Ezeiza, Buenos Aires
Ezeiza is the capital city of the Ezeiza Partido within the Greater Buenos Aires area in Argentina. The city had a population of 160,219 in 2010. Ezeiza is one of the fastest-growing cities in Argentina. Ezeiza and its surroundings is an affluent area. Inhabited by the Querandí people, the land was first claimed by the Conquistadores in 1588; the first estancia and chapel in the area were founded by Juan Guillermo González y Aragón in 1758. Gerónimo Ezeiza bought land nearby in 1767, by the late 19th century his descendant José María Ezeiza became the largest landowner in the area. Following his death, Ezeiza's son-in-law donated land to the Buenos Aires Western Railway, the town was founded around the new line on July 17, 1885. Dairy farming dominated the Ezeiza landscape during the early 20th century; the town was chosen as the site of the nation's first international airport, inaugurated on the northern end of the city in 1949. The National Atomic Energy Commission established the Ezeiza Atomic Center, a leading producer of radioisotopes for medical use, in 1967.
The freeway was scene of the Ezeiza Massacre, in which at least 13 died in clashes between left and right-wing Peronists vying for the best vantage points from which to view the motorcade for exiled former President Juan Perón upon his return to Argentina on June 20, 1973. Ezeiza grew afterward as a bedroom community, a number of gated communities were developed from the 1990s onward; the Bosques de Ezeiza are an important tourist attraction for the area. Other important institutions include the Dr. Alberto Eurnekian Hospital, the Provincial University of Ezeiza - which opened its doors in 2012 as the first university dedicated to aeronautics in Latin America. Part of Esteban Echeverría Partido since its establishment in 1913, Ezeiza was made the seat of its namesake county upon its own establishment in 1994. A new, postmodern city hall was inaugurated in 2007. Information from the ministry of internal affairs Ezeiza portal
Vicente Solano Lima
Vicente Solano Lima was a moderately conservative newspaper publisher and politician who served as Vice President of Argentina from May 25, 1973 to July 13, 1973. Born in Ramallo, Buenos Aires, Solano Lima joined the Popular Conservative Party while enrolled in the University of La Plata, he earned a law degree in 1921 and became a provincial legislator in 1925, serving in the Lower House of the Argentine Congress on two occasions as a center-right National Democratic Party member. Solano Lima purchased an ailing San Nicolás de los Arroyos newspaper, El Norte, in 1928. Becoming a market leader in northeastern Buenos Aires Province, El Norte became a forum for the National Democrats, who enjoyed majorities in Congress during most of the 1930s; the election of laborioust leader Juan Perón to the Presidency in 1946 resulted in the daily's closure in 1948. Following Perón's 1955 overthrow, the National Democrats' staunchly anti-Peronist stance led Solano Lima to join Senator Alberto Fonrouge in his break from the party, co-founding the Popular Conservative Party in 1958.
Supporting a policy of rapproachment with the exiled Perón, the Popular Conservatives joined the banned Peronists in a joint Popular Front for the 1963 elections, for which he accepted the nomination for the Presidency. The ban on Peronism was rescinded ahead by President Alejandro Lanusse ahead of his call for new elections in 1973, the Popular Conservatives endorsed Perón's stand-in, Héctor Cámpora. Despite his conservative affiliation, Solano Lima was nominated as the leftist Cámpora's running-mate, the ticket sailed to victory on March 11. Taking office on May 25, Solano Lima focused his attention on helping increase university enrollment among the working and lower classes in Argentina, he joined President Cámpora in Juan Perón's retinue on the leader's June 20 return from exile in Madrid. The confrontation and differences between Cámpora and Perón's leading right-wing advisor, José López Rega, caused Solano Lima to resign as Vice-President on July 13, leading Cámpora to do likewise. Suffering from worsening asthma, Solano Lima considered retirement in Spain, but was persuaded by Perón to stay on as Chief of Staff when the latter was elected President on snap elections in September.
