Temple of Debod
The Temple of Debod is an ancient Egyptian temple, dismantled and rebuilt in Madrid, Spain. The shrine was erected 15 kilometres south of Aswan in Upper Egypt close to the first cataract of the Nile and to the great religious center in Philae dedicated to the goddess Isis. In the early 2nd century BC, the Kushite king of Meroë, started its construction by building a small single-room chapel dedicated to the god Amun, it was built and decorated in a similar design to the Meroitic chapel on which the Temple of Dakka is based. During the reigns of Ptolemy VI, Ptolemy VIII, Ptolemy XII of the Ptolemaic dynasty, it was extended on all four sides to form a small temple, 12 by 15 metres, dedicated to Isis of Philae; the Roman emperors Tiberius completed its decorations. From the quay, there is a long processional way leading to the stone-built enclosure wall, through three stone pylon gateways, to the temple itself; the pronaos, which had four columns with composite capitals, is now lost. Behind it lay the original sanctuary of Amun, the offering table room and a sanctuary with several side-rooms and stairs to the roof.
In 1960, due to the construction of the Aswan High Dam and the consequent threat posed by its reservoir to numerous monuments and archeological sites, UNESCO made an international call to save this rich historical legacy. As a sign of gratitude for the help provided by Spain in saving the Abu Simbel temples, the Egyptian state donated the temple of Debod to Spain in 1968; the temple was rebuilt in one of Madrid's parks, the Parque del Oeste, near the Royal Palace of Madrid, opened to the public in 1972. The reassembled gateways have been placed in a different order than when erected. Compared to a photo of the original site, the gateway topped by a serpent-flanked sun was not the closest gateway to the temple proper, it constitutes one of the few works of ancient Egyptian architecture that can be seen outside Egypt and the only one of its kind in Spain. Luxor TempleThe four temples donated to countries assisting the relocation are: Temple of Debod Temple of Dendur Temple of Taffeh Temple of Ellesyia Burckhardt, John Lewis.
"Temple of Debot - A Journey along the Banks of the Nile". Travels in Nubia:. London: John Murray. Pp. 126–128. Retrieved 21 July 2012. Jambrina, C. «El viaje del templo de Debod a España». Historia 16, 286. Jaramago, M. «Dioses leones en el templo de Debod». Revista de Arqueología, 65 Jaramago, M. «El templo de Debod: factores de degradación». Revista de Arqueología, 88 Jaramago. M. «¿Un Mammisi en el templo de Debod?». Boletín de la Asociación Española de Egiptología, 3: 183-187 Jaramago. M. «Sobre el origen ramésida del santuario de Amón en Debod». Estudios de Prehistoria y Arqueología Madrileñas, 9: 153-154 Jaramago, M. «El templo de Debod. Bosquejo histórico de un "monumento madrileño"». Historia 16, 265 Jaramago, M. «El templo de Debod: recientes investigaciones». En: Egipto, 200 años de investigación arqueológica. Ed. Zugarto. Jaramago, M. «La capilla de Adikhalamani en Debod: una interpretación política». Boletín de la Asociación Española de Orientalistas, 40: 123-133 Jaramago, M. «El templo de Debod, una muerte agónica».
Muy Historia, 15, p. 85. Martín Valentín, Francisco J.. Debod: Tres décadas de historia en Madrid. Madrid, Spain: Museo de San Isidro. ISBN 84-7812-513-2. OCLC 48550861. Molinero Polo, M. A. y Martín Flores, A. «Le naos de Ptolémée XII pour Amon de Debod». En: Goyon, J.-C. Y Cardin, Ch. Proceedings of the Ninth International Congress of Egyptologists. Orientalia Lovanensia Analecta, 150: 1311-1325 Priego, C. Y Martin, A. Templo de Debod. Madrid: Ayuntamiento de Madrid. 67 págs. Real Academia de la Historia. «Declaración de Bien de Interés Cultural del Templo de Debod ». En: Informes oficiales aprobados por la Real Academia de la Historia. Boletín de la RAH, 204: 137-138. Roeder, Günther. Debod bis Bab Kalabsche. Caire: Institut français d'archéologie orientale. Series of pictures of the temple of Debod taken in 1911. Madrid City Council: Templo de Debod. official website Debod Temple: Official Virtual tour 19th century travellers' descriptions and prints of the Debod temple Vídeo: Templo de Debod. Joya de Egipto en Madrid
Background of the Spanish Civil War
The background of the Spanish Civil War dates back to the end of the 19th century, when the owners of large estates, called latifundios, held most of the power in a land-based oligarchy. The landowners' power was unsuccessfully challenged by the industrial and merchant sectors. In 1868 popular uprisings led to the overthrow of Queen Isabella II of the House of Bourbon. In 1873 Isabella's replacement, King Amadeo I of the House of Savoy, abdicated due to increasing political pressure, the short-lived First Spanish Republic was proclaimed. After the restoration of the Bourbons in December 1874, Carlists and anarchists emerged in opposition to the monarchy. Alejandro Lerroux helped bring republicanism to the fore in Catalonia, where poverty was acute. Growing resentment of conscription and of the military culminated in the Tragic Week in Barcelona in 1909. After the First World War, the working class, the industrial class, the military united in hopes of removing the corrupt central government, but were unsuccessful.
