Agriculture is the science and art of cultivating plants and livestock. Agriculture was the key development in the rise of sedentary human civilization, whereby farming of domesticated species created food surpluses that enabled people to live in cities; the history of agriculture began thousands of years ago. After gathering wild grains beginning at least 105,000 years ago, nascent farmers began to plant them around 11,500 years ago. Pigs and cattle were domesticated over 10,000 years ago. Plants were independently cultivated in at least 11 regions of the world. Industrial agriculture based on large-scale monoculture in the twentieth century came to dominate agricultural output, though about 2 billion people still depended on subsistence agriculture into the twenty-first. Modern agronomy, plant breeding, agrochemicals such as pesticides and fertilizers, technological developments have increased yields, while causing widespread ecological and environmental damage. Selective breeding and modern practices in animal husbandry have increased the output of meat, but have raised concerns about animal welfare and environmental damage.
Environmental issues include contributions to global warming, depletion of aquifers, antibiotic resistance, growth hormones in industrial meat production. Genetically modified organisms are used, although some are banned in certain countries; the major agricultural products can be broadly grouped into foods, fibers and raw materials. Food classes include cereals, fruits, meat, milk and eggs. Over one-third of the world's workers are employed in agriculture, second only to the service sector, although the number of agricultural workers in developed countries has decreased over the centuries; the word agriculture is a late Middle English adaptation of Latin agricultūra, from ager, "field", which in its turn came from Greek αγρός, cultūra, "cultivation" or "growing". While agriculture refers to human activities, certain species of ant and ambrosia beetle cultivate crops. Agriculture is defined with varying scopes, in its broadest sense using natural resources to "produce commodities which maintain life, including food, forest products, horticultural crops, their related services".
Thus defined, it includes arable farming, animal husbandry and forestry, but horticulture and forestry are in practice excluded. The development of agriculture enabled the human population to grow many times larger than could be sustained by hunting and gathering. Agriculture began independently in different parts of the globe, included a diverse range of taxa, in at least 11 separate centres of origin. Wild grains were eaten from at least 105,000 years ago. From around 11,500 years ago, the eight Neolithic founder crops and einkorn wheat, hulled barley, lentils, bitter vetch, chick peas and flax were cultivated in the Levant. Rice was domesticated in China between 11,500 and 6,200 BC with the earliest known cultivation from 5,700 BC, followed by mung and azuki beans. Sheep were domesticated in Mesopotamia between 11,000 years ago. Cattle were domesticated from the wild aurochs in the areas of modern Turkey and Pakistan some 10,500 years ago. Pig production emerged in Eurasia, including Europe, East Asia and Southwest Asia, where wild boar were first domesticated about 10,500 years ago.
In the Andes of South America, the potato was domesticated between 10,000 and 7,000 years ago, along with beans, llamas and guinea pigs. Sugarcane and some root vegetables were domesticated in New Guinea around 9,000 years ago. Sorghum was domesticated in the Sahel region of Africa by 7,000 years ago. Cotton was domesticated in Peru by 5,600 years ago, was independently domesticated in Eurasia. In Mesoamerica, wild teosinte was bred into maize by 6,000 years ago. Scholars have offered multiple hypotheses to explain the historical origins of agriculture. Studies of the transition from hunter-gatherer to agricultural societies indicate an initial period of intensification and increasing sedentism. Wild stands, harvested started to be planted, came to be domesticated. In Eurasia, the Sumerians started to live in villages from about 8,000 BC, relying on the Tigris and Euphrates rivers and a canal system for irrigation. Ploughs appear in pictographs around 3,000 BC. Farmers grew wheat, vegetables such as lentils and onions, fruits including dates and figs.