Perón appointed him Rector of the University of Buenos Aires in March 1974, though the president's death that July led to Solano Lima's retirement from public life, days later. Returning to San Nicolás, he joined a number of friends in a law practice, granted numerous interviews in subsequent years. Solano Lima: el ilustre olvidado
Juan Domingo Perón was an Argentine Army general and politician. After serving in several government positions, including Minister of Labor and Vice President, he was elected President of Argentina three times, serving from June 1946 to September 1955, when he was overthrown in a coup d'état, from October 1973 until his death in July 1974. During his first presidential term, Perón was supported by his second wife, Eva Duarte, they were immensely popular among many Argentines. Eva died in 1952, Perón was elected to a second term, serving from 1952 until 1955. During the following period of two military dictatorships, interrupted by two civilian governments, the Peronist party was outlawed and Perón was exiled; when the left-wing Peronist Héctor José Cámpora was elected President in 1973, Perón returned to Argentina and was soon after elected President for a third time. His third wife, María Estela Martínez, known as Isabel Perón, was elected as Vice President on his ticket and succeeded him as President upon his death in 1974.
Although they are still controversial figures and Evita Perón are nonetheless considered icons by the Peronists. The Peróns' followers praised their efforts to eliminate poverty and to dignify labour, while their detractors considered them demagogues and dictators; the Peróns gave their name to the political movement known as Peronism, which in present-day Argentina is represented by the Justicialist Party. Peronism is a political phenomenon that draws support from both the political left and political right. Peronism is not considered a traditional party, but a political movement, because of the wide variety of people who call themselves Peronists, there is great controversy surrounding his personality. A number of following Argentinian presidents are considered Peronists, including administrations covering a majority of the democratic era: Héctor Cámpora, Isabel Perón, Adolfo Rodríguez Saá, Eduardo Duhalde, Néstor Kirchner and Cristina Kirchner. Juan Domingo Perón was born in Lobos, Buenos Aires Province, on 8 October 1895.
He was the son of Mario Tomás Perón. The Perón branch of his family was Spanish, but settled in Spanish Sardinia, from which his great-grandfather emigrated in the 1830s, he had Spanish and French Basque ancestry. Perón's great-grandfather became a successful shoe merchant in Buenos Aires, his grandfather was a prosperous physician; the couple had their two sons out of wedlock and married in 1901. His father moved to the Patagonia region that year, where he purchased a sheep ranch. Juan himself was sent away in 1904 to a boarding school in Buenos Aires directed by his paternal grandmother, where he received a strict Catholic upbringing, his father's undertaking failed, he died in Buenos Aires in 1928. The youth entered the National Military College in 1911 at age 16 and graduated in 1913, he excelled less in his studies than in athletics boxing and fencing. Perón began his military career in an Infantry post in Entre Ríos, he went on to command the post, in this capacity mediated a prolonged labor conflict in 1920 at La Forestal a leading firm in forestry in Argentina.
He earned instructor's credentials at the Superior War School, in 1929 was appointed to the Army General Staff Headquarters. Perón married his first wife, Aurelia Tizón, on 5 January 1929. Perón was recruited by supporters of the director of the War Academy, General José Félix Uriburu, to collaborate in the latter's plans for a military coup against President Hipólito Yrigoyen. Perón, who instead supported General Agustín Justo, was banished to a remote post in northwestern Argentina after Uriburu's successful coup in September 1930, he was promoted to the rank of Major the following year and named to the faculty at the Superior War School, where he taught military history and published a number of treatises on the subject. He served as military attaché in the Argentine Embassy in Chile from 1936 to 1938, returned to his teaching post, his wife was diagnosed with uterine cancer that year, died on 10 September at age 30. Perón was assigned by the War Ministry to study mountain warfare in the Italian Alps in 1939.
