Lord Privy Seal
The Lord Privy Seal is the fifth of the Great Officers of State in the United Kingdom, ranking beneath the Lord President of the Council and above the Lord Great Chamberlain. Its holder was responsible for the monarch's personal seal until the use of such a seal became obsolete; the office is one of the traditional sinecure offices of state. Today, the holder of the office is invariably given a seat in the Cabinet of the United Kingdom. Though one of the oldest offices in government anywhere, it has no particular function today because the use of a privy seal has been obsolete for centuries. Since the premiership of Clement Attlee, the position of Lord Privy Seal has been combined with that of Leader of the House of Lords or Leader of the House of Commons; the office of Lord Privy Seal, unlike those of Leader of the Lords or Commons, is eligible for a ministerial salary under the Ministerial and other Salaries Act 1975. The office does not confer membership of the House of Lords, leading to Ernest Bevin's remark on holding this office that he was "neither a Lord, nor a Privy, nor a Seal".
During the reign of Edward I, prior to 1307, the Privy Seal was kept by the Controller of the Wardrobe. The Lord Privy Seal was the president of the Court of Requests during its existence. Notes – Keeper of the seals of France Lord Keeper of the Privy Seal of Japan Keeper of the Rulers' Seal of Malaysia Keeper of the seals Keeper of the Privy Seal of Scotland Lord Keeper of the Great Seal Lord Privy Seal Sergeant, John. Give me ten seconds. Pan Books. ISBN 0-330-48490-7
Edmund Burke was an Irish statesman born in Dublin, as well as an author, political theorist and philosopher, who after moving to London in 1750 served as a member of parliament between 1766 and 1794 in the House of Commons with the Whig Party. Burke was a proponent of underpinning virtues with manners in society and of the importance of religious institutions for the moral stability and good of the state; these views were expressed in his A Vindication of Natural Society. Burke criticized British treatment of the American colonies, including through its taxation policies, he supported the rights of the colonists to resist metropolitan authority, though he opposed the attempt to achieve independence. Burke is remembered for his support for Catholic emancipation, the impeachment of Warren Hastings from the East India Company and for his staunch opposition to the French Revolution. In his Reflections on the Revolution in France, Burke asserted that the revolution was destroying the fabric of good society and traditional institutions of state and society, condemned the persecution of the Catholic Church that resulted from it.
This led to his becoming the leading figure within the conservative faction of the Whig Party, which he dubbed the "Old Whigs", as opposed to the pro-French Revolution "New Whigs", led by Charles James Fox. In the nineteenth century, Burke was praised by both liberals. Subsequently, in the twentieth century he became regarded as the philosophical founder of modern conservatism. Burke was born in Ireland, his mother Mary née Nagle was a Roman Catholic who hailed from a déclassé County Cork family, whereas his father, a successful solicitor, was a member of the Church of Ireland. The Burke dynasty descends from an Anglo-Norman knight surnamed de Burgh who arrived in Ireland in 1185 following Henry II of England's 1171 invasion of Ireland and is among the chief "Gall" families that assimilated into Gaelic society, becoming "more Irish than the Irish themselves". Burke adhered to his father's faith and remained a practising Anglican throughout his life, unlike his sister Juliana, brought up as and remained a Roman Catholic.
His political enemies accused him of having been educated at the Jesuit College of St. Omer, near Calais, of harbouring secret Catholic sympathies at a time when membership of the Catholic Church would disqualify him from public office; as Burke told Frances Crewe: Mr. Burke's Enemies endeavoured to convince the World that he had been bred up in the Catholic Faith, & that his Family were of it, & that he himself had been educated at St. Omer—but this was false, as his father was a regular practitioner of the Law at Dublin, which he could not be unless of the Established Church: & it so happened that though Mr. B—was twice at Paris, he never happened to go through the Town of St. Omer. After being elected to the House of Commons, Burke was required to take the oath of Allegiance and abjuration, the oath of supremacy, declare against transubstantiation. Although never denying his Irishness, Burke described himself as "an Englishman". According to the historian J. C. D. Clark, this was in an age "before'Celtic nationalism' sought to make Irishness and Englishness incompatible".