Fears of communism grew. A military coup brought Miguel Primo de Rivera to power in 1923, he ran Spain as a military dictatorship. Support for his regime faded, he resigned in January 1930. There was little support for the monarchy in the major cities, King Alfonso XIII abdicated. Monarchists would continue to oppose the Republic; the revolutionary committee headed by Niceto Alcalá-Zamora became the provisional government, with Zamora as the President and Head of State. The Republic had broad support from all segments of society. With the onset of the Great Depression, the government attempted to assist rural Spain by instituting an eight-hour day and giving tenure to farm workers. Land reform and working conditions remained important issues throughout the lifetime of the Republic. Fascism remained a reactive threat, helped by controversial reforms to the military. In December a new reformist and democratic constitution was declared; the constitution secularised the government, this, coupled with their slowness to respond to a wave of anti-clerical violence prompted committed Catholics to become disillusioned with the incumbent coalition government.
In October 1931 Manuel Azaña became Prime Minister of a minority government. The Right won the elections of 1933 following an unsuccessful uprising by General José Sanjurjo in August 1932, who would lead the coup that started the civil war. Events in the period following November 1933, called the "black two years", seemed to make a civil war more likely. Alejandro Lerroux of the Radical Republican Party formed a government with the support of CEDA and rolled back all major changes made under the previous administration, he granted amnesty to General José Sanjurjo, who had attempted an unsuccessful coup in 1932; some monarchists moved to the Fascist Falange Española to help achieve their aims. In response,the socialist party became more extreme, setting up a revolutionary committee and training the socialist youth in secret. Open violence occurred in the streets of Spanish cities and militancy continued to increase right up until the start of the civil war, reflecting a movement towards radical upheaval rather than peaceful democratic means as a solution to Spain's problems.
In the last months of 1934, two government collapses brought members of the Spanish Confederation of the Autonomous Right into the government, making it more right-wing. Farm workers' wages were halved, the military was purged of republican members and reformed. A Popular Front alliance was organised. Azaña soon replaced Zamora as president in April. Prime Minister Casares failed to heed warnings of a military conspiracy involving several generals, who decided that the government had to be replaced if the dissolution of Spain was to be prevented, they organised a military coup in July. The 19th century was a turbulent time for Spain; those in favour of reforming Spain's government vied for political power with conservatives, who tried to prevent reforms from taking place. Some liberals, in a tradition that had started with the Spanish Constitution of 1812, sought to limit the power of the monarchy of Spain and to establish a liberal state; the reforms of 1812 did not last after King Ferdinand VII dissolved the Constitution and ended a short-lived liberal government with French royalist military assistance.
Twelve successful coups were carried out between 1814 and 1874. There were several attempts to realign the political system to match social reality; until the 1850s, the economy of Spain was based on agriculture. There was little development of a bourgeois commercial class; the land-based oligarchy remained powerful. The landowners' power was challenged by the industrial and merchant sectors unsuccessfully. In 1868 popular uprisings led to the overthrow of Queen Isabella II of the House of Bourbon. Two distinct factors led to the uprisings: a series of urban riots, a liberal movement within the middle classes and the military, who were concerned about the ultra-conservatism of the monarchy. In 1873 Isabella's replacement, King Amadeo I of the House of Savoy, abdicated due to increasing political pressure, the First Spanish Republic was proclaimed. However, the intellectuals behind the Republic were powerless to prevent a descent into chaos. Uprisings were crushed by the military; the old monarchy retu
Battle of Cape Machichaco
The battle of Cape Machichaco was a naval battle which took place on 5 March 1937 off Bermeo, during the Spanish Civil War, between the Spanish Nationalist heavy cruiser Canarias and four Basque Navy trawlers escorting a Republican convoy. The trawlers were protecting the transport ship Galdames, sailing to Bilbao with 173 passengers. On 4 March, four armed trawlers of the Basque Auxiliary Navy section of the Spanish Republican Navy, Gipuzkoa and Nabarra departed from Bayonne, France, their intention was to defend Galdames's mail, machinery, supplies and 500 tons of nickel coins property of the Basque government. Canarias sailed from Ferrol with Salvador Moreno as the captain, with orders to stop the transport ship. Galdames, steaming up with the lights and the radio switched off, was outrun by Bizcaya and Gipuzkoa. Next morning, while all the trawlers were watching for Canarias, Galdames rejoined them. Bizcaya's captain was Alejo Bilbao, Nabarra's Enrique Moreno Plaza from Murcia, Gipuzkoa's Manuel Galdós.