He attended the University of Turin for a semester and served as a military observer in countries across Europe. He studied Benito Mussolini's Italian Fascism, Nazi Germany, other European governments of the time, concluding in his summary, Apuntes de historia militar, that social democracy could be a viable alternative to liberal democracy or totalitarian regimes, he returned to Argentina in 1941, served as an Army skiing instructor in Mendoza Province. In 1943 a coup d'état was led by General Arturo Rawson against conservative President Ramón Castillo, fraudulently elected to office; the military was opposed to Governor Robustiano Patrón Costas, Castillo's hand-picked successor, the principal landowner in Salta Province, as well as a main stockholder in its sugar industry. As a colonel and his power of premier minister, Perón took a significant part in the military coup by the GOU against the conservative civilian government of Castillo. At first an assistant to Secretary of War General Edelmiro Farrell, under the administration of General Pe
Salvador Guillermo Allende Gossens was a Chilean democratic socialist politician and physician, President of Chile from 1970 until 1973, head of the Popular Unity political coalition government. Allende's involvement in Chilean political life spanned a period of nearly forty years, having covered the posts of senator and cabinet minister; as a life-long committed member of the Socialist Party of Chile, whose foundation he had contributed to, he unsuccessfully ran for the national presidency in the 1952, 1958, 1964 elections. In 1970, he won the presidency in a close three-way race, he was elected in a run-off by Congress. On 11 September 1973, the military moved to oust Allende in a coup d'état supported by the United States Central Intelligence Agency; as troops surrounded La Moneda Palace, he gave his last speech vowing not to resign. That day, Allende committed suicide with an assault rifle, according to an investigation conducted by a Chilean court with the assistance of international experts in 2011.
Following Allende's death, General Augusto Pinochet refused to return authority to a civilian government, Chile was ruled by a military junta, in power up until 1990, ending more than four decades of uninterrupted democratic rule. The military junta that took over dissolved the Congress of Chile, suspended the Constitution, began a persecution of alleged dissidents, in which thousands of civilians were kidnapped and murdered. Allende was born on 26 June 1908 in Valparaíso, he was the son of Laura Gossens Uribe. Allende's family belonged to the Chilean upper middle class and had a long tradition of political involvement in progressive and liberal causes, his grandfather was a prominent physician and a social reformist who founded one of the first secular schools in Chile. Salvador Allende was of Belgian descent. Allende attended high school at the Liceo Eduardo de la Barra in Valparaíso; as a teenager, his main intellectual and political influence came from the shoe-maker Juan De Marchi, an Italian-born anarchist.
Allende was a talented athlete in his youth, being a member of the Everton de Viña del Mar sports club, where he is said to have excelled at the long jump. Allende graduated with a medical degree in 1933 from the University of Chile. During his time at medical school Allende was influenced by Professor Max Westenhofer, a German pathologist who emphasized the social determinants of disease and social medicine. Allende became its chairman, he married Hortensia Bussi with. He was a member of the Lodge Progreso No. 4 in Valparaíso. In 1933, he published his doctoral thesis Higiene Mental y Delincuencia in which he criticized Cesare Lombroso's proposals. In 1938, Allende was in charge of the electoral campaign of the Popular Front headed by Pedro Aguirre Cerda; the Popular Front's slogan was "Bread, a Roof and Work!" After its electoral victory, he became Minister of Health in the Reformist Popular Front government, dominated by the Radicals. While serving in this position, Allende was responsible for the passage of a wide range of progressive social reforms, including safety laws protecting workers in the factories, higher pensions for widows, maternity care, free lunch programmes for schoolchildren.
Upon entering the government, Allende relinquished his congressional seat for Valparaíso, which he had won in 1937. Around that time, he wrote La Realidad Médico Social de Chile. After the Kristallnacht in Nazi Germany, Allende was one of 76 members of the Congress who sent a telegram to Adolf Hitler denouncing the persecution of Jews. Following President Aguirre Cerda's death in 1941, he was again elected deputy while the Popular Front was renamed Democratic Alliance. In 1945, Allende became senator for the Valdivia, Chiloé, Aisén and Magallanes provinces, he became president of the Chilean Senate in 1966. During the Fifties, Allende introduced legislation that established the Chilean national health service, the first program in the Americas to guarantee universal health care, his three unsuccessful bids for the presidency prompted Allende to joke that his epitaph would be "Here lies the next President of Chile." In 1952, as candidate for the Frente de Acción Popular, he obtained only 5.4% of the votes due to a division within socialist ranks over support for Carlos Ibáñez.
