The Shaigiya or Shaiqiya are an arabized Nubian tribe in northern Sudan, living on both banks of the Nile from Kurti down to the Third Cataract, in portions of the Bayuda Desert. The Shaigiya, similar to the Manasir, are impacted by the recently-built Merowe Dam, just upstream of Kurti. Although speaking Sudanese Arabic today, the Shaigiya, like the Ja'alin, are known to have spoken some form of Nubian as late as the 19th century; this language, labelled as Old Shaiqi, was closely related if not identical to the Nobiin dialect. The Shaigiya are a sub-group of Al-Dahamishiy a branch of the larger Ja'alin tribe, they are divided into different clans each belonging to the twelve sons of Shaig. They are predominantly Sunni Muslims with small sects of Shia believers, they trace their origin to a Hejazi Arab named Shaig who came from the Arabian Peninsula in the 7th century following the Arabian conquest of Egypt, shaig was a descendant of Abbas and his family settled in Sudan and intermixed with the local Nubians creating this tribe.
The Shaigiya are first mentioned in 1529, when an Italian visitor to Upper Egypt remarked that pyramids could be found in their country. They were subjects of the Funj Sultanate. From the sixteenth century until colonization, the Shaigiya had many prominent Islamic schools which attracted students from all over Sudan. Around 1690 the tribe broke loose from the Kingdom of Funj, defeating the Abdelab governor, were the only independent tribe in the region; the first account of the Shaigiya tribesmen was given by the Scottish traveller James Bruce in his book Travels to Discover the Source of the Nile who noticed the tribe migrated from more southern regions to its present homeland around 1772. Still the best early description came from an adventurer and historian John Lewis Burckhardt, mesmerized by the Shaigiya, spent some time with the tribe, his accounts of the events were published at 1819 in the "Travels in Nubia". The predatory character of the tribe speaks of change from Bruce's time, "My guide, in constant dread of the Shaiqiya would not allow me to light a fire although the nights were getting cold".
Evidently, the tribe was ruled by Mac Jaweesh and Mac Zubeir. Military training of the Shaiqiya youth was brutal, at early age they were capable of launching spears from a horseback by astonishing precision, their unexplainable intolerance of other tribes led beyond. They attacked villages and caravans as far as Wadi Halfa in the north, Shendi in the south forcing some families of the neighbouring tribes to emigrate westwards. Attacking the town of Shendi and killing some of local Mac Nimr's uncles forced the Ja'Alin to seek help from the king of Funj, who at his political decline was too weakened and unable to help. Burckhardt who spent time in Merowe around 1807 gives us more description of the tribe "Shaiqiya are continually at war, they all fight in coats of mail. Fire-arms are not common amongst them, their only weapons being lance and sabre, they are famous for their horsemanship. Their youth conduct raids sometimes as far as Darfur; the Shaiqiya are independent people, possess great wealth in corn and cattle.
They are renowned for their hospitality. If the traveller possesses a friend among them and has been plundered on the road, his property will be recovered if it has been taken by the King. Many of them can read, their learned men are held in great respect by them. Such of the Shaiqiya as are soldiers, indulge in frequent use of wine and spirits made of dates." They were challenged around 1811 at Dongola by the Mamelukes, but continued to dominate a considerable part of Nubia. They resisted the Turkish/Egyptian invasion in 1820, at the battle of Korti after refusing to submit and were defeated due to the use of fire-arms and cannons and retreated southwards. Mac Jaweesh along the majority of his men sought asylum in Shendi in hope to persuade the Ja'Ali chief Mac Nimr to join forces against the much stronger enemy. Mac Nimr declined the offer and the Shaiqiya were handed over to the Turks, who promised to pardon the Shaiqiya warriors and return their land if they accepted the service in Turkish ranks.