As a child he sometimes spent time away from the unhealthy air of Dublin with his mother's family in the Blackwater Valley in County Cork. He received his early education at a Quaker school in Ballitore, County Kildare, some 67 kilometres from Dublin, he remained in correspondence with his schoolmate from there, Mary Leadbeater, the daughter of the school's owner, throughout his life. In 1744, Burke started at Trinity College Dublin, a Protestant establishment, which up until 1793, did not permit Catholics to take degrees. In 1747, he set up a debating society, "Edmund Burke's Club", which, in 1770, merged with TCD's Historical Club to form the College Historical Society; the minutes of the meetings of Burke's Club remain in the collection of the Historical Society. Burke graduated from Trinity in 1748. Burke's father wanted him to read Law, with this in mind he went to London in 1750, where he entered the Middle Temple, before soon giving up legal study to travel in Continental Europe. After eschewing the Law, he pursued a livelihood through writing.
The late Lord Bolingbroke's Letters on the Study and Use of History was published in 1752 and his collected works appeared in 1754. This provoked Burke into writing his first published work, A Vindication of Natural Society: A View of the Miseries and Evils Arising to Mankind, appearing in Spring 1756. Burke imitated Bolingbroke's style and ideas in a reductio ad absurdum of his arguments for atheistic rationalism, in order to demonstrate their absurdity. Burke claimed that Bolingbroke's arguments against revealed religion could apply to all social and civil institutions as well. Lord Chesterfield and Bishop Warburton thought that the work was genuinely by Bolingbroke rather than a satire. All the reviews of the work were positive, with critics appreciative of Burke's quality of writing; some reviewers failed to notice the ironic nature of the book, which led to Burke stating in the preface to the second edition that it was a satire. Richard Hurd believed that Burke's imitation was near-perfect and that this defeated his purpose: an ironist "should take care by a constant exaggeration to
Thomas Townshend, 1st Viscount Sydney
Thomas Townshend, 1st Viscount Sydney PC, was a British politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1754 to 1783 when he was raised to the peerage as Baron Sydney. He held several important Cabinet posts in the second half of the 18th century; the cities of Sydney in Nova Scotia and Sydney in New South Wales, Australia were named in his honour, in 1785 and 1788, respectively. Townshend was born at Raynham, the son of the Hon. Thomas Townshend, the second son of Charles Townshend, 2nd Viscount Townshend known as "Turnip" Townshend for his agricultural innovations. Thomas Townshend the younger's mother was daughter of John Selwyn, he was educated at Cambridge. Townshend was elected to the House of Commons in 1754 as Whig member for Whitchurch in Hampshire, held that seat till his elevation to the peerage in 1783, he aligned himself with his great-uncle the Duke of Newcastle, but joined William Pitt the Elder in opposition to George Grenville. He held the offices of Clerk of the Household to the Prince of Wales and Clerk of the Green Cloth from 1761 to 1762.
In 1765 he was made a Lord of the Treasury in the first Rockingham ministry and continued in that office in the Pitt administration until December 1767, when he became a member of the Privy Council and joint-Paymaster of the Forces. During the ministry of Lord Chatham and the Duke of Grafton he supported the position his cousin Charles Townshend was in with regard to the American revenue program. Townshend was forced out of office in June 1768 by Grafton who wanted Rigby as Paymaster of the Forces to gain favour with the Duke of Bedford. Townshend remained in opposition until the end of Lord North's ministry and spoke in the House of Commons against the American war. Although he had no close party connection, he was inclined toward the Chathamites, he took office again as secretary at war in the second Rockingham ministry. When Lord Shelburne became Prime Minister in July 1782, Townshend succeeded him as Home Secretary and became Leader of the House of Commons. Among the matters requiring attention that he inherited from Shelburne was a scheme for attacking the Spanish possessions in South America.
A memorandum which Shelburne wrote to him at this time listing matters requiring his urgent attention said: "Preparations and Plans for W. India. Expeditions require to be set forward—Major Dalrymple has a Plan against the Spanish Settlements". For assistance in planning the expedition, Townshend turned to Captain Arthur Phillip; the plan drawn up by Phillip and approved by Townshend in September 1782 was for a squadron of three ships of the line and a frigate to mount a raid on Buenos Aires and Monte Video, from there to proceed to the coasts of Chile and Mexico to maraud, to cross the Pacific to join the British East Indian squadron for an attack on Manila, the capital of the Spanish Philippines. The expedition sailed on 16 January 1783, under the command of Commodore Sir Robert Kingsmill. Phillip was given command of one of the ships of the 64-gun HMS Europa, or Europe. Shortly after sailing an armistice was concluded between Great Spain. Phillip took the Europe to India to join the British East Indian squadron, but after his return to England in April 1784, remained in close contact with Townshend and the Home Office Under Secretary, Evan Nepean.