Ancient Egyptian agriculture relied on its seasonal flooding. Farming started in the predynastic period at the end of the Paleolithic, after 10,000 BC. Staple food crops were grains such as wheat and barley, alongside industrial crops such as flax and papyrus. In India, wheat and jujube were domesticated by 9,000 BC, soon followed by sheep and goats. Cattle and goats were domesticated in Mehrgarh culture by 8,000–6,000 BC. Cotton was cultivated by the 5th-4th millennium BC. Archeological evidence indicates an animal-drawn plough from 2,500 BC in the Indus Valley Civilisation. In China, from the 5th century BC there was a nationwide granary system and widespread silk farming. Water-powered grain mills were in use followed by irrigation. By the late 2nd century, heavy ploughs had been developed with iron mouldboards; these spread westwards across Eurasia. Asian rice was domesticated 8,200–13,500 years ago – depending on the molecular clock estimate, used – on the Pearl River in southern China with a single genetic origin from the wild rice Oryza rufipogon
Yiddish is the historical language of the Ashkenazi Jews. It originated during the 9th century in Central Europe, providing the nascent Ashkenazi community with a High German-based vernacular fused with elements taken from Hebrew and Aramaic as well as from Slavic languages and traces of Romance languages. Yiddish is written with a vocalized version of the Hebrew alphabet; the earliest surviving references date from the 12th century and call the language לשון־אַשכּנז or טײַטש, a variant of tiutsch, the contemporary name for Middle High German. Colloquially, the language is sometimes called מאַמע־לשון, distinguishing it from לשון־קודש, meaning Hebrew and Aramaic; the term "Yiddish", short for Yidish Taitsh, did not become the most used designation in the literature until the 18th century. In the late 19th and into the 20th century the language was more called "Jewish" in non-Jewish contexts, but "Yiddish" is again the more common designation today. Modern Yiddish has two major forms. Eastern Yiddish is far more common today.
It includes Southeastern and Northeastern dialects. Eastern Yiddish differs from Western both by its far greater size and by the extensive inclusion of words of Slavic origin. Western Yiddish is divided into Southwestern and Northwestern dialects. Yiddish is used in a number of Haredi Jewish communities worldwide; the term "Yiddish" is used in the adjectival sense, synonymously with "Jewish", to designate attributes of Yiddishkeit. Prior to the Holocaust, there were 11–13 million speakers of Yiddish among 17 million Jews worldwide. 85% of the 6 million Jews who died in the Holocaust were Yiddish speakers, leading to a massive decline in the use of the language. Assimilation following World War II and aliyah, immigration to Israel, further decreased the use of Yiddish both among survivors and among Yiddish-speakers from other countries. However, the number of speakers is increasing in Hasidic communities; the established view is that, as with other Jewish languages, Jews speaking distinct languages learned new co-territorial vernaculars, which they Judaized.
In the case of Yiddish, this scenario sees it as emerging when speakers of Zarphatic and other Judeo-Romance languages began to acquire varieties of Middle High German, from these groups the Ashkenazi community took shape. What German base lies behind the earliest form of Yiddish is disputed. In Max Weinreich's model, Jewish speakers of Old French or Old Italian who were literate in either liturgical Hebrew or Aramaic, or both, migrated through Southern Europe to settle in the Rhine Valley in an area known as Lotharingia extending over parts of Germany and France. Both Weinreich and Solomon Birnbaum developed this model further in the mid-1950s. In Weinreich's view, this Old Yiddish substrate bifurcated into two distinct versions of the language and Eastern Yiddish, they retained the Semitic vocabulary and constructions needed for religious purposes and created a Judeo-German form of speech, sometimes not accepted as a autonomous language. Linguistic research has finessed the Weinreich model or provided alternative approaches to the language's origins, with points of contention being the characterization of its Germanic base, the source of its Hebrew/Aramaic adstrata, the means and location of this fusion.
