part of mortuary customs, by the Coles Creek period these mounds took on a newer shape and function. Instead of being for burial, mounds were constructed to support temples and other civic structures. Pyramidal mounds with flat tops and ramps were constructed over successive years and with many layers. A temple or other structures of wattle and daub construction, would be built on the summit of the mound. A typical Coles Creek site plan consisted of at least two, more three, mounds around a central plaza.
This pattern emerged in 800 CE and continued for several hundred years. By late Coles Creek times, the site plans are enlarged to include up to three more mounds. Sites typical of this period are Mount Nebo, Holly Bluff, Kings Crossing, Lake Agnes. Many Coles Creek mounds were erected over earlier mortuary mounds, leading researchers to speculate that emerging elites were symbolically and physically appropriating dead ancestors to emphasize and project their own authority. Long-distance trade seems to have been negligible at this time, as exotic goods and trade items are rare in Coles Creek sites. There is little evidence of domesticated or cultivated plants until the end of the Coles Creek period. Acorns are a dominant food source, supplemented with persimmons and some starchy seeds such as maygrass. Coles Creek populations may have loosely "managed" certain plant resources in order to promote a better or more consistent food supply. Maize is found in limited quantities, but by 1000-1200 CE had begun to increase, although nowhere near the levels it would reach in Mississippian culture times.
The bow and arrow was introduced in this period. Pottery styles changed during this period, as people began to create more durable wares with more diversified uses. Wet clay was tempered with particles of dry clay to prevent cracking during firing. Most pots were decorated only on the upper half with designs of incised lines or impressed tool marks. Colors ranged from tan, black and gray, although the rare red example is known; the rare effigy pot is found. Plum Bayou culture Culture and chronological table for the Mississippi Valley Hudson, Charles M. Knights of Spain, Warriors of the Sun: Hernando De Soto and the South's Ancient Chiefdoms, University of Georgia Press, 1997. ISBN 0-8203-1888-4 R. Barry Lewis and Charles Stout, editors. "Mississippian Towns and Sacred Spaces", University of Alabama Press, 1998. ISBN 0-8173-0947-0 Southeastern Prehistory - Late Woodland Period