From October 1784 to September 1786 he was employed by Nepean, in charge of the Secret Service relating to the Bourbon Powers and Spain, to spy on the French naval arsenals at Toulon and other ports. Townshend was created Baron Sydney of Chislehurst and entered the House of Lords on 6 March 1783, he proposed his title to be Baron Sidney, in honour of his kinsman, the renowned opponent of royal tyranny, Algernon Sidney, however he was worried that other members of his family might have claims on it and suggested Sydenham, the name of a village near his home in Kent, before settling on Sydney. He opposed the Fox-North coalition and returned to political office with Pitt, serving as Home Secretary from 1783 to 1789. In Canada, Nova Scotia on Cape Breton Island, was founded by British Col. Joseph Frederick Wallet DesBarres in 1785, named in honour of Thomas Townshend, 1st Viscount Sydney. Lord Sydney appointed Col. DesBarres governor of the new colony of Cape Breton Island. Following the loss of the Thirteen Colonies, Sydney, as Home Secretary in the Pitt Government, was given responsibility for devising a plan to settle convicts at Botany Bay.
His choice of Arthur Phillip as Governor was inspired, Phillip's leadership was instrumental in ensuring the penal colony survived the early years of struggle and famine. On 26 January 1788, Phillip named Sydney Cove in honour of Sydney and the settlement became known as Sydney Town. In 1789 Townshend was created Viscount Sydney. Although the colonisation of New South Wales was just one among many responsibilities of the Secretary of State, Sydney was recognised as the "Originator of the Plan of Colonization for New South Wales" by David Collins, who dedicated his Account of the English Colony in New South Wales with these words. Collins wrote that Sydney's "benevolent Mind" had led him "to conceive this Method of redeeming many Lives that might be forfeit to the offended Laws. In choosing the name "Sydney" when he was raised to the peerage in 1783, Thomas Townshend demonstrated his pride in descent fro
Charles Manners, 4th Duke of Rutland
Charles Manners, 4th Duke of Rutland KG, PC was a British politician and nobleman, the eldest legitimate son of John Manners, Marquess of Granby. He was styled Lord Roos from 1760 until 1770, Marquess of Granby from 1770 until 1779. Manners was educated at Eton and Trinity College, graduating the latter with a nobleman's MA in 1774; that year, he was elected to one of the university's seats in the House of Commons. He continued to maintain the family's substantial electoral interests, to collect objets d'art to decorate Belvoir Castle, he was hampered by his passion for gambling. On 26 December 1775, he married Lady Mary Isabella Somerset, daughter of Charles Somerset, 4th Duke of Beaufort and a celebrated beauty, renowned for her elegance and good taste, she was one of the most prominent society hostesses, Sir Joshua Reynolds painted her portrait four times. Charles and Mary had six children: Lady Elizabeth Isabella Manners, married on 21 August 1798 Richard Norman, a nephew of Admiral John Montagu and the father-in-law of the daughter of John Henry Manners, 5th Duke of Rutland Lady Katherine Mary Manners, married on 16 June 1800 Cecil Weld-Forester, 1st Baron Forester General Lord Charles Henry Somerset Manners, died unmarried Major-General Lord Robert William Manners Lord William Robert Albanac Manners Later in life, he was said to have been the lover of Elizabeth Billington.
Granby entered parliament in opposition to the North Ministry and as an ally to the Rockingham Whigs. He acted only as an observer until reaching his majority, made his maiden speech on 5 April 1775, advocating free trade with the southern American Colonies; the speech brought him thanks from his father's friend Chatham, whom he praised, initiated a friendship with William Pitt the Younger. It much disappointed the Court, Lord Mansfield, who had thought to govern the young Granby. During the American Revolution, he followed Chatham in urging reconciliation with America, was one of those who questioned the conduct of Admiral Keppel in March 1779, he did not follow this up, does not seem to have spoken in Parliament afterwards, acceding to the dukedom on 29 May 1779. He was able to obtain a seat for his friend Pitt at Appleby in 1780 when Pitt failed of re-election for Cambridge University, promised him a seat in one of the boroughs of the Rutland interest in the future, his own Parliamentary interest notwithstanding, he supported Pitt's plans for reform, the two men remained friends for life.