After the deal was struck Shaiqiya were used during the suppression of the Ja'Alin revolt and demonstrated astonishing brutality. For their services they obtained lands of the Ja'Alin between Khartoum. In the Mahdist War of 1884/85, General Gordon's first fight was to rescue a few Shaiqiya, still serving with the invader and besieged in a fort at Al Halfaya, just north of Khartoum; the fortress at Al-Ubayyid in 1883, was held by Major Ahmed Hussein Pasha and despite Hicks Pasha's attempt to relieve him, the fortress fell to the Mahdi. His grand children went far as America where they go by the name of Hussein. In April 1884, Saleh Bey, head of the tribe, 1,400 men surrendered to the Mahdi's forces. Numbers of Shaigiya continued in the service of General Gordon and this led to the proscription of the tribe by the Mahdi; when Khartoum fell, Saleh's sons were executed by the Dervishes. On the reconquest of the Sudan by the Ang
Gezira spelt Al Jazirah, is one of the 18 states of Sudan. The state lies between the White Nile in the east-central region of the country, it has an area of 27,549 km2. The name comes from the Arabic word for island. Wad Madani is the capital of the state. Gezira is a well-populated area suitable for agriculture; the area was at the southern end of Nubia and little is known about its ancient history and only limited archaeological work has been conducted in this area. It was part of the kingdom of Alodia for several centuries and with that state's collapse in the early sixteenth century became the centre of the Funj Kingdom of Sennar; the region is the site of the Gezira Scheme, a program to foster cotton farming begun in 1925. At that time the Sennar Dam and numerous irrigation canals were built. Al Jazirah became the Sudan's major agricultural region with more than 10,000 square kilometres under cultivation; the initial development project was semi-private, but the government nationalized it in 1950.
Cotton production increased in the 1970s but by the 1990s increased wheat production has supplanted a third of the land seeded with cotton
Egyptian conquest of Sudan (1820–1824)
The Egyptian conquest of Sudan was a major military and technical feat. Fewer than 10,000 men set off from Egypt, with some local assistance, they were able to penetrate 1,500 km up the Nile River to the frontiers of Ethiopia, giving Egypt an empire as large as Western Europe; the Egyptian conquest was the first time that an invasion of Sudan from the north had penetrated so far. Together with the campaigns and expeditions which followed it, the conquest established the borders which Sudan has inherited today; the invading forces made their headquarters at Khartoum in May 1821, from which time it soon developed into Sudan's capital city.'You are aware that the end of all our effort and this expense is to procure negroes. Please show zeal in carrying out our wishes in the capital matter.' Muhammad Ali, the Khedive of Egypt, wanted a large and steady supply of slaves to train into a modern army so he could deploy it in other parts of his empire to further his grand territorial ambitions. An army of Sudanese slaves would enable him to dispense with the mutinous Albanian and Turkish troops on whom he had been obliged to rely until then.
After the conquest, Muhammad Ali urged his commanders in Sudan to collect and send as many slaves as they could to the training camps at Aswan. Those who proved unfit for military service would be put to work in his many agricultural and industrial projects. In addition, when Muhammad Ali had exterminated the Mamluks in Egypt in 1811, a remnant of them had fled south into Sudan and established themselves at Dongola. Although they posed no immediate threat, it was not uncommon for a defeated faction in Egyptian power struggles to flee upstream, waiting for the opportunity to descend once more on Cairo when circumstances changed in their favour. In 1812 Muhammad Ali had sent an embassy to the Funj Sultanate of Sennar asking them to clear the Mamluks out of Dongola, however neither the Funj rulers nor the Hamaj Regency had the military resources to do so. Muhammad Ali believed that Sudan contained rich seams of gold, though he never found any that were commercially viable; the invasion force of about 4,000 left Cairo in July 1820.