Some theorists argue. The two main candidates for the germinal matrix of Yiddish, the Rhineland and Bavaria, are not incompatible. There may have been parallel developments in the two regions, seeding the Western and Eastern dialects of Modern Yiddish. Dovid Katz proposes that Yiddish emerged from contact between speakers of High German and Aramaic-speaking Jews from the Middle East; the lines of development proposed by the different theories do not rule out the others. In more recent work, Wexler has argued that Eastern Yiddish is unrelated genetically to Western Yiddish. Wexler's model has met with little academic support, strong critical challenges among historical linguists. By the 10th century, a distinctive Jewish culture had formed in Central Europe which came to be called אַשכּנזי Ashkenazi, "Ashkenazi Jews, from Hebrew: אַשכּנז Ashkenaz, the medieval Hebrew name for northern Europe and Germany. Ashkenaz was centered on the Rhineland and the Palatinate, in what is now the westernmost part of Germany.
Its geographic extent did not
The Epipaleolithic Natufian culture existed from around 12,000 to 9,500 BC or 13,050 to 7,550 BC in the Levant, a region in the Eastern Mediterranean. The culture was unusual in that it supported a sedentary or semi-sedentary population before the introduction of agriculture; the Natufian communities may be the ancestors of the builders of the first Neolithic settlements of the region, which may have been the earliest in the world. Natufians founded Jericho; some evidence suggests deliberate cultivation of cereals rye, by the Natufian culture, at Tell Abu Hureyra, the site of earliest evidence of agriculture in the world. The world's oldest evidence of bread-making has been found at Shubayqa 1, a 14,500 year old site in Jordan's northeastern desert. In addition, the oldest known evidence of beer, dating to 13,000 BP, was found at the Raqefet Cave in the Mount Carmel near Haifa in Israel, in which it was used by the semi-nomadic Natufians for ritual feasting. Though, Natufians exploited wild cereals.
Animals hunted included gazelles. According to Christy G. Turner II, there is archaeological and physical anthropological evidence for a relationship between the modern Semitic-speaking populations of the Levant, Persian Gulf and the Natufians. Archaeogenetics have revealed derivation of Levantines from Natufians, besides substantial admixture from Chalcholithic Anatolians. Dorothy Garrod coined the term Natufian based on her excavations at Shuqba cave located in the western Judean Mountains; the Natufian culture was discovered by British archaeologist Dorothy Garrod during her excavations of Shuqba cave in the Judaean Hills. Prior to the 1930s, the majority of archaeological work taking place in British Palestine was biblical archaeology focused on historic periods, little was known about the region's prehistory. In 1928, Garrod was invited by the British School of Archaeology in Jerusalem to excavate Shuqba cave, where prehistoric stone tools had been discovered by a French priest named Alexis Mallon four years earlier.
She discovered a layer sandwiched between the Upper Palaeolithic and Bronze Age deposits characterised by the presence of microliths. She identified this with the Mesolithic, a transitional period between the Palaeolithic and the Neolithic, well-represented in Europe but had not yet been found in the Near East. A year when she discovered similar material at el-Wad Terrace, Garrod suggested the name the Natufian culture", after Wadi an-Natuf that ran close to Shuqba. Over the next two decades Garrod found Natufian material at several of her pioneering excavations in the Mount Carmel region, including el-Wad and Tabun, as did the French archaeologist René Neuville establishing the Natufian culture in the regional prehistoric chronology; as early as 1931, both Garrod and Neuville drew attention to the presence of stone sickles in Natufian assemblages and the possibility that this represented a early agriculture. Radiocarbon dating places the Natufian culture at an epoch from the terminal Pleistocene to the beginning of the Holocene, a time period between 12,500 and 9,500 BC.
The period is split into two subperiods: Early Natufian and Late Natufian. The Late Natufian most occurred in tandem with the Younger Dryas; the Levant hosts more than a hundred kinds of cereals, fruits and other edible parts of plants, the flora of the Levant during the Natufian period was not the dry and thorny landscape of today, but rather woodland. The Natufian developed in the same region as the earlier Kebaran industry, it is seen as a successor, which evolved out of elements within that preceding culture. There were other industries in the region, such as the Mushabian culture of the Negev and Sinai, which are sometimes distinguished from the Kebaran or believed to have been involved in the evolution of the Natufian. More there has been discussion of the similarities of these cultures with those found in coastal North Africa. Graeme Barker notes there are: "similarities in the respective archaeological records of the Natufian culture of the Levant and of contemporary foragers in coastal North Africa across the late Pleistocene and early Holocene boundary".