With the entry of the French into the war, he became colonel of the Leicestershire militia, was created Lord Lieutenant of Leicestershire on 9 July 1779, an honor bestowed by George III in person. On 30 October 1782, he was made a Knight of the Garter and was made Lord Steward of the Household and sworn of the Privy Council on 17 February 1783. Shelburne thus brought him into the cabinet. Rutland was by now an ally of Pitt, upon his premiership, became Lord Privy Seal in December 1783. Rutland was made Lord Lieutenant of Ireland on 11 February 1784, he was enthusiastic for Pitt's Irish policy and the legislative union which it entailed, but became doubtful of its implementation. In 1785, Pitt and Rutland worked a trade plan through the Irish Parliament against the opposition of Henry Grattan and Henry Flood; however the Foxite opposition in the British House of Commons so gutted the measure with amendments that it was rejected in its new form in Ireland. While the Irish opposition was reconciled to Pitt's bona fides with regard to trade, the episode demoralized Thomas Orde, the Chief Secretary of Ireland, further hindered efforts at reform.
Rutland was popular as viceroy, in part because of his convivial nature and ample banquets at Dublin Castle. In summer 1787, he made an extended and rigorous tour of the midlands and north of Ireland, but his excessive consumption of claret was by now taking a toll upon his health, he died of liver disease on 24 October 1787 at the Viceregal Lodge in the Phoenix Dublin. Thorne, Roland. "Manners, fourth duke of Rutland". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. Retrieved 19 October 2006. Chisholm, Hugh, ed.. "Rutland and Dukes of s.v. Charles, 4th duke of Rutland". Encyclopædia Britannica. 23. Cambridge University Press. P. 943. Manners genealogy Leigh Rayment's Peerage Pages
Whigs (British political party)
The Whigs were a political faction and a political party in the parliaments of England, Great Britain and the United Kingdom. Between the 1680s and 1850s, they contested power with the Tories; the Whigs' origin lay in constitutional opposition to absolute monarchy. The Whigs played a central role in the Glorious Revolution of 1688 and were the standing enemies of the Stuart kings and pretenders, who were Roman Catholic; the Whigs took full control of the government in 1715 and remained dominant until King George III, coming to the throne in 1760, allowed Tories back in. The Whig Supremacy was enabled by the Hanoverian succession of George I in 1714 and the failed Jacobite rising of 1715 by Tory rebels; the Whigs purged the Tories from all major positions in government, the army, the Church of England, the legal profession and local offices. The Party's hold on power was so strong and durable, historians call the period from 1714 to 1783 the age of the Whig Oligarchy; the first great leader of the Whigs was Robert Walpole, who maintained control of the government through the period 1721–1742 and whose protégé Henry Pelham led from 1743 to 1754.
Both parties began as loose groupings or tendencies, but became quite formal by 1784 with the ascension of Charles James Fox as the leader of a reconstituted Whig Party, arrayed against the governing party of the new Tories under William Pitt the Younger. Both parties were founded on rich politicians more than on popular votes, there were elections to the House of Commons, but a small number of men controlled most of the voters; the Whig Party evolved during the 18th century. The Whig tendency supported the great aristocratic families, the Protestant Hanoverian succession and toleration for nonconformist Protestants, while some Tories supported the exiled Stuart royal family's claim to the throne and all Tories supported the established Church of England and the gentry. On, the Whigs drew support from the emerging industrial interests and wealthy merchants, while the Tories drew support from the landed interests and the royal family. However, by the first half of the 19th century the Whig political programme came to encompass not only the supremacy of parliament over the monarch and support for free trade, but Catholic emancipation, the abolition of slavery and expansion of the franchise.
The 19th century Whig support for Catholic emancipation was a complete reversal of the party's historic anti-Catholic position at its late 17th century origin. The term "Whig" was short for "whiggamor", a term meaning "cattle driver" used to describe western Scots who came to Leith for corn. In the reign of Charles I the term was used during the Wars of the Three Kingdoms to refer derisively to a radical faction of the Scottish Covenanters who called themselves the "Kirk Party", it was applied to Scottish Presbyterian rebels who were against the King's Episcopalian order in Scotland. The term "Whig" entered English political discourse during the Exclusion Bill crisis of 1678–1681 when there was controversy about whether or not King Charles II's brother, should be allowed to succeed to the throne on Charles's death. "Whig" was a term of abuse applied to those who wanted to exclude James on the grounds that he was a Roman Catholic. The fervent Tory Samuel Johnson joked that "the first Whig was the Devil".