It was composed of Turks and other Turkish-speaking troops, as well as Maghrebis and bedouin tribal forces. The conscription of the Egyptian peasantry had not yet begun, so regular Egyptian forces played no part in it. Commanding the troops was Muhammad Ali's third son, the 25-year-old Ismail Kamil Pasha, who joined his army at Aswan on 20 July. Second in command was Abidin Bey. Camel support was provided by Ababda tribesmen; the Ababda had traditionally levied a toll on all caravans of gold and slaves approaching Egypt from Sudan and in return for their support during the invasion, the Egyptian government confirmed their control of the route, allowing them to charge a 10% toll on all goods passing through their land in future. The timing of the invasion was dictated by the flooding of the Nile, as the Egyptians planned to sail supply ships up over the cataracts of the Nile, the season where the river was high enough to allow this was limited. Ismail's forces used explosives to blow open a navigable waterway through the second cataract so his ships could pass through to the south.
As the army advanced, they received the submission of the kashif of Lower Nubia, only nominally subject to Ottoman rule, when they passed the second cataract, the ruler of Say submitted, although he rebelled and was killed in fighting. The people of Say were descendants of Bosniak soldiery long ago posted there, were described as'white as the Arabs of lower Egypt'. At Dongola some of the Mamluks submitted, others fled upstream to take refuge with Mek Nimr of Shendi; the main military opposition to the Egyptians came from the powerful Shayqiyya confederation, defeated on 4 November at the battle of Korti. At the van of the Shayqiyya forces was a young girl on a richly decorated camel, who gave the signal to attack; this may have been a tradition deriving from the legendary exploits of the seventeenth-century woman warrior Azila, famous for her martial skills and for being in the thick of every fight. The Shayqiyya fought with lances, disdaining the use of firearms; the bold assault by Shayqiyya cavalry was broken up by Egyptian firearms.
The Egyptians could not use their artillery. After the battle, Ismail promised his soldiers a reward of 50 piastres for each pair of enemy ears they brought him; this led to much savagery and mutilation of civilians as the Egyptian troops, after they had mutilated the Shayqiyya dead, spread out into local villages and began cutting the ears off anyone they found. Unable to control his troops, Ismail did however manage to save 600 earless women from further outrages by moving them to safety on an island in the Nile. After this defeat, the Shayqiyya withdrew to Jebel Daiqa across the Nile, which Ismail crossed by boat in pursuit; as the Shayqiyya had lost much of their cavalry, they now conscripted peasant infantry who were blessed by holy men who covered them in dust, telling them it would protect them against bullets. On 2 December the Shayqiyya again charged the Egyptian line. However, Ismail had been able to bring up his artillery, which wiped out the Shayqiyya forces
The Rizeigat, or Rizigat, or Rezeigat are a Muslim and Arabic tribe of the nomadic Bedouin Baggara people in Sudan's Darfur region. The Rizeigat belong to the greater Baggara Arabs fraternity of Darfur and Kordofan and speak Chadic Arabic. Numbering over one million, the Baggara are the second largest people group in Western Sudan, extending into Eastern Chad, they are nomadic cattle herders and their journeys are dependent upon the seasons of the year. They are a branch of the Juhayna group, they are divided into the Abbala Rizeigat, who live in northern Darfur and Chad, the Baggara who inhabit south-east Darfur. In turn they are divided into several large clans, notably the Mahamid and Nawaiba; the Mahamid, led by Sheikh Musa Hilal, have been implicated in the Darfur conflict. The Rizeigat are the largest and most powerful of the Arab people in Darfur. Most live in southeast Darfur; the Rizeigat are composed of three main divisions. The Northern Rizeigat herd camels and the Southern Rizeigat herd cattle.
Page text. The ecological differences between the north and south of Sudan allowed for two different types of nomadism to evolve: camel herders in the north and cattle herders in the south7; the people who made up the precursors to the Janjaweed come from the Baggara who speak Arabic and are Muslim. They live in the west of Sudan south of Jebel Marra and both north and south of Kordofan. A subsection of the Baggara, the Northern Rizaygat, are one of the largest groups who make up the Janjaweed; the Rizeigat backed the Sudanese government during the conflict in Darfur. They formed frontline units as well as Murahleen, mounted raiders that attacked southern villages to loot valuables and slaves. During the Second Sudanese Civil War thousands of Dinka women and children were abducted and subsequently enslaved by members of the Messiria and Rizeigat tribes. An unknown number of children from the Nuba tribe were abducted and enslaved. In the recent Darfur conflict the Baggara Rizeigat joined the government troops under Janjaweed militias to exterminate rebels.