The trawlers had the intention of luring Canarias close to the Biscay coast to have the assistance of the coastal batteries. The first trawler to spot Canarias was Gipuzkoa, 30 kilometers north of Bilbao; the Basque trawler was hit on the forward gun. Return fire from Gipuzkoa killed one Canarias wounded another; the armed trawler, with five fatalities and 20 injured aboard, managed to approach the coast, where the shore batteries forced Canarias to retreat. Nabarra and Donostia engaged the cruiser. Donostia withdrew from the battle after being fired on by Canarias, but Nabarra faced the enemy for two hours, she was hit in the boiler and came to a stop. The transport Galdames, hit by a salvo from Canarias and lost four passengers, was captured by the Nationalist cruiser. Gipuzkoa arrived at Portugalete damaged and Bizcaia headed for Bermeo, where she assisted the Estonian merchantman Yorbrook with a load including ammunition and 42 Japanese Type 31 75 mm mountain guns captured by Canarias and released.
Donostia sought shelter in a French port. The 20 survivors from Nabarra were taken aboard Canarias. Instead of the expected hostility and mistreatment, they were given medical assistance, both the cruiser commander, future Francoist Admiral Salvador Moreno and Captain Manuel Calderón interceded with Franco when the Basque seamen were sentenced to death in retaliation for the shooting of two crewmembers of the armed trawler Virgen del Carmen, captured by Republican sympathizers and diverted to Bilbao in December 1936; the survivors were acquitted and released in 1938. In contrast, one of the passengers aboard Galdames, Christian Democrat politician Manuel Carrasco Formiguera, from Catalonia, was imprisoned and executed on 9 April 1938. War in the North
Battle of Cerro Muriano
The Battle of Cerro Muriano took place during the Spanish Civil War in 1936. Cerro Muriano is a village within the municipal terms of Córdoba and Obejo in the Province of Córdoba; the battle followed the August Córdoba offensive and lasted two days, 5 and 6 September 1936. After a 36-hour siege the Regulares and the Spanish Legion troops overran the Republican positions of the Columna Miaja leaving many dead; the battle is famous owing to the picture of a "falling militiaman" taken by Robert Capa, a picture that sought to represent the tragic fate of the Spanish Republic. The Falling Soldier controversy
Spanish Civil War
The Spanish Civil War took place from 1936 to 1939. Republicans loyal to the left-leaning Second Spanish Republic, in alliance with the Anarchists and Communists, fought against the Nationalists, an alliance of Falangists and Catholics, led by General Francisco Franco. Due to the international political climate at the time, the war had many facets, different views saw it as class struggle, a war of religion, a struggle between dictatorship and republican democracy, between revolution and counterrevolution, between fascism and communism; the Nationalists won the war in early 1939 and ruled Spain until Franco's death in November 1975. The war began after a pronunciamiento against the Republican government by a group of generals of the Spanish Republican Armed Forces under the leadership of José Sanjurjo; the government at the time was a moderate, liberal coalition of Republicans, supported in the Cortes by communist and socialist parties, under the leadership of centre-left President Manuel Azaña.
The Nationalist group was supported by a number of conservative groups, including the Spanish Confederation of Autonomous Right-wing Groups, including both the opposing sides of Alfonsists and the religious conservative Carlists, the Falange Española de las Juntas de Ofensiva Nacional Sindicalista, a fascist political party. Sanjurjo was killed in an aircraft accident while attempting to return from exile in Portugal, whereupon Franco emerged as the leader of the Nationalists; the coup was supported by military units in the Spanish protectorate in Morocco, Burgos, Valladolid, Cádiz, Córdoba, Seville. However, rebelling units in some important cities—such as Madrid, Valencia, Málaga—did not gain control, those cities remained under the control of the government. Spain was thus left militarily and politically divided; the Nationalists and the Republican government fought for control of the country. The Nationalist forces received munitions and air support from Nazi Germany and Fascist Italy, while the Republican side received support from the Soviet Union and Mexico.