According to Isabelle De Groote and Louise Humphrey Natufians practiced the Iberomaurusian and Capsian custom of evulsing the maxillary central incisors. Ofer Bar-Yosef has argued that there are signs of influences coming from North Africa to the Levant, citing the microburin technique and "microlithic forms such as arched backed bladelets and La Mouillah points." But recent research has shown that the presence of arched backed bladelets, La Mouillah points, the use of the microburin technique was apparent in the Nebekian industry of the Eastern Levant. And Maher et al. state that, "Many technological nuances that have been always highlighted as significant during the Natufian were present during the Early and Middle EP and do not, in most cases, represent a radical departure in knowledge, tradition, or behavior."Authors such as Christopher Ehret have built upon the little evidence available to develop scenarios of intensive usage of plants having built up first in North Africa, as a precursor to the development of true farming in the Fertile Crescent, but such suggestions are considered speculative until more North African archaeological evidence can be gathered.
In fact, Weiss et al. have shown that the earliest known intensive usage of plants was in the Levant 23,000 years ago at the Ohalo II site. Anthropologist C. Loring Brace cross-analysed the craniometric traits of Natufian
Q-D-Š is a triconsonantal Semitic root meaning "sacred, holy", derived from a concept central to ancient Semitic religion. From a basic verbal meaning "to consecrate, to purify", it could be used as an adjective meaning "holy", or as a substantive referring to a "sanctuary, sacred object, sacred personnel."The root is reflected as qdš in Northwest Semitic and as qds in Central and South Semitic. In Akkadian texts, the verb conjugated from this root meant to "clean, purify." It was used this way in Ugaritic, as for example, in the words qadšu. In some Ugaritic texts, qdš is used as a divine epithet. For example, the gods are referred to as "the sons of holiness" or "the holy ones", in the Ugaritic Legend of Keret, the hero is described as "the son of El and the offspring of the Benevolent One and qdš ". William Foxwell Albright believed that Qudšu was a common Canaanite appellation for the goddess Asherah, Albright's mentee Frank Moore Cross claimed qdš was used as a divine epithet for both Asherah and the Ugaritic goddess, Athirat.
Johanna Stucky claims. Depictions of a goddess in inscriptions from Dynastic Egypt, thought to Canaanite since she is referred to as Qdš, show a woman in the nude, with curly hair and raised arms carrying lilies and serpents. Qdš is depicted in the pantheon of gods at Memphis, Egypt indicating worship of her as independent deity there; the word qdš appears in the Pyrgi Tablets, a Phoenician text found in Italy that dates back to 500 BCE. Qudšu was used in Jewish Aramaic to refer to God, qudš is the proto-form of the Hebrew word qadōš, meaning "holy". Words derived from the root qdš appear some 830 times in the Hebrew Bible, its use in the Hebrew Bible evokes ideas of separation from the profane, proximity to the Otherness of God, while in nonbiblical Semitic texts, recent interpretations of its meaning link it to ideas of consecration and purification. The Hebrew language is called "The Holy Tongue" in Judaism. In addition, the Hebrew term for the Holy Temple in Jerusalem is Beit Hamikdash, Ir Ha-Kodesh, the latter being one of the tens of Hebrew names for Jerusalem.