Their leader, Musa Hilal has become the prominent janjaweed leader in Sudan. The tribe supported and participated in recent southern conflicts; that is. The Northern Rizeigat are Arab nomads, they are the largest and most powerful of the Arab people in Darfur. Most live in north-east Darfur. Like most nomads, their identity and livelihoods are linked through their animals, they are pastoralists from whom the Janjaweed were exclusively recruited. The term Janjaweed tends to be synonymous with the ‘Northern Rizeigat’. Rizeigat of northern Darfur – the Abbala Rizeigat - bordered from north by Libya. Camels are at the center of identity. Ownership of camels is directly related to the power of the tribe and defines the nomads relationships to land and farmers. Owning camels has produced systems that allowed for a symbiotic relationship between the nomads and settled farmers. However, certain pressures have negatively affected this livelihood; these range from population growth and increases in farming to climate change and restrictive legislation.
This challenged their lifestyle and led to feeding competition between the nomads and farmers, which shepherds in inevitable conflict. Power is linked to education and it fuels how they understand themselves, their status, attaining power; the nomads therefore influence. This leads to a desire for education which pressures them to convert to a sedentary lifestyle with the idea of making education more accessible, they live in the South of herd cattle. This group was known as the murahaliin. Rizeigat of southern Darfur - the Baggara Rizeigat - bordered from south by Bahr El Arab – at about 26 km south of Bahr El Arab. Baggara Abbala
The Blue Nile is a river originating at Lake Tana in Ethiopia. With the White Nile, it is one of the two major tributaries of the Nile; the Blue Nile supplies about 80% of the water in the Nile during the rainy season. The Blue Nile is so-called because floods during the summer monsoon erode a vast amount of fertile soil from the Ethiopian Highlands and carry it downstream as silt, turning the water dark brown or black; the distance of the river from its source to its confluence has been variously reported as being between 1,460 kilometres and 1,600 kilometres. This uncertainty over the length might result from the fact that the river flows through a series of impenetrable gorges cut in the Ethiopian Highlands to a depth of some 1,500 metres —a depth comparable to that of the Grand Canyon of the Colorado River in the United States. According to materials published by the Central Statistical Agency, the Blue Nile has a total length of 1,450 kilometres, of which 800 kilometres are inside Ethiopia.
The Blue Nile flows south from Lake Tana and west across Ethiopia and northwest into Sudan. Within 30 km of its source at Lake Tana, the river enters a canyon about 400 km long; this gorge is a tremendous obstacle for travel and communication from the north half of Ethiopia to the southern half. The canyon was first referred to as the "Grand Canyon" by the British team that accomplished the first descent of the river from Lake Tana to near the end of the canyon in 1968. Subsequent river rafting parties called this the "Grand Canyon of the Nile"; the power of the Blue Nile may best be appreciated at the Blue Nile Falls, which are 45 metres high, located about 40 kilometres downstream of Lake Tana. Although there are several feeder streams that flow into Lake Tana, the sacred source of the river is considered to be a small spring at Gish Abay, situated at an altitude of 2,744 metres; this stream, known as the Gilgel Abay, flows north into Lake Tana. Other affluents of this lake include, in clockwise order from Gorgora, the Magech River, the Northern Gumara, the Reb River, the southern Gumara River, the Kilte.