Under Lord Shaftesbury's leadership, the Whigs in the Parliament of England wished to exclude the Duke of York from the throne due to his Roman Catholicism, his favouring of monarchical absolutism, his connections to France. They believed the heir presumptive, if allowed to inherit the throne, would endanger the Protestant religion and property; the first Exclusion Bill was supported by a substantial majority on its second reading in May 1679. In response, King Charles prorogued Parliament and dissolved it, but the subsequent elections in August and September saw the Whigs' strength increase; this new parliament did not meet for thirteen months, because Charles wanted to give passions a chance to die down. When it met in October 1680, an Exclusion Bill was introduced and passed in the Commons without major resistance, but was rejected in the Lords. Charles dissolved Parliament in January 1681, but the Whigs did not suffer serious losses in the ensuing election; the next Parliament first met in March at Oxford, but Charles dissolved it after only a few days, when he made an appeal to the country against the Whigs and determined to rule without Parliament.
In February, Charles had made a deal with the French King Louis XIV, who promised to support him against the Whigs. Without Parliament, the Whigs crumbled due to government repression following the discovery of the Rye House Plot; the Whig peers, the Earl of Melville, the Earl of Leven, Lord Shaftesbury, Charles II's illegitimate son the Duke of Monmouth, being implicated, fled to and regrouped in the United Provinces. Algernon Sidney, Sir Thomas Armstrong and William Russell, Lord Russell, were executed for treason; the Earl of Essex committed suicide in the Tower of London over his arrest for treason, whilst Lord Grey of Werke escaped from the Tower. After the Glorious Revolution of 1688, Queen Mary II and King William III governed with both Whigs and Tories, despite the fact that many of the Tories still supported the deposed Roman Catholic James II. William saw that the Tories were friendlier to royal authority than the Whigs and he employed both groups in his government, his early ministry was Tory, but the government came to be dominated by the so-called Junto Whig
Edward Thurlow, 1st Baron Thurlow
Edward Thurlow, 1st Baron Thurlow, PC, KC was a British lawyer and Tory politician who sat in the House of Commons from 1765 to 1778 when he was raised to the peerage as Baron Thurlow. He served as Lord Chancellor under four Prime Ministers. Born at Bracon Ash, Thurlow was the eldest son of Reverend Thomas Thurlow. Thomas Thurlow, Bishop of Durham, was his brother, he was educated at Caius College, Cambridge. However, he was forced to leave Cambridge in 1751 without a degree after coming into conflict with the authorities of the university, he was for some time articled to a solicitor in Lincoln's Inn, but in 1754 he was called to the Bar, Inner Temple. After a slow start, Thurlow established a successful legal practice, he was made a King's Counsel in 1761 was elected a bencher of the Inner Temple in 1762. Thurlow turned to politics, in 1768 he was elected Member of Parliament for Tamworth as a Tory. Two years as a recognition of his defence in the previous January of the expulsion of John Wilkes he was appointed Solicitor-General in the government of Lord North.
He held this post until 1772. He was to remain in this office for six years, during which period he became known as an ardent opponent of the American colonists' strive for independence, he is noted for his defeat in the case of Woodfall, publisher of the Letters of Junius, upon which a verdict of mistrial was entered by Lord Mansfield. In 1778 Thurlow was admitted to the Privy Council, raised to the peerage as Baron Thurlow, of Ashfield in the County of Suffolk, appointed Lord Chancellor by Lord North. In this post he notably opposed the economical and constitutional reforms proposed by Edmund Burke and John Dunning; the Tory administration of Lord North fell after twelve years in office. The Whigs under Lord Rockingham came to power, but Thurlow managed to cling on as Lord Chancellor. Rockingham died in July 1782, but Thurlow remained Lord Chancellor when Lord Shelburne became Prime Minister; the latter government fell in April 1783, when a coalition government under Charles James Fox and Lord North was formed.
Thurlow was not invited to resume the role of Lord Chancellor, instead the Great Seal was put into commission. He went into opposition and contributed to the downfall of the coalition in December 1783. William Pitt the Younger reinstated Thurlow as Lord Chancellor; the relationship between Pitt and Thurlow was always fragile, Thurlow relied on his friendship with King George III to be able to remain in office. He opposed a bill for the restoration to the heirs of estates forfeited in the Jacobite rising of 1745. To please the king, he and supported Warren Hastings, negotiated with the Whigs to ensure his continued power in the event of a change of government. In 1792, when he attacked Pitt's bill to establish a fund to redeem the national debt, he was dismissed; as a way of compensation, Thurlow was given a second peerage as Baron Thurlow, of Thurlow in the County of Suffolk, with remainder to his three nephews and their heirs male. He was never to retired into private life. However, in 1797 he intrigued for the formation of a government from which Pitt and Fox should be excluded, in which the Earl of Moira should be Prime Minister and himself Lord Chancellor.