In 1958, again as the FRAP candidate, Allende obtained 28.5% of the vote. This time, his defeat was attributed to votes lost to the populist Antonio Zamorano. Declassified documents show that from 1962 through 1964, the CIA spent a total of $2.6 million to finance the campaign of Eduardo Frei and spent $3 million in anti-Allende propaganda "to scare voters away from Allende's FRAP coalition". The CIA considered its role in the victory of Frei a great success, they argued that "the financial and organizational assistance given to Frei, the effort to keep Durán in the race, the propaganda campaign to denigrate Allende—were'indispensable ingredients of Frei's success'", they thought that his chances of winning and the good progress of his campa
Peronism or Justicialism is an Argentine political movement based on the political ideology and legacy of former President Juan Domingo Perón and his second wife Eva Perón. The Peronist Justicialist Party derives its name from the concept of social justice. Since its inception in 1946, Peronist candidates have won nine of the 12 presidential elections from which they have not been banned; as of 2018, Juan Domingo Perón was the only Argentine to have been elected president three times. The pillars of the Peronist ideal, known as the "three flags", are social justice, economic independence and political sovereignty. Peronism can be described as a third position ideology as it rejects both communism. Peronism espouses corporatism and thus aims to mediate tensions between the classes of society, with the state responsible for negotiating compromise in conflicts between managers and workers. However, it is a ill-defined ideology as different and sometimes contradictory sentiments are expressed in the name of Peronism.
Today, the legacy and thought of Perón have transcended the confines of any single political party and bled into the broader political landscape of Argentina. Traditionally, the Peronist movement has drawn its strongest support from the working class and sympathetic unions and has been characterized as proletarian in nature. From the perspective of opponents, Peronism is an authoritarian ideology. Perón was compared to fascist dictators, accused of demagoguery and his policies derided as populist. Proclaiming himself the embodiment of nationality, Perón's government silenced dissent by accusing opponents of being unpatriotic; the corporatist character of Peronism drew attacks from socialists who accused his administration of preserving capitalist exploitation and class division. Conservatives rejected its modernist ideology and felt their status threatened by the ascent of the Peronist apparat. Liberals condemned dictatorial tendencies. Defenders of Peronism describe the doctrine as populist, albeit in the sense that they believe it embodies the interests of the masses and in particular the most vulnerable social strata.
Admirers hold Perón in esteem for his administration's anti-imperialism and non-alignment as well as its progressive initiatives. Amongst other measures introduced by Perón's governments, social security was made universal while education was made free to all who qualified and working students were given one paid week before every major examination. Vast low-income housing projects were created and paid vacations became standard. All workers were guaranteed free medical care and half of their vacation-trip expenses and mothers-to-be received three paid months off prior to and after giving birth. Workers' recreation centers were constructed throughout the country. Perón's ideas were embraced by a variety of different groups in Argentina across the political spectrum. Perón's personal views became a burden on the ideology, see for example his anti-clericalism, which did not strike a sympathetic chord with upper-class Argentinians. Peronism is regarded as a form of corporate socialism, or "right-wing socialism".
Perón's public speeches were nationalist and populist. It would be difficult to separate Peronism from corporate nationalism, for Perón nationalized Argentina's large corporations, blurring distinctions between corporations and government. At the same time, the labor unions became corporate, ceding the right to strike in agreements with Perón as Secretary of Welfare in the military government from 1943–1945. In exchange, the state was to assume the role of negotiator between conflicting interests. Peronism lacked a strong interest in matters of foreign policy other than the belief that the political and economic influences of other nations should be kept out of Argentina—he was somewhat isolationist. Early in his presidency, Perón envisioned Argentina's role as a model for other countries in Latin America and beyond, but such ideas were abandoned. Despite his oppositional rhetoric, Perón sought cooperation with the United States government on various issues. Political opponents sustain that Perón and his administration resorted to organized violence and dictatorial rule.