Lake Tana's outflow flows some 30 kilometres before plunging over the Blue Nile Falls. The river loops across northwest Ethiopia through a series of deep valleys and canyons into Sudan, by which point it is only known as the Blue Nile. There are numerous tributaries of the Abay between the Sudanese border; those on its left bank, in downstream order, include the Wanqa River, the Bashilo River, the Walaqa River, the Wanchet River, the Jamma River, the Muger River, the Guder River, the Agwel River, the Nedi River, the Didessa River and the Dabus River. Those on the right side in downstream order, include the Handassa, Abaya, Tammi, Shita, Muga, Temcha, Katlan, Chamoga and the Beles. After flowing past Er Roseires inside Sudan, receiving the Dinder on its right bank at Dinder, the Blue Nile joins the White Nile at Khartoum and, as the Nile, flows through Egypt to the Mediterranean Sea at Alexandria; the flow of the Blue Nile reaches maximum volume in the rainy season, when it supplies 70-80% of the water of the Nile proper.
The Blue Nile was a major source of the flooding of the Nile that contributed to the fertility of the Nile Valley and the consequent rise of Ancient Egypt and Egyptian mythology. With the completion in 1970 of the Aswan Dam in Egypt, the Nile floods ended for lower Egypt; the Blue Nile is vital to the livelihood of Egypt. The Blue Nile, the most significant tributary of the Nile, contributes more than half of the Nile's streamflow. Though shorter than the White Nile, 59% of the water that reaches Egypt originates from the Blue Nile branch of the great river; the river is an important resource for Sudan, where the Roseires Dam and Sennar Dams produce 80% of the country's power. These dams help irrigate the Gezira Scheme, most famous for its high quality cotton; the region produces wheat and animal feed crops. In November 2012, Ethiopia began a six-year project for the construction of the Grand Ethiopian Renaissance Dam, a 6000-megawatt hydroelectric dam on the river; the dam is expected to be a boost for the Ethiopian economy.
Sudan and Egypt, voiced their concern over a potential reduction in water available. The first European to have seen the Blue Nile in Ethiopia and the river's source was Pedro Páez, a Spanish Jesuit who reached the river's source 21 April 1613; the Portuguese João Bermudes, the self-described "Patriarch of Ethiopia," provided the first description of the Blue Nile Falls in his memoirs published in 1565, a number of Europeans who lived in Ethiopia in the late 15th century such as Pêro da Covilhã could have seen the river long before Páez, but not reached its places of source. The source of the Blue Nile was reached in 1629 by the Portuguese Jesuit missionary Jerónimo Lobo and in 1770 by James Bruce. Although a number of European explorers contemplated tracing the course of the Blue Nile from its confluence with the White Nile to Lake Tana, its gorge, which begins a few kilometres inside the Ethiopian border, has discouraged all attempts since Frédéric Cailliaud's attempt in 1821; the first serious attempt by a non-local to explore this reach of the river was undertaken by the American W.
W. Macmillan in 1902, assisted by the Norwegian explorer B. H. Jenssen. However, Jenssen's boats were blocked by t
Hasania are members of a Muslim tribe of Arab origin. As of 1911, they were inhabitants of the desert between Merowe and the Nile at the 6th Cataract, the left bank of the Blue Nile south of Khartoum; this article incorporates text from a publication now in the public domain: Chisholm, Hugh, ed.. "Hassanīa". Encyclopædia Britannica. 13. Cambridge University Press. P. 51
The Messiria, known under the name of Misseriya Arabs, are a branch of the Baggara ethnic grouping of Arab tribes. Their language is the Chadic Arabic. Numbering over one million, the Baggara are the second largest ethnic group in Western Sudan, extending into Eastern Chad, they are nomadic cattle herders and their journeys are dependent upon the seasons of the year. The use of the term Baggara carries negative connotations as slave raiders, so they prefer to be called instead Messiria; the term Dar means location. The word Al or al and sometimes El or el corresponds to the definite article The in English; the term Dar Al Messiria means the location of the Messiria. According to Ian Cunnison 1966, the Arab nomads of the Sudan and Chad republics are of two kinds: camelmen and cattlemen; the Term Baggara means cowman but the Sudanese apply the word to the nomadic cattlemen, who span the belt of savanna between Lake Chad and the White Nile. This belt of territory has. Been the homeland of the Baggara people for centuries.