Other countries, such as the United Kingdom and the United States, continued to recognise the Republican government, but followed an official policy of non-intervention. Notwithstanding this policy, tens of thousands of citizens from non-interventionist countries directly participated in the conflict, they fought in the pro-Republican International Brigades, which included several thousand exiles from pro-Nationalist regimes. The Nationalists advanced from their strongholds in the south and west, capturing most of Spain's northern coastline in 1937, they besieged Madrid and the area to its south and west for much of the war. After much of Catalonia was captured in 1938 and 1939, Madrid cut off from Barcelona, the Republican military position became hopeless. Madrid and Barcelona were occupied without resistance, Franco declared victory and his regime received diplomatic recognition from all non-interventionist governments. Thousands of leftist Spaniards fled to refugee camps in southern France.
Those associated with the losing Republicans were persecuted by the victorious Nationalists. With the establishment of a dictatorship led by General Franco in the aftermath of the war, all right-wing parties were fused into the structure of the Franco regime; the war became notable for the passion and political division it inspired and for the many atrocities that occurred, on both sides. Organised purges occurred in territory captured by Franco's forces so they could consolidate their future regime. A significant number of killings took place in areas controlled by the Republicans; the extent to which Republican authorities took part in killings in Republican territory varied. The 19th century was a turbulent time for Spain; those in favour of reforming Spain's government vied for political power with conservatives, who tried to prevent reforms from taking place. Some liberals, in a tradition that had started with the Spanish Constitution of 1812, sought to limit the power of the monarchy of Spain and to establish a liberal state.
The reforms of 1812 did not last after King Ferdinand VII dissolved the Constitution and ended the Trienio Liberal government. Twelve successful coups were carried out between 1814 and 1874; until the 1850s, the economy of Spain was based on agriculture. There was little development of a bourgeois commercial class; the land-based oligarchy remained powerful. In 1868 popular uprisings led to the overthrow of Queen Isabella II of the House of Bourbon. Two distinct factors led to the uprisings: a series of urban riots and a liberal movement within the middle classes and the military concerned with the ultra-conservatism of the monarchy. In 1873 Isabella's replacement, King Amadeo I of the House of Savoy, abdicated owing to increasing political pressure, the short-lived First Spanish Republic was proclaimed. After the restoration of the Bourbons in December 1874, Carlists and Anarchists emerged in opposition to the monarchy. Alejandro Lerroux, Spanish politician and leader of the Radical Republican Party, helped bring republicanism to the fore in Catalonia, where poverty was acute.
Growing resentment of conscription and of the military culminated in the Tragic Week in Barcelona in 1909. Spain was neutral in World War I. Following the war, the working class, industrial class, military united in hopes of removing the corrupt central government, but were unsuc
Siege of Cuartel de la Montaña
The Siege of Cuartel de la Montaña was the two-day siege of the military barracks which marked the initial failure of the uprising against the Second Spanish Republic in Madrid, Spain on 18–20 July 1936, at the start of the Spanish Civil War. The bulk of the security forces in Madrid remained loyal to the government, supported by workers' militias, crushed the uprising. On July 17–18 a part of the Spanish army, led by a group of officers, tried to overthrow the Popular Front Government of the Second Spanish Republic; the occupation of the capital, was one of the prime goals of the Spanish coup of July 1936. However the coup in this particular location was clumsily executed. There was no coordination between the diverse elements; the coordinator of the plot in Madrid: Colonel Galarza had been detained and the elderly and indecisive General Villegas took his place. However Villegas decided at the last minute to avoid direct participation and General Joaquín Fanjul replaced him at short notice. There was a strong concentration of pro-government forces in Madrid.
These included organized union groups. A large portion of the officers and soldiers of the regular Madrid army garrison were uninvolved in the plot and pre-disposed to remain loyal to the elected government. Located near the former Royal Palace of Madrid to the west of the central city, the Montaña Barracks had been built in 1860, it consisted of three separate buildings joined together to make up a large fortress-like structure, fronted by a wide glacis and parapets. It was garrisoned by three regiments of infantry, a regiment of engineers and additional specialist units, although in July 1936 many of the soldiers were on summer leave. A further eight regiments, plus four independent battalions and two artillery groups, were based in other garrisons located in and around the city. 25 companies of Assault Guards and 14 of Civil Guards were either located in Madrid or had been brought in by the Republican authorities shortly before the July rising. The role of these trained security forces was to prove crucial.