Three theological terms that come from this root are Kiddush, sanctification of the Sabbath or a festival with a blessing over wine before the evening and noon meals, the sanctification prayer, mourner's prayer, Kedushah, the responsive section of the reader's repetition of the Amidah. Kedeshah is a word derived from the Q-D-Š root, used in the Hebrew Bible to describe a particular sort of woman. There is debate in modern scholarship over whether a kedeshah was a sacred prostitute, or whether she was some other sort of cultic functionary. While the word zonah meant an ordinary prostitute or loose woman, the word kedeshah means "consecrated female". There are two different words describing places. One is Kedesh, which refers to a Canaanite village first documented in Joshua 20:7 and in 2 Kings 15:29; the other is Kadesh, a place in the south of Ancient Israel, mentioned in Numbers 13:26 and Deuteronomy 2:14. The verb form of Q-D-S in Arabic means "to be holy" or "to be pure, immaculate". Quds can be used as a noun to denote "paradise" or as an adjective meaning "purity" or "holiness".
The definite noun form, al-Quds, is the most common of seventeen Arabic Names of Jerusalem and derives from the Aramaean word for "temple". The Turkish word for Jerusalem, Kudüs, derives from the Arabic name. Two other names for Jerusalem derive from the Q-D-S root: Bayt al-Muqqadas and Bayt al-Maqdis; the wider area around Jerusalem, or the Holy Land, is referred to in Arabic and in Islamic sources as al ard al-muqaddasa, as it is full of shrines and connections to prophets and saints. The Christian Bible is known in Arabic as al-Kitāb al-Muqaddas. Muqaddas in Arabic means not only "holy" and "sacred", but "hallowed, dedicated, consecrated."Al-Quds appears in Arabic as part of a phrase to refer to the Holy Spirit, Rúḥu'l-Quds, with Ruh meaning "spirit". This phrase appears in the Qur'an a number of times, where it is thought to refer in some cases to the angel Gabriel; the concept of Rúḥu'l-Quds is discussed at length by the Sufi mystic, ʻAbd al-Karim al-Jili, who further distinguishes between two other concepts derived from the Q-D-S root in Arabic: qudsi and aqdasi.
The qudsi is one who "unceasingly contemplates the Divine consciousness sirr, his origin" and is "illuminated" by it, whereas the aqdasi is one, united with this Essence. Qudsi is used in Arabic to refer to a Jerusalemite, or a native/resident of Jerusalem, it and its derivatives, such as Maqdisi and al-Muqaddasi are used in Arabic surnames or as appellatives assigned to those who come from or live in Jerusalem. The religious terms Hadith Qudsi and Tafsir Qudsi incorporate qudsi, though in this case it is used as an adjective, rather than a noun or pronoun. Tafsir Qudsi is a form of Quranic commentary, while Hadith Qudsi refers to the "utterances of God through the Prophet", thus enjoying a status higher than that the hadith writings in general, though lower than that of the Qur'an. Other derivatives of Q-D-S in Arabic inclu
Arabic grammar or Arabic language Sciences is the grammar of the Arabic language. Arabic is a Semitic language and its grammar has many similarities with the grammar of other Semitic languages; the article focuses both on the grammar of Literary Arabic and of the colloquial spoken varieties of Arabic. The grammar of the two types is similar in its particulars; the grammar of Classical Arabic is described first, followed by the areas in which the colloquial variants tend to differ. The largest differences between the classical/standard and the colloquial Arabic are the loss of morphological markings of grammatical case. Many Arabic dialects, Maghrebi Arabic in particular have significant vowel shifts and unusual consonant clusters. Unlike other dialects, in Maghrebi Arabic first person singular verbs begin with a n-; the identity of the oldest Arabic grammarian is disputed. The schools of Basra and Kufa further developed grammatical rules in the late 8th century with the rapid rise of Islam. From the school of Basra regarded as being founded by Abu Amr ibn al-Ala, two representatives laid important foundations for the field: Al-Khalil ibn Ahmad al-Farahidi authored the first Arabic dictionary and book of Arabic prosody, his student Sibawayh authored the first book on theories of Arabic grammar.