Perón maintained the institutions of democratic rule, but subverted freedoms through such actions as nationalizing the broadcasting system, centralizing the unions under his control and monopolizing the supply of newspaper print. At times, Perón resorted to tactics such as illegally imprisoning opposition politicians and journalists, including Radical Civic Union leader Ricardo Balbin. Perón's admiration for Benito Mussolini is well documented. Many scholars categorize Peronism as a fascist ideology. Carlos Fayt believes that Peronism was just "an Argentine implementation of Italian fascism". Hayes reaches the conclusion that "the Peronist movement produced a form of fascism, distinctively Latin American". One of the most vocal critics of Peronism was the Argentine writer Jorge Luis Borges. After Perón ascended to the presidency in 1946, Borges spoke before the Argentine Society of Writers by saying: Dictatorships breed oppression, dictatorships breed servility, dictatorships breed cruelty. Bellboys babbling orders, portraits of caudillos, prearranged cheers or insults, walls covered with names, unanimous ce
Fernando de la Rúa
Fernando de la Rúa is an Argentine retired politician of the Radical Civic Union who served as President of Argentina from December 10, 1999, to December 21, 2001. De la Rúa was born in Córdoba, he was elected senator in 1973 and unsuccessfully ran for the office of Vice President as Ricardo Balbín's running mate the same year. In 1993, he was re-elected senator in 1983 and 1993, as deputy in 1991, he unsuccessfully opposed the pact of Olivos between President Carlos Menem and party leader Raúl Alfonsín, which enabled the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution and the re-election of Menem in 1995. De la Rúa was the first chief of government of Buenos Aires to be elected by popular vote, a change introduced by the amendment of the Constitution, he expanded the Buenos Aires Underground, adding new stations to Line D, starting the expansion of Line B, establishing Line H. He established the city's first bicycle path. In 1999, De la Rúa was elected President after running on the Alliance ticket, a political coalition of the UCR and the Frepaso.
He was opposed by the Peronist unions and his Vice President Carlos Álvarez resigned after denouncing bribes in the Senate. The economic crisis that began during Menem's administration worsened and by the end of 2001 led to a banking panic; the government established the Corralito to limit bank withdrawals. De la Rúa called a state of emergency during the December 2001 riots, he resigned on December 20, the Congress appointed a new President. As of April 2016, he is facing legal proceedings. Fernando de la Rúa is the son of Antonio De la Rúa, he married a Buenos Aires socialite, Inés Pertiné, in 1970. De la Rúa became involved in politics at a young age, he was elected senator in the March 1973 general elections, defeating the Peronist Marcelo Sánchez Sorondo. He was the only politician from the Radical Civic Union who could defeat the Peronist candidate in his administrative division; the elected president Héctor José Cámpora and his vice president resigned a few months leading to the call to new elections.
Ricardo Balbín ran for president in the September general elections, with De la Rúa as his running mate for the post of vice president. The UCR was defeated by Juan Perón by a landslide. De la Rúa was removed from the Congress during the 1976 Argentine coup d'état, he worked as a lawyer for the firm Bunge y Born. The National Reorganization Process ended in 1983. De la Rúa intended to run for president but lost in the primary elections of the UCR to Raúl Alfonsín, elected in the general election. De la Rúa ran for the post of senator instead, he ran for re-election as senator in 1989 but, despite of his electoral victory, the electoral college voted for the Peronist Eduardo Vaca. De la Rúa was elected deputy in 1991 and returned to the senate in 1993. President Carlos Menem, elected in 1989, wanted to amend the constitution to allow him to run for re-election in 1995, opposed by the UCR. Alfonsín signed the Pact of Olivos with Menem. De la Rúa led the opposition to the pact within the UCR, but Alfonsín prevailed in the internal dispute.
This damaged the relationship between both leaders, but helped the party to retain a number of radicals who were against the pact. De la Rúa could not prevent the 1994 amendment of the Argentine Constitution; as a result, Menem was re-elected in 1995. The UCR finished third in the elections for the first time, being surpassed by the Frepaso, a new party composed by former Peronists; the constitutional amendment gave autonomy to the city of Buenos Aires, allowing it to sanction local laws and elect its own mayor, appointed by the president of the nation. De la Rúa was the first mayor elected in this manner. During his term of office he created or reformulated several institutions to fit the new status of the city, as required by the national constitution and the approved Constitution of Buenos Aires. De la Rúa worked on the expansion of the Buenos Aires Underground; the first stations of the extended Line D, Olleros and José Hernández, were opened in 1997, Juramento was opened in 1999, Congreso de Tucumán in 2000.