Despite the tacit support of the Prince of Wales the enterprise failed. His last recorded appearance in the House of Lords was in 1802. Lord Thurlow never left three natural daughters, he died at Brighton on 12 September 1806, aged 76, was buried in the Temple Church. The barony of 1778 became extinct on his death, while he was succeeded in the barony of 1792 according to the special remainder by his nephew Edward, the eldest son of the first baron's brother, Right Reverend Thomas Thurlow, Bishop of Durham. Thurlow appears as a character in Alan Bennett's play The Madness of George III and the subsequent film adaptation, in which he was played by John Wood. Rigg, James McMullen. "Thurlow, Edward". In Lee, Sidney. Dictionary of National Biography. 56. London: Smith, Elder & Co. Renton, Alexander Wood. "Thurlow, Edward Thurlow, 1st Baron". In Chisholm, Hugh. Encyclopædia Britannica. 26. Cambridge University Press. Pp. 903–904. Endnotes: Lord Campbell's Lives of the Chancellors, vii. 153–333 Foss's Judges of England, viii.
374–385 Public Characters Notes and Queries, 2nd series, vol. iii. p. 283. Ditchfield, G. M. "Thurlow, first Baron Thurlow". Oxford Dictionary of National Biography. Oxford University Press. Doi:10.1093/ref:odnb/27406
Paymaster of the Forces
The Paymaster of the Forces was a position in the British government. The office was established 1661 one year after the Restoration of the Monarchy to King Charles II, was responsible for part of the financing of the British Army, in the improved form created by Oliver Cromwell during the Commonwealth; the full title was Paymaster-General of His Majesty's Forces. It was abolished in 1836, near the end of the reign of King William IV, was replaced by the new post of Paymaster General; the first to hold the office was Sir Stephen Fox, an exceptionally able administrator who had remained a member of the household of King Charles II during his exile in France. Before his time, before the Civil War, there was no standing army and it had been the custom to appoint Treasurers at War, ad hoc, for campaigns. Within a generation of the Restoration, the status of the Paymastership began to change. In 1692 the Paymaster, Richard Jones, 1st Earl of Ranelagh, was made a member of the Privy Council. From the accession of Queen Anne the Paymaster tended to change with the government.
By the 18th century the office had become a political prize and the most lucrative that a parliamentary career could obtain. Appointments to the office were therefore made not due to merit alone, but to political affiliation, it was a cabinet-level post in the 18th and early 19th centuries, many future prime ministers served as Paymaster. Before the development of the banking system, the duty of the Paymaster was to act as personal sole domestic banker of the army, he received from the Exchequer, the sums voted by Parliament for military expenditure. Other sums were received, for example from the sale of old stores, he disbursed these sums, by his own hands or by Deputy Paymasters, under the authority of sign manual warrants for ordinary expenses of the army, under Treasury warrants for extraordinary expenses. During the whole time in which public money was in his hands, from the day of receipt until the receipt of his final discharge, he assumed unlimited personal liability for the funds, thus his private estate was liable for the money in his hands.
Failing the Quietus this liability remained without limit of time, passing on his death to his heirs and legal representatives. Appointments were made by the Crown by letters patent under the Great Seal; the patent salary was £400 from 1661 to 1680 and 20 shillings a day thereafter, except for the years 1702–07 when it was fixed at 10 shillings a day. The office of Paymaster of the Forces was abolished in 1836 and superseded with the formation of the post of Paymaster General. Office merged into that of Paymaster General, 1836. From 1702 to 1714, during the War of the Spanish Succession, there was a distinct Paymaster of the Forces Abroad, appointed in the same manner as the Paymaster; these were appointed to a special office to oversee the pay of Queen Anne's army in the Low Countries, are not in the regular succession of Paymasters of the Forces. The salary of the position was 10 shillings a day. Colonel Thomas Moore was paymaster of the land forces in Minorca and in the garrisons of Dunkirk and Gibraltar and is not always counted among the Paymasters of the Forces Abroad.
Charles Fox The Hon. James Brydges Col. Thomas Moore Master-General of the Ordnance British Army Paymaster-General Notes References