From the school of Kufa, Al-Ru'asi is universally acknowledged as the founder, though his own writings are considered lost, with most of the school's development undertaken by authors. The efforts of al-Farahidi and Sibawayh consolidated Basra's reputation as the analytic school of grammar, while the Kufan school was regarded as the guardian of Arabic poetry and Arab culture; the differences were polarizing in some cases, with early Muslim scholar Muhammad ibn `Isa at-Tirmidhi favoring the Kufan school due to its concern with poetry as a primary source. Early Arabic grammars were more or less lists of rules, without the detailed explanations which would be added in centuries; the earliest schools were different not only in some of their views on grammatical disputes, but their emphasis. The school of Kufa excelled in Arabic poetry and exegesis of the Qur'an, in addition to Islamic law and Arab genealogy; the more rationalist school of Basra, on the other hand, focused more on the formal study of grammar.
For classical Arabic grammarians, the grammatical sciences are divided into five branches: al-lughah اَللُّغَة concerned with collecting and explaining vocabulary. At-taṣrīf اَلتَّصْرِيف determining the form of the individual words. An-naḥw اَلنَّحْو concerned with inflection. Al-ishtiqāq اَلاشْتِقَاق examining the origin of the words. Al-balāghah اَلْبَلَاغَة which elucidates eloquence; the grammar or grammars of contemporary varieties of Arabic are a different question. Said M. Badawi, an expert on Arabic grammar, divided Arabic grammar into five different types based on the speaker's level of literacy and the degree to which the speaker deviated from Classical Arabic. Badawi's five types of grammar from the most colloquial to the most formal are Illiterate Spoken Arabic, Semi-literate Spoken Arabic, Educated Spoken Arabic, Modern Standard Arabic, Classical Arabic. Classical Arabic has 28 consonantal phonemes, including two semi-vowels, which constitute the Arabic alphabet, it has six vowel phonemes.
These appear depending on the preceding consonant. Short vowels are not represented in the written language, although they may be indicated with diacritics. Word stress varies from one Arabic dialect to another. A rough rule for word-stress in Classical Arabic is that it falls on the penultimate syllable of a word if that syllable is closed, otherwise on the antepenultimate. Hamzat al-waṣl, elidable hamza, is a phonetic object prefixed to the beginning of a word for ease of pronunciation, since Literary Arabic doesn't allow consonant clusters at the beginning of a word. Elidable hamza drops out as a vowel; this word will produce an ending vowel, "helping vowel" to facilitate pronunciation. This short vowel may be, depending on the preceding vowel, a fatḥah, pronounced as /a/. If the preceding word ends in a sukūn, meaning that it is not followed by a short vowel, the hamzat al-waṣl assumes a kasrah /i/; the symbol ـّ indicates consonant doubling. See more in Tashkīl. In Classical Arabic and Modern Standard Arabic and adjectives are declined, according to case, state (definit
Amharic is one of the Ethiopian Semitic languages, which are a subgrouping within the Semitic branch of the Afroasiatic languages. It is spoken as a first language by the Amharas and as a lingua franca by other populations residing in major cities and towns of Ethiopia; the language serves as the official working language of Ethiopia, is the official or working language of several of the states within the Ethiopian federal system. With 21,811,600 total speakers as of 2007, including around 4,000,000 L2 speakers, Amharic is the second-most spoken Semitic language in the world, after Arabic. Amharic is written left-to-right using a system that grew out of the Ge'ez script, called, in Ethiopian Semitic languages, Fidäl, "writing system", "letter", or "character" or abugida, from the first four symbols, which gave rise to the modern linguistic term abugida. There is no agreed way of romanising Amharic into Latin script; the Amharic examples in the sections below use one system, common, though not universal, among linguists specialising in Ethiopian Semitic languages.
Amharic has been the working language of courts, language of trade and everyday communications, the military, the Ethiopian Orthodox Tewahedo Church since the late 12th century and remains the official language of Ethiopia today. As of the 2007 census, Amharic is spoken by 21.6 million native speakers in Ethiopia and 4 million secondary speakers in Ethiopia. Additionally, 3 million emigrants outside of Ethiopia speak the language. Most of the Ethiopian Jewish communities in Ethiopia and Israel speak Amharic. In Washington DC, Amharic became one of the six non-English languages in the Language Access Act of 2004, which allows government services and education in Amharic. Furthermore, Amharic is considered a holy language by the Rastafari religion and is used among its followers worldwide, it is the most spoken language in the Horn of Africa. The Amharic ejective consonants correspond to the Proto-Semitic "emphatic consonants" transcribed with a dot below the letter; the consonant and vowel tables give these symbols in parentheses where they differ from the standard IPA symbols.
The Amharic script is an abugida, the graphemes of the Amharic writing system are called fidel. Each character represents a consonant+vowel sequence, but the basic shape of each character is determined by the consonant, modified for the vowel; some consonant phonemes are written by more than one series of characters: /ʔ/, /s/, /sʼ/, /h/. This is because these fidel represented distinct sounds, but phonological changes merged them; the citation form for each series is the consonant + ä form. The Amharic script is included in Unicode, glyphs are included in fonts available with major operating systems; as in most other Ethiopian Semitic languages, gemination is contrastive in Amharic. That is, consonant length can distinguish words from one another. Gemination is not indicated in Amharic orthography, but Amharic readers do not find this to be a problem; this property of the writing system is analogous to the vowels of Arabic and Hebrew or the tones of many Bantu languages, which are not indicated in writing.
Ethiopian novelist Haddis Alemayehu, an advocate of Amharic orthography reform, indicated gemination in his novel Fǝqǝr Ǝskä Mäqabǝr by placing a dot above the characters whose consonants were geminated, but this practice is rare. Punctuation includes the following: ፠ section mark ፡ word separator ። full stop ፣ comma ፤ semicolon ፥ colon ፦ preface colon ፧ question mark ፨ paragraph separator Simple Amharic sentencesOne may construct simple Amharic sentences by using a subject and a predicate. Here are a few simple sentences: Like most languages, Amharic grammar distinguishes person and gender; this includes personal pronouns such as English I, Amharic እኔ ǝne. As in other Semitic languages, the same distinctions appear in three other places in their grammar. Subject–verb agreementAll Amharic verbs agree with their subjects; because the affixes that signal subject agreement vary with the particular verb tense/aspect/mood, they are not considered to be pronouns and are discussed elsewhere in this article under verb conjugation.
Object pronoun suffixesAmharic verbs have additional morphology that indicates the person and gender of the object of the verb. While morphemes such as -at in this example are sometimes described as signaling object agreement, analogous to subject agreement, they are more thought of as object pronoun suffixes because, unlike the markers of subject agreement, they do not vary with the tense/aspect/mood of the verb. For arguments of the verb other than the subject or the object, there are two separate sets of related suffixes, one with a benefactive meaning, the other with an adversative or locative meaning. Morphemes such as -llat and -bbat in these examples will be referred to in this article as prepositional object pronoun suffixes because they correspond to prepositional phrases such as for her and on her, to distinguish them from the direct object pronoun suffixes such as -at'her'. Possessive suffixesAmharic has a further set of morphemes that are suffixed to nouns, signalling possession: ቤት bet'
Ghil'ad Zuckermann is a linguist and revivalist who works in contact linguistics and the study of language and identity. Zuckermann is professor of Linguistics and Endangered Languages at the University of Adelaide, Australia. Zuckermann was born in Giv'atayim, Israel on 1 June 1971, grew up in Eilat, he attended the United World College of the Adriatic in 1987–1989. He did his military service in the Israel Defense Forces in an elite cyberwarfare unit. In 1997 he received an M. A. in Linguistics at the Adi Lautman Interdisciplinary Programme for Outstanding Students of Tel Aviv University. In 1997–2000 he was Scatcherd European Scholar of the University of Oxford and Denise Skinner Graduate Scholar at St Hugh's College, receiving a D. Phil. in 2000. As Gulbenkian Research Fellow at Churchill College, Cambridge, he was affiliated with the Department of Linguistics, Faculty of Modern and Medieval Studies, University of Cambridge, he received a titular Ph. D. from the University of Cambridge in 2003.
He taught at the University of Cambridge, University of Queensland, National University of Singapore, Shanghai Jiao Tong University, East China Normal University, University of Miami, Ben-Gurion University of the Negev and University of Pavol Jozef Šafárik. In 2010-2015 he was China's Ivy League Project 211 Distinguished Visiting Professor, "Shanghai Oriental Scholar" professorial fellow, at Shanghai International Studies University, he was Australian Research Council Discovery Fellow in 2007–2011 and was awarded research fellowships at the Rockefeller Foundation's Bellagio Study and Conference Center. He won a British Academy Research Grant, Memorial Foundation of Jewish Culture Postdoctoral Fellowship, Harold Hyam Wingate Scholarship and Chevening Scholarship. Zuckermann is professor of Linguistics and Endangered Languages at the University of Adelaide, he is elected member of the Australian Institute of Aboriginal and Torres Strait Islander Studies and the Foundation for Endangered Languages.
He serves as Editorial Board member of the Journal of Language Contact, consultant for the Oxford English Dictionary, expert witness in lexicography and linguistics. He is President of the Australian Association for Jewish Studies, he was President of the Australasian Association of Lexicography in 2013-2015. In 2017 Zuckermann was awarded a five-year research project grant from the National Health and Medical Research Council "to explore the effects of Indigenous language reclamation on social and emotional wellbeing". Zuckermann is a hyperpolyglot. Zuckermann applies insights from the Hebrew revival to the revitalization of Aboriginal languages in Australia. According to Yuval Rotem, the ambassador of the State of Israel to the Commonwealth of Australia, Zuckermann's "passion for the reclamation and empowerment of Aboriginal languages and culture inspired and was indeed the driving motivator of" the establishment of the Allira Aboriginal Knowledge IT Centre in Dubbo, New South Wales, Australia, on 2 September 2010.
He proposes "Native Tongue Title", compensation for language loss, because "linguicide" results in "loss of cultural autonomy, loss of spiritual and intellectual sovereignty, loss of soul". He uses the term sleeping beauty to refer to a no-longer spoken language and urges Australia "to define the 330 Aboriginal languages, most of them sleeping beauties, as the official languages of their region", to introduce bilingual signs and thus change the linguistic landscape of the country. "So, for example, Port Lincoln should be referred to as Galinyala, its original Barngarla name." His edX MOOC Language Revival: Securing the Future of Endangered Languages has had 11,043 learners from 185 countries. Zuckermann proposes a controversial hybrid theory of the emergence of Israeli Hebrew according to which Hebrew and Yiddish "acted equally" as the "primary contributors" to Modern Hebrew. Scholars including Yiddish linguist Dovid Katz, adopt Zuckermann's term "Israeli" and accept his notion of hybridity.
Others, for example author and translator Hillel Halkin, oppose Zuckermann's model. In an article published on 24 December 2004 in The Jewish Daily Forward, pseudonymous column "Philologos", Halkin accused Zuckermann of political agenda. Zuckermann's response was published on 28 December 2004 in The Mendele Review: Yiddish Literature and Language; as described by Reuters in a 2006 article, "Zuckermann's lectures are packed, with the cream of Israeli academia invariably looking uncertain on whether to endorse his innovative streak or rise to the defense of the mother tongue." According to Omri Herzog, Zuckermann "is considered by his Israeli colleagues either a genius or a provocateur". "In 2011 Zuckermann contacted the Barngarla community about helping to revive and reclaim the Barngarla language. This request was eagerly accepted by the Barngarla people and language reclamation workshops began in Port Lincoln and Port Augusta in 2012"; the reclamation is based on 170-year-old documents. Zuckermann is the founder and convener o