On July 18 news of the military rising in Morocco reached Madrid and the UGT and CNT demanded the distribution of arms. However the government refused to give weapons to civilians. A group of young officers led by Lt. Colonel Rodrigo Gil distributed 5,000 rifles among the workers; the plotters had planned that General García Herrán would seize the Army camp at Carabanchel and General Fanjul would occupy the inner city from the Montaña Barracks, located in Principe Pio, close to the Plaza de España. Other rebel officers should have taken over the Getafe base and the air base of Cuatro Vientos, but the plan failed. Furthermore, the commander of the Civil Guard in Madrid, General Pozas and the Assault Guard remained loyal to the government. On July 19, the new government of Prime Minister Giral decided to issue weapons to the unions. 65,000 rifles were handed over, but only 5,000 had bolts and the other 60,000 bolts were stored separately in the Montaña Barracks. The commander of the barracks, Colonel Francisco Serra, disregarded the order of the Minister of War to hand over this essential equipment marking the beginning of the uprising in Madrid.
On the morning of July 19, General Fanjul arrived at the Montaña Barracks, as did groups of officers from the other Madrid garrisons and a number of falangist and monarchist volunteers. After giving a lecture to his fellow officers on the political goals of the military rising, Fanjul tried to advance into the central city streets with his troops; however a crowd of about 8,000 organized by the CNT and the UGT, some armed, had gathered around the barracks. Assault Guards were seen taking up firing positions on the roofs of neighboring buildings. Fanjul decided to withdraw into the barracks complex and await help from the other garrisons of the city, rather than attempt to break through the siege; the coup had failed in the other city garrisons. In Carabanchel, General García Herrán had been killed by his own troops while trying to raise them against the government and the artillery barracks there had been secured by loyalist officers; the engineer units at El Pardo had been withdrawn to the north by their officers under the pretext of suppressing risings elsewhere in Spain.
The No. 1 Infantry Regiment at Retiro had surrendered their barracks to government forces without opposition. At the Getafe air-base, rebels had been defeated by loyal troops after the death of an air force officer; this permitted flights to be made over the Montaña Barracks the next day to drop leaflets and bombs. The Communist-led Antifascist Worker and Peasant Militias formed five battalions that took an active part in the siege. One of these battalions became the renowned "Fifth Regiment". On the morning of July 20, two 75 mm guns commanded by a retired artillery officer Captain Orad de la Torre, plus one 155 mm gun joined the siege. A Breguet XIX warplane from the Cuatro Vientos air base bombed the barracks. At half past ten, one bomb wounded Sierra. A few moments some soldiers inside the barracks waved a white sheet from the windows with the intention of surrendering. Against the orders of Lieutenant Moreno of the Assault Guards, who were leading the attack, the crowd ran forward but other defenders fired at them from the barracks wit
Siege of Gijón
The Siege of Gijón, one of the first actions in the Spanish Civil War, saw the anarchist militia crushing a small Nationalist garrison in Gijón, between July 19 and August 16, 1936. The militia - nominally fighting in defense of the Republic - laid siege to the Simancas barracks in the city of Gijón; these were defended by about 180 soldiers and Guardia Civil officers who had risen in support of General Franco's rebellion and seized the post for the Nationalists. The battle was remarkable for the stubbornness of the besieged; the Nationalist uprising of July 1936 fared poorly in Asturias, a province overwhelmingly hostile to Franco and controlled from the outset of the war by a curious but effective council of state officials and mine workers. CNT and UGT membership in Asturias totalled around 70,000, forming the backbone of a disciplined militia. Against such opposition the military governor of Gijón, Colonel Antonio Pinilla, dared not to declare his loyalty to Franco. Few were fooled, by late July his outpost was surrounded and cut off from General Emilio Mola's Army of the North by several hundred miles of enemy territory.
The Nationalist cruiser Almirante Cervera could have supported the rebel troops with her 6in main guns from the sea, but this offered no real hope of relief. The battle for Gijón was marked by Pinilla's unwavering resistance and by the total lack of weapons - excepting dynamite - of the attackers; until they secured Gijón's fall the Republicans could not concentrate their full numbers in their siege against the Nationalists in Oviedo. The defenders soon went mad with thirst. Pinilla refused to give in, from the distorted reports of Nationalist propaganda, that relief was imminent; as at the concurrent Siege of the Alcázar in Toledo, the Anarchists abducted Pinilla's son and threatened to slay him if the defenders refused to surrender. Like his counterpart José Moscardó Ituarte, Pinilla was unmoved. In mid-August the miners stormed the barracks; the barracks burned and the Nationalist defence crumbled. Rather than surrender, Pinilla sent a radio message to the Almirante Cervera, ordering it to open fire on his position, the order was obeyed and the last defenders of Simancas barracks died in the flames.
Hugh Thomas. The Spanish Civil War. Modern Library. ISBN 0-375-75515-2