Ian Cunnison, referenced above said "History and environment together throw light on their distribution". In Sudan, while the Abbala live in the semi-desert part of the region: northern Kordofan and Darfur, the Baggara, by contrast, live on their southern fringes. In general the Dar Al Messiria or their zones can be divided into three areas: 1.1. Dar Al Messiria in Kordofan, Sudan. 1.2. Dar Al Messiria in Darfur, Sudan. 1.3. Dar Al Messiria in Chad; the Messiria in the three different zones have been separated for so long that they have developed localized cultural and social differences. The Messiria in Kordofan know little if anything about the Messiria in Dar Fur and Chad, but they belong to the same tribe and they have similar subtribal divisions and diversities. In Kordofan, the Messiria occupies the area known as West Kordofan, among their well known locations are: Abyei, Babanousa, El Muglad, Lagawa, El Mairam, Lake Kailak; the main divisions of Messiria in Kordofan are Messiria Zurug. These names: Zurug and Humr do not mean in any way that the Zurug are darker in skin color than Humr, but most the Humr are darker than Zurug ones.
According to MacMichael, 1967: The two divisions have become so distinct that the Humr have ceased to rate themselves Messiria. However, in Sudan today, still they are called Messiria Humr and Messiria Zurug and still they acknowledge their common history and ancestry; the Messiria Humr pastoralitsts migrate across the four regions of their homeland: Babanusa, Muglad and Bahr el Arab. Messiria Zurug – According to MacMichael, 1967 the Messiria Zurug have the following divisions: Messiria Humr – According to Ian Cunnison, 1966: The Humr are divided into: The area known as Nitega is the mainland of the Messiria in Dar Fur, among the landmarks in the area is the Mountain Karou; the Misseriyya live around Kordofan and migrate south into the Dinka territory. They are marginally represented in Darfur and there they live a semi-sedentary life; the Misseriyya was once a larger group. The location of Messiria of Kordofan is at the border zone between Sudan and Southern Sudan, specially the southern Fringes of their nomadic zone.
The Abyei area is claimed by Messira as well as by Ngok Dinka. While the Messiria are Baggara Arabs, Sunni Muslims and identified as Northerners, on the other hand, Ngok Dinka are Southerners and identified as Africans either Christians or Animists; the Messiria historians tell that, one of their grand parents named sheikh Abu Nafisa his burial is found far southern of present Abyei town and he had died around the early 1770s. Henderson, MacMichael and Ian Cunnison all attest the presence of Messiria in the eighteenth century. Similar history is available for the nine Ngok Dinka chiefdoms on the same area. Being both nomads, The Messiria and Dinka shared the grazing resources; those Messiria who have most contact with Ngok Dinka are the Messiria Humr. The Messiria Zurug share most of their land with the Nuba tribes, along the western sides of the national highway connecting Deling city to Kadugli. On the eastern side of this national highway found the Hawazma tribes sharing the land with the Nuba tribes.
The Nuba are indigenous Africans inhabiting the area known as Nuba Mountains of Southern Kordofan and Sunni Muslims. Both Nuba and Dinka are sided with Southern Rebels during the civil war, while Messiria and Hawazma sided with Sudanese Government. During the dry season the Misseriya migrate to the river Kiir in Abyei, they call the region the Bahr Al Arab. Both branches of Messiria, the Humr and the Zurug, are involved in historical grazing disputes and isolated fights along their southern borders, either with Dinka, Nuer or Nuba over grazing and water resources; the traditional fighting was intensified during the first Southern guerrilla’s fighting, called Anyanya, in 1964 when a whole Messiria nomad camp around lake Abyyad was massacred in a terrible human slaughter by Anyanya fighters, none were spared including children and brides. The Messiria retaliated with a sequence of attacks targeting nomadic camps. At the time, the abductions and retaliations became the norm in the region, but children and cattle were retrieved by local author