He started the works to extend the Line B. Carlos Menem started to transfer the control and financing of the underground system to the city, but the 2001 economic crisis halted the process; the former mayor Domínguez intended to expand the Pan-American Highway into Saavedra, but the project met widespread opposition. De la Rúa reformulated the project and built an avenue instead of a highway, accepted; the avenue was named Roberto Goyeneche. He restarted a project to build the Cámpora Highway linking Dellepiane Avenue with the Riachuelo, established the first non-recreational bikeway in Buenos Aires at Avenida del Libertador; the Pact of Olivos diminished the electoral strength of the UCR. Both parties united in a political coalition, the Alliance, which defeated the PJ in the 1997 midterm elections, it was the PJ's first national defeat since 1985. The parties held open primary elections for the 1999 presidential elections. De la Rúa stood for the UCR; the Frepaso candidate was Gr
March 1973 Argentine general election
The first Argentine general election of 1973 was held on 11 March. Voters chose both the President and their legislators and with a turnout of 85.5%, it produced the following results: Note: The FREJULI ticket was declared the winner, bypassing the Electoral College. The 1966 coup d'état against the moderate President Arturo Illia was carried out as a reaction to Illia's decision to honor local and legislative elections in which Peronists banned from political activity following the violent overthrow of President Juan Perón in 1955, did well in. Five years however, President Alejandro Lanusse found himself heading an unpopular junta, saddled by increasing political violence and an economic wind-down from the prosperous 1960s. Seizing the initiative, he gathered leaders from across the nation's political and intellectual spectrum for a July 1971 asado, a time-honored Argentine custom as much about camaraderie as about steak; the result was Lanusse's "Great National Agreement," a road map to the return to democratic rule, including Peronists.
The agreement, bore little resemblance to what had been discussed and, proposed virtual veto power for the armed forces over most future domestic and foreign policy. This patently unacceptable condition led most political figures to dismiss the much-touted event as the "Great National Asado," instead. A year President Lanusse made the much-anticipated announcement: elections would be held, nationally, on March 11, 1973. Retaliating for Perón's unequivocal rejection of the 1971 accords, Lanusse limited the field of candidates to those residing in Argentina as of August 25, 1972 - a clear denial of the aging Perón the right to run on his own party's ticket. Perón did return to Argentina, however, on November 17, during a month-long stay, he secured the endorsement of prominent figures such as former President Arturo Frondizi of the Integration and Development Movement, Jorge Abelardo Ramos of the Popular Leftist Front, Popular Conservative Alberto Fonrouge, Christian Democrat Carlos Imbaud, other provincial parties.
These diverse parties signed on to an umbrella ticket, led by the Justicialist Party and Perón's personal representative in Argentina, Héctor Cámpora. In recognition for their support and to provide a counter-weight to the left-leaning Cámpora, Perón had the Justicialist Liberation Front nominate for Vice President Popular Conservative leader Vicente Solano Lima, a newspaper publisher respected across most of Argentina's vastly diverse political spectrum. Given little time to campaign by the calculating Lanusse, the nation's myriad parties jockeyed for alliances and rushed to name candidates; the main opposition, the centrist Radical Civic Union, put forth their 1958 nominee, former Congressman Ricardo Balbín. Hoping to carry the mantle of those supporting Lanusse, Social Policy Minister Francisco Manrique ran on the Federalist ticket and Américo Ghioldi, who had led a split in the Socialist Party in 1958, ran on his Democratic Socialist slate - refusing to endorse the Popular Revolutionary Alliance headed by former Governor Oscar Alende.
The March 11 polls went smoothly and the FREJULI, which needed 50% of the total to avoid a runoff as per Lanusse's agreement, garnered 49.6%. The irony of the result, which came despite a 28% margin over the runners-up, led the seasoned Balbín to petition President Lanusse for a waiver of the rule, something he granted, making the FREJULI alliance the winners of the March 11, 1973 election and paving the way for the definitive return of Juan Perón, whom Lanusse, many years would admit to being his "life's obsession." Todo Argentina Justicialist Liberation Front: Former Deputy Héctor Cámpora of Buenos Aires Province Radical Civic Union: Former Deputy Ricardo Balbín of Buenos Aires Province Popular Federalist Alliance: Former Minister of Social Policy Francisco Manrique of Mendoza Province Popular Revolutionary Alliance: Former Gobernor Oscar Alende of Buenos